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GEORGE WASHINGTON 

Reproduced in original size from miniature owned by the heirs of 
Dr. James McHenry 

(Copyright, 1907, The Burrows Brothers Company) 



THE LIFE AND 
CORRESPONDENCE OF 

JAMES McHENRY 

SECRETARY OF WAR UNDER 
WASHINGTON AND ADAMS 



BY 

BERNARD C. STEINER 



Cleveland 

THE BURROWS BROTHERS COMPANY 

1907 









Two Ci 

JUL 2D 907 
CoRiT!*ht Entry 

si (f n. xc., no. « 

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COPYRIGHT, 1907 
THE BURROWS BROTHERS COMPANY 



CONTENTS 

Preface ....... ix 

I. Early Years and Medical Study, 1753-1775 1 

II. Surgeon and Prisoner, 1775-1778 . . 6 

III. Washington's Secretary, 1778-1780 . . 19 

IV. Lafayette's Aid, 1780-1781 ... 29 

V. The Maryland Senate and the Confederation 
Congress, until Washington's Resignation of 
his Commission in December, 1783 . . 41 

VI. Marriage and Retirement from Public Life, 

1784-1786 75 

VII. Member of the Federal Constitutional Conven- 
tion, 1787-1788 97 

VIII. Member of the House of Delegates, 1788-1790 114 

IX. A Year of Retirement, 1790-1791 . . 128 

X. Second Term in the Senate, 1791-1796 . 132 

XI. Washington's Secretary of War, 1796-1797 . 163 

XII. A Year in the War Department under Adams, 

1797-1798 208 

XIII. The Provisional Army and the Strife over the 

Generals, 1798-1799 .... 309 
XIV. Events* after the Nomination of the French En- 
voys, 1799-1800 370 

XV. Fries 's Rebellion and the West in 1798-1800 432 
XVI. The Federalists in the Presidential Campaign 

of 1800 452 

XVII. Retirement and Defense of his Administration 

of the War Office, 1801-1803 ... 497 

XVIII. The Federalists in Opposition, 1803-1812 . 520 

XIX. McIIenry's Last Days, 1812-1816 . . 580 

Appendices ...... 619 

Index 625 



ILLUSTRATIONS 

Miniature Portrait of Washington, by William Russell 

Birch . . . . . Frontispiece 

While Dr. James McHenry was Washington's secretary of war, he 
purchased a miniature portrait of Washington, painted by the 
artist named above. 

William Russell Birch was born in Warwick, England, April 9, 
1755. and died in Philadelphia August 7, 1834. He studied enamel 
painting in London, and in 1784 was awarded the silver palette by 
the Society of Arts, for the production of a new enamel color — the 
red-brown that he ever afterwards used in his backgrounds. Hp 
came to America in 1794, when he ceased to use his middle name. 
In regard to his miniatures of Washington he says in his MS. auto- 
biography : 

"When he [Washington] was sitting for Stuart [1795] he [Wash- 
ington] told him he had heard there was another artist of merit 
from London, naming myself ; that he would sit for me if I chose. 
I thanked Mr. Stuart that as he had painted his picture it would 
be a mark of the highest imposition to trouble the General to sit 
for me, but that when I had copied his [Stuart's] picture of him 
in enamel, which was my forte, that I would show it to the Gen- 
eral and thank him for his kind offer, which when I had done, I 
waited upon the General with a note that an artist waited the 
honor of showing personally to the General a specimen of his 
talents. When I saw the General I put the picture into his hands; 
ho looked at it steadfastly, but, from a peculiarity of solid (stolid?) 
habit of manner, left me to look at him as solid (stolid?) till 
feeling myself awkward I began the history of enamel painting 
which by the time I had got through he complimented me upon the 
beauty of my work. I then told him how much he was beholden 
to Mr. Stuart for the correctness of his likeness. I copied one 
enamel from it which was purchased by Mr. McHenry. From this 
portrait I made a correct drawing, the copying of which in enamel 
supplied me in work for a considerable time. I painted about 
sixty portraits of it from $30 tc $100 each." 

The above information was supplied by Mr. Charles Henry Hart, 
the recognized authority on historical portraiture in America, and 
supplements very completely such information as had previously 
been possessed by the family and Dr. .Bernard C. Steiner, our 
editor. 

Mr. Hart further states that Birch brought with him from Eng- 
land but one letter of introduction and that was from Benjamin 
West, the Pennsylvania president of the Royal Academy of Arts 
in London to William Bingham of Philadelphia. It was for Bing- 
ham that Stuart painted his first portrait of Washington which 
is now in the collection of Marsden J. Perry, Esq., of Providence, 
R. I. This is the one that Birch copied in enamel. 
Harper's Magazine for August, 1896, in an article on Stuart's 
Lansdowne portrait of Washington, says : "When William Birch 
desired to make an enamel portrait of Washington, Stuart gave 
him his first head to copy and Washington stamped it with his 
approval." 

This portrait is at present owned by the heirs of Dr. James Mc- 
Henry. 

Miniature Portrait of Margaret Caldwell McHenry 

(Mrs. James McHenry) . . . facing 76 

At present owned by the heirs of Dr. James McHenry of Baltimore. 



viii Illustrations 






Miniature Portrait of Dr. James McHenry . facing 160 

Military secretary to Washington during part of the Revolutionary 
war. Secretary of war 1796-1800. In his honor Fort McHenry, 
Baltimore, was named. 
Owned at present by the heirs of Dr. James McHenry. 

Portrait of George Washington . . . facing 420 

Reproduction, reduced in size, of the Birch miniature of Washington which 
appears in colors as frontispiece. 

Profile Portrait of Dr. James McHenry . facing 580 

Reproduction much reduced in size. The artist is supposed to have 
been St. Memin. Owned by the heirs of Dr. James McHenry. 



PREFACE 

THE heirs of Dr. James McHenry have placed in my 
hands a trunk containing the correspondence and 
other manuscripts of their ancestor, with the request 
that I use these papers in the preparation of his biography. 
An examination of the collection showed its richness in 
unpublished letters written by the greatest men of the period 
of the American revolution and revealed the affection felt for 
McHenry by his many friends. The varied relation to public 
affairs which McHenry held during his life also made the 
papers of extraordinary interest. He came to the British 
North American colonies from the north of Ireland and had 
just completed a course of study in medicine under Dr. Benja- 
aiin Rush of Philadelphia, when the war of independence broke 
out. As a surgeon, a prisoner of war, a member of Washing- 
ton's military family, and an aid to Lafayette, McHenry saw 
service throughout that great conflict and, at its close, became a 
legislator, being a member at the same time of the Maryland 
Senate, and of the Confederation Congress. In partnership 
with his father and brother in a successful mercantile business 
in Baltimore, he early accumulated a competence. In 1787, 
he served in the Constitutional Convention at Philadelphia and, 
in succeeding years, was a Federalist member of the Maryland 
legislature, serving in both House of Delegates and Senate. 
Washington called him to become Secretary of War in January 
1796, and, in that position, McHenry continued during most 
of Adams's administration. He retired to private life in 
May, 1800, and spent the sixteen years which still remained 
of his life as a ' private citizen, keeping a keen interest in 
politics and maintaining an active correspondence with 
Federalist leaders in Congress. Throughout his whole life, 
he showed himself a pure minded, high spirited, courteous, 
Christian gentleman. He was a man of rare charm and 
attractiveness, who gained and kept the love of the best men 
of his time. A mere list of names of his intimate friends, 
scores of whose letters are here published for the first time, 
proves the noblenass and loveliness of his character. Wash- 



x Preface 

ington loved him, as he loved few men. The men with whom 
McHenry was associated in the Revolutionary army, such as 
Hamilton, Lafayette and Tallmadg'e, never lost the esteem 
they there learned to feel for him. Among the men he met 
in later public life, he gained the warm friendship of persons 
of such diverse characteristics as Pickering, William Vans 
Murray, and Uriah Tracy. The correspondence of men who 
played so prominent a part in affairs reveals much of import- 
ance upon the history of the times. I have been fortunate 
enough to be able to consult the papers of Washington and 
Hamilton, while these papers were in the custody of the De- 
partment of State in Washington, and the papers of Pickering 
in the library of the Massachusetts Historical Society and, so to 
have seen both sides of the noteworthy correspondence of 
McHenry with those men. It is a privilege to have studied 
the life of so attractive and upright a man as McHenry — one 
who compelled friendship and was faithful in the performance 
of every duty committed to his care. 

Bernard C. Steiner. 



CHAPTER I 

EARLY YEARS AND MEDICAL STUDY 

1753-1775 

AMONG the Scotch Irish Presbyterian settlers who came 
to America in the eighteenth century were a father and 
two sons from Ballymena, near Belfast, county Antrim, 
Ireland. The elder of the sons, James McHenry, came first in 
1771, sent out on a voyage to the colonies, because his health 
had become impaired by too close application to studies at a 
classical academy in Dublin. He was a youth of less than 
twenty years and was placed under the care of Captain William 
Allison, of Philadelphia, whose stepdaughter, Margaret Cald- 
well, he subsequently married. The date of James McHenry 's 
birth is uncertain. It is usually given as November 16, 1753, 
but the family records give the year as 1752, and in a letter to 
Timothy Pickering in June, 1813, McHenry gave it as Novem- 
ber 25, 1751. The first is probably the correct date, as his only 
sister, Anna, who died in 1771, was born in 1751. The parents 
of James McHenry were named Daniel and Agnes and the 
family traditions state that Daniel had been a merchant in 
Ireland and that the McHenrys had been settled at Ballymena 
for many generations. Daniel McHenry was born in 1725, 
and, in 1772, was induced to emigrate to America through the 
representations of his son James. With him, came his wife 
and his younger son, John, the only remaining members of his 
family. In the autumn of 1773, Daniel McHenry established 
himself in business in Baltimore, together with his son John, 
under the firm name of Daniel McHenry & Son. In the 
newspapers of the day, they announce that they have just 
laid in a large and various assortment of merchandise suitable 
to the season in the last vessels from London, Liverpool, 
Ireland, etc., consisting of Dry Goods, Cloths, Hardware, 
Groceries, Spiceries, Wines, Teas, and Brandies. The store 
was on the east side of Calvert street, south of Market now 



2 Life and Correspondence [Chap. 1 

Baltimore street, within two doors of the corner. Mrs. Agnes 
McHenry died, aged forty-six years, on August 16, 1774. 

Daniel McHenry continued in business with his son with 
considerable financial success and died November 3, 1782, aged 
fifty-seven years. The newspapers describe him as "a gentle- 
man of respectable character." He does not seem to have 
purchased any real estate in Baltimore Town but had a country 
seat, probably in Anne Arundel county, as, in May, 1779, he 
advertised in the "Maryland Journal" $100 reward for a horse 
stolen from his plantation, eight miles from Dorsey's Ferry. 
John McHenry, who was born in 1755, and was only eighteen 
when the business was founded, continued it with success 
until his death on May 7, 1790, when the mercantile house 
ceased. In 1780, he began buying town property in connection 
with his brother and in 1785, he acquired the block upon 
which the postoffice now stands. As he never married, his 
property passed to his brother James. 

James McHenry, 1 with whom we are chiefly concerned, is 
found in 1772, at Newark, Delaware, in connection with the 
academy there, probably as a student. The Reverend Patrick 
Allison and the Reverend Francis Allison, both connections of 
Captain William Allison, were among the incorporators of this 
academy, which fact, doubtless, explains McHenry 's presence 
there. Verses are still preserved which he wrote during his 
residence at Newark. His earlier biographer speaks of these 
verses as "attributable perhaps rather to youth and rural 
surroundings than to any decided inspiration." This taste 
for versification continued throughout his life and, though he 
is not known to have printed any of his verses, he left a port- 
folio filled with them, some of which we shall quote. 

The Newark verses were sent to the "Pennsylvania 
Packet," on October 12, 1772, and are an imitation of Milton's 
L 'Allegro, a quotation from which was prefixed to them. 

Fled's the philosophic train, 
Now's the blithe vacation's reign ; 
To yon owl I give my thesis, 
Whilst I wheel these chance-cut mases. 



1 Much of this family history was kindly given by Mr. Wilson Miles 
Cary. A sketch of Dr. McHenry by Frederick J. Brown in the Md. Hist. 
Soc. Fund Pub. has also proved of value. McHenry speaks of being twenty 
when his wife was twelve. If this is correct he was born in 1753, as she 
was born in 1762. A sketch of McHenry, which speaks of him as "of wide 
information and of respectable talents but not of great abilities," is found 
in Ingersoll's History of the War Department, 422, and is based on Brown. 
Portraits of McHenry with brief sketches of his life are to be found in 
Carson's History of the Celebration of the Hundredth Anniversary of ths 
Constitution in Mag. Am. Hist., xiii, 104, and ibid., vii, 104. 



1753-1775] of James McHenry 3 

I have read of Cam's fair rill, 

Shady Windsor, Cooper's hill, 

And of London, where is seen, (and of London where I ween) 

Stars, and garters, and the queen; (all antiquity is seen) 

And can spell of every stream 

That to music owes its name. 

Let the curious visit those. 
With, thee, New-Ark, I'll repose, 
Shun a city's circling life, 
iStudy nature, but not strife. 

Friendly Flaccus me excuse, 
'Till I round these speaking views. 
Dull is Plato, dry his morals, 
To the forest's floating carols, 
To the woodman's weighty stroke 
Lev'ling low the distant oak, 
To the nymphs with rustic tresses, 
Dancing round the apple presses, 
To the plowman's healthful toil, 
Curling o'er the fallow soil ; 
Now his lusty meal appears, 
Now unyoked his sweating steers : 
Bounteous heav'n twice he blesses, 
Twice bestows the bearer kisses. 

Some are climbing chestnut trees, 
Others, busy as the bees, 
Culling from the roguish vine 
Subject for their winter's wine. — 
Boys with berry-tinged cheeks. 
Boats a rustling thro' the creeks, 
Flails resounding to the beaches, 
Maids with aprons full of peaches, — 
Grant me oft these scenes to view 
Distant from the artful crew ; 
Near my Whiteclay's virgin stream, 
To enjoy the mid-day dream ; 
And with New-Ark will I live 
Whilst her plains these pleasures give. 

McHenry 's best work is seen in brief lyrics and epigrams, 
like the following: 

Of love, let fair Delia beware; 

'Tis a charm that's destructive to ease, 
That heaps on the heart but despair, 

While it seems to do nothing but please. 

Tho' it comes in a form th' most mild, 

'Tis a quest that is sure to betray ; 
Tho' rob'd like an innocent child 

It has wings that soon waft it away. 

But if it can pleasure impart 

To know that your passion is known. 
Then know you have pierc'd Damon's heart 

With a flame that does equal your own. 



What beauty could do Amarillis would try. 
Would know by her absence how many must die; 
So ordered her band-box, and footman and chair. 
Determined to pass through a town in despair. — 
But Venus, who sometimes to mortals is kind 
The scheme to defeat kept her sister behind. 



4 Life afid Correspondence [Chap. I 

When Cloe shone forth, what a Syren said I. 

She'll murder a score at a stroke ; 
She opened her lips, I was ready to die, 

But love flew away when she spoke. 

The radiance of beauty Corinna could boast 

But managed the thing without art : 
To be lov'd by a crowd, or to be the first toast 

,She gave, till she lost every heart. 

From Newark, he returned to Philadelphia and took up 
the study of medicine under the famous Dr. Benjamin Rush. 
Between the teacher and pupil a warm attachment sprang up, 
as is shown by the letters which were exchanged in later years. 
There is no evidence that McHenry ever practiced medicine, 
save during his service as surgeon in the army. His letters 
show no trace of a love for the profession, while his easy 
financial circumstances did not force him to earn a livelihood 
from his medical knowledge. Dr. Rush was a friend of George 
Washington and it has been thought that, through the former 's 
influence, McHenry first formed that acquaintance with the 
latter which was destined to exercise so great an influence over 
the life of the subject of this work. 

The patriotic fever of the times seized the young 
physician and, shortly after Washington went to Cambridge, 
McHenry prepared to follow him 1 and drew up an informal 
will. The paper shows clearly the devoutness of McHenry 's 
religious faith and the depth of his affection for his family. 

"Being about to set off for the head Quarters in New 
England, to serve as a volunteer, or Surgeon, in the American 
Army, raised by order of the Continental Congress and 
Provincial Conventions, to defend the liberties of Americans 
and mankind, against the enemies of both — I therefore, 
resign the disposal of myself and soul, in ail sincerety and 
lowly reverence to their first giver. And should the events 
of war number me with the dead, in the name of the disposer of 
these and all other events, I will and bequeath by this writing, 
all my portion of earthly possessions in the manner following. 

"In the first place I hereby will, order, and devise that the 
one third of the Principal, and the one third of the proffits 
arising from my partnership with my Father Daniel McHenry 
and John McHenry my Brother, both of Baltimore Town, 
Maryland, be equally and impartially divided between the 
said Daniel McHenry my Father, and John McHenry my 
Brother. I moreover bequeath, to my dear and well beloved 

1 There Lb a poem of McHenry's "To Mrs. M. on leaving Philadelphia 
1774." 



1753-1775] of James McHenry 5 

Brother, John McHenry aforesaid — all my wearing apparel 
— military habiliments — books — and physical materials, to 
be disposed of as he may think proper. Preserving only out 
of this bequest 'Beattie on the nature and immutability of 
truth' for my good and worthy patron and friend Capt. 
William Allison of Philadelphia as a slender memorial of my 
gratitude and friendship Also to my much esteemed and 
bosom friend James Dunlap, now apothecary to the Pennsyl- 
vania Hospital, the eighteen volumes of 'Van Sweeten 's Com- 
mentaries on the Aphorisms of Boerhaave. ' 

"As to the manuscript poetry and other rude sketches in 
my chest &c I earnestly desire and request that they may be 
all burnt. 

"I enter not into the formalities of a will, because the 
tender affections, and strong affinities of Father, Son, and 
Brother, render it unnecessary. May every form of success 
attend the struggles of liberty, and every possible felicity my 
dear Father and Brother. Amen. 

"Philadelphia 29 July 1775 

"James McHenry 
"Witness present 
"Will Blair" 



CHAPTER II 

SURGEON AND PRISONER 

1775-1778 

McHENRY'S first service seems to have been without a 
regular commission and we know little of his activities, 
save that he was in attendance in the hospitals in 
Cambridge in January, 1776, whence he thus wrote his brother: 

"My very dear Brother 

' ' Am I to conclude by my not hearing from you since the 
30th. Deer. Ulto. that your desire of serving America in a 
military capacity has subsided for the present. Had I 
known some time ago that your thought turned this way, I 
could have procured you a captaincy here. But I imagined you 
were of opinion with myself that one out of our little family 
was its full share. I must confess that I had much rather 
see you pursuing the less hazardous business you have been 
accustomed to than engaged in the army. I do not suppose 
that the cause stands peculiarly in need of your assistance. 
You must consider yourself as the head of a family. Your 
conduct, ought, therefore be such as may be productive of the 
best and most advantageous consequences. These I apprehend 
cannot be obtained by adopting the military plan. Do but 
reflect on the relation in which you stand and how much some 
people depend on your management and prudence. During 
the remainder of the suspension of our trade, our capital 
cannot be much diminished. Trade must soon be again opened, 
with other powers if not with European. A declaration of 
Independency may not be far off. And France — Holland 
&c &c will hardly abstain from a commerce which must show 
a very large balance in their favour. 

" As to your scheme of going home, I also confess that as 
yet I have not been able to enter into its propriety. We can 
hardly suppose a reconciliation between England and America. 
Both are too far engaged to recede. Our terms of accommoda- 



1775-1778] of James Mc Henry 7 

tion would be too humiliating to the false dignity of Britain, 
and their 's too ignominious for the sons of freedom. Strength 
must decide the present dispute. I have few fears of the 
scales turning against us. We have within ourselves materials 
for carrying on a war of any duration : We have many more 
natural resources than the ministry will confess. And may, 
if wanted, have foreign assistance. Under such circumstances, 
it would be foolishness in the extreme to accept of less than 
absolute independency. For in short we are only to be 
subjugated by pusillanimity and disunion. I would ask you 
if it is not advisable to stay where you are, and content 
yourself in doing a little till a change of times put it in your 
power to do more, or go home with a greater certainty of 
answering the purposes of trade. If for the present you can 
keep the old stock together we may be fully content. In all 
probability the merchant will soon find his usual employment. 
New manufactures — and trades will rise out of our confu- 
sions, and the calamities of war, in a short time be more than 
counterbalanced by a long train of blessings and advantages. 

"But I would not have you think from what I have said, 
1hat I mean to damp your military ardor. I am willing as 
soon as the cause demands it to give up my fraternal feelings. 
If you suppose this to be the period, when engaged in the 
service, do your duty faithfully and when called into action 
let not the justice of our glorious cause, or the spirit of a 
freeman forsake you. But I am sure these will not. And if 
you have joined the army I doubt not but that you have put 
our affairs in proper order and proper hands, as you must be 
uncertain when or where you may be called. 

" If on the other hand you determine to cross the Atlantic 
I also expect you to make such arrangement and disposition 
of things as I mentioned in my last letter to you, thro' the 
medium of Capt. Allison. But as I said there, take the 
opinion of people who have more leisure to consider the step 
and a more extensive knowledge of the subject or consequences 
than I have. 

' ' I must beg that in your future letters you will be more 
particular and less desultory. This will lead to a just habit 
of writing as well as thinking. You might ere now have told 
me a variety of things which I want to know. You have 
mentioned my father's family. Pray have I any sisters or 
brothers in it? But how many or can you find time to give 
me some idea of them? I thank my father for his compli- 



8 Life and Correspondence [Chap, ii 

ments and beg you to return him mine, with the inclosed letter. 
You tell me that he lives happily. I am heartily glad of it. 
He has met with some heartaches in his time, so that I am 
pleased to think he is likely to finish his last act in peace and 
serenity. 

"I cannot conclude this long letter, without telling you 
how much I am chagrined and disappointed at your writing 
so seldom. At your not discharging what some may imagine a 
duty which you owe in a peculiar manner, your * * and tend- 
erly affectionate brother. 

"James McHenry 

"I wish that you would see about getting, making and 
forwarding the shirts, if my father cannot. I could buy linen 
but it is a most extravagant price * * that which you sold 
when last with you at * * * is above a dollar per yd. ' ' 

He evidently continued with the army after the close of 
the siege of Boston, for, on July 26, 1776, Washington gave 
written consent to his application for a week 's leave of absence 
before going to Canada. The trip to Canada was probably 
given up and McHenry continued as a volunteer with the 
army. On August 27, his preceptor, Dr. Rush, sent him the 
following letter, transmitting a very commendatory resolution 
of the continental congress: 

"Congress Aug 26 1776 
' ' Resolved that Congress have a proper sense of the merit 
and services of Doctor McHenry and recommend it to the 
Directors of the different hospitals belonging to the United 
States to appoint Doctor McHenry to the first vacancy that 
shall happen of a surgeon 's birth in any of the said hospitals. 
"Extract from the minutes 

"Chas Thomson Sec'y-" 

"Dear Sir 

' ' The above resolution of Congress does you as much honor 
as if they had made you a director of a hospital. I need not 
hint to you after this how unjust it will be in you to desert 
their Service especially at the present juncture. You will 
please to furnish Dr. Morgan, Dr. Stringer, and the other 
Directors of the hospitals of the States with a copy of the 
above resolution. If there is at present a vacancy in any of 



1775-1778] of James McHenry 9 

these departments, you are authorised to demand a warrant 
for it. Wishing you my dear McHenry much health, honor 
and happiness I am with great regard your most Affectionate 
humble Servant 

"B. Rush" 

On August 10, McHenry had been appointed surgeon of 
the Fifth Pennsylvania Battalion, commanded by Colonel 
Robert McGaw, and stationed at Fort Washington. McHenry 
remained with the command until the fort was taken by Sir 
William Howe on November 16, 1776. He was one of five 
surgeons taken prisoners among the 2000 Americans who were 
included in the capitulation. Shortly after his captivity began 
he wrote Dr. Rush: 

"My very dear Sir 

"In my last from F. Washington I vainly amused myself 
with a prospect of seeing you in a short time. But the events 
of war are uncontrolable and have taught me of how little 
avail the wisdom and hardihood of a few are against the coun- 
cils and courage of the many. 

"I have not as yet reflected so deeply on the fate of a 
prisoner as to make me unhappy. And perhaps I shall not. 
For I am no admirer of that philosophy which is constantly 
in tears or beating itself to pieces against the impassable bars 
of its prison. Methinks I feel something within me like that 
kindly resignation which when duly attended to never fails 
to befriend the unfortunate. But 

' ' Altho ' I am resigned with regard to my own fate, yet it 
were to be wished that an exchange of prisoners could be 
brought about as soon as possible. The officers thro' the 
goodness of his Excellency General Howe — have the liberty 
of the City — but the privates are crouded into Churches 
and the like. Prodire tenus, si non datur ultra. 

"Col Magaw is ill of a fever, tho' in my opinion not 
dangerous. I am at private lodgings with him, Col. Miles, 
Atley, Swoope &c. Their evening and morning devotions 
begin and end with Horace's rus, quando ego te aspiciam. 

"I am Sir yours most respectfully sincerely and affec- 
tionately James McHenry. 

"New York 21st Novr 1776" 

On this letter, McHenry endorsed the following reason 
why it was not sent: 



10 Life a%d Correspondence [Chap, ii 

"The commissary of prisoners Mr. Loring rejected this 
letter It would not pass" 

Of his experience in captivity, we learn from a letter he 
wrote in Philadelphia to Washington on June 22, 1777 : 

"Observing it asserted in Gen. Howe's letter to your 
Excy of the 21st April Ult. that 'one half of the sick pris- 
oners were rec 'd into the British Hospitals — that the re- 
mainder were attended in their different places of confinement 
by their own Surgeons and lastly that these Surgeons, with- 
out restriction were supplied with medicines for this purpose 
until it was discovered that they disposed of large quantities 
by private sale;' I conceive it incumbent on me to give your 
Excellency what information I can on this subject, the better 
to ascertain its credibility, and that it may have its proper 
influence in the settlement of the proportion of prisoners to be 
accounted for. 

"In the first place I would observe to your Excelly that 
Gen Howe seems to have fallen into a mistake in using the 
term B. H. in the sense in which he would have it understood. 
If it be not appropriated to amuse, his information must have 
come from persons whose interest it is that he himself should 
be deceived. For your Excellency is by no means to suppose 
that any of our sick prisoners were, at any one time whilst 
I was in N. Y received into the B. H., or treated in the same 
manner as their own sick and wounded. 

' ' That great numbers of our sick and wounded were sep- 
erated from the rest, and put into houses provided for their 
reception is not to be doubted. But here they wanted, the 
necessary attendance, comforts, and convenieneies which con- 
stitute a hospital : either 'through design, or neglect of reason- 
able and practicable care,' Whilst. On the other hand no 
patients could be better taken care of, or better provided, than 
those in B. Hospitals. Had ours received a similar treatment 
no cause of complaint could possibly have arisen on this head. 
But a detail [of] some of their sufferings, and what was 
attempted for their relief in comparison to our Enemies will 
better shew the discrimination. I enter upon it with pain and 
reluctance. 

' ' The condition of the prisoners in gen. the want of such 
assistance as G. H. had it in his power to supply, & wch was 
compatible with yr situation was at several times represented 
to Gen : Howe by letters from our field officers. No answer 
was received. In DectJEber. their distresses became more 



1775-1778] of James McHenry 11 

peculiarly interesting. Heretofore the sick were under the 
care of Dr Antil a refugee from . But from this per- 
iod to their leaving N. Y. they were principally under the 
direction of a person who called himself Dr Louis Debute 
a man of a most infamous and abandoned character. 

' ' And It was now tho 't advisable to acquaint Doctor Mallet 
(Surg. Gen. and providor to the B. H.) with their singular 
distresses. Accordingly in the presence of Col. Miles, I laid 
before him, and the commissary for Prisoners (Mr. Jos. 
Loring) their present condition. Mentioned their want of 
Hospital bed-bunks, bedding, and coverings — the almost 
total want of fire, in consequence of which several of their 
limbs had mortified — but more particularly their want of 
nurses and tenders to give cleanliness to the place and prepare 
and give them their drinks and nourishment at proper times. 
In short that they in a manner wanted every thing that could 
contribute to their comfort or recovery. 

"Dr. Mallet reply 'd the account was affecting, and he was 
very sorry to hear it. He would look into the matter. But in 
the mean while could assure me that they were allowed the 
same as the patients in the B. H. And because it was thought, 
that it would please our officers better, they were under the 
care of one of our own Doctors. If things were peculated or 
misapplied — it was not his fault. This complaint, I an- 
swered was made to him, and Mr Loring because it was 
imagined, it came more immediately under their cognizance. 
My state of their cruel sufferings was a true one. The evi- 
dence was no further off than the Quaker meeting house 
where they lay. That Louis Debute who seemed to be chiefly 
intrusted with their treatment did not belong to us, nor had 
ever been in our service, as I could learn. That he was notor- 
ious for crimes, and had been pillored some time before we 
evacuated N. York. Moreover That Dr. Oliver who had the 
management of our wounded had lately dismissed him upon 
its being discovered that he disposed of their medicines and 
necessaries. To this Dr. Mallet replied — that he was found 
amongst our people; and he supposed him one of ourselves. 

' ' Dr Mallet then requested me to take the direction of the 
house upon myself, and said that if I could procure nurses 
(which I had remarked they wanted more than medicines) he 
would willingly pay them. To this I answered, that he must 
be sensible my situation in N. York was by no means cal- 
culated to procure nurses. But if nurses or even proper 



12 Life and Correspondence [Chap, ii 

tenders were provided, and Debute turned off, I would imme- 
diately undertake the business. But altho' bound as well by- 
profession as duty to render the sick service in my power, yet 
the superior regard which I owed my character, must deter- 
mine me from the undertaking so long as he was continued. 

"Mr Loring said Debute should not be suffered to pre- 
scribe, but as he was a useful fellow, might still be employed 
as an understrapper. I could not engage in the affair, I 
replied, until he was totally dismissed. 

"Notwithstanding] this he was continued; tho' a Dr 
Hawkins, mate in the Gen. Hospital, came now and then to 
prescribe. But of his attendance or care they were little the 
better. And Debute was suffered to carry on his inhumanities 
and deceptions as usual 'till a more glaring act of cruelty 
rendered his dismiseion unavoidable. 

"An officer, prisoner on Long Island, came to our lodgings 
to inform Cols McGaw & Miles that the Doctor who had charge 
of our sick, had that morning in his presence given one of 
them a blow with his stick, in consequence of which the man 
died 15 minutes after. 

"Upon this I renewed my complaints to Dr Mallet with 
this additional circumstance of Debute 's barbarity: and beg- 
ged, as the officer was willing to swear to the fact, that he 
might be tryed for the murder. The Doctor expressed much 
concern, and accompanied me to Debute. The fellow after some 
little hesitation confessed that he had that morning struck one 
of his patients ; but argued that it was the man who lay next to 
him who died. The first detatchment of our officers, in the 
mean while was ordered over to Long Island, and unfortunate- 
ly amongst them the person who was to evidence this fact. And 
the murdered man was already buried with a number of 
others, so that no testimony could be had from inspection. 

"Now Debute was dismissed from his office and com- 
manded never more to be seen near the sick. This compre- 
hends a period of six week time their crowded situation — 
the effects of severe cold on their limbs — the strong symptoms 
of a long deprivation of water expressed in many of their 
countenances — Exclamations for drink and food, from such 
as had strength left to speak — the groans of the dying — the 
looks of the dead that lay mixed with the living — and the 
insufferable impurity of the house, made up altogether a 
scene more affecting and horrid than the carnage of a field of 
battle wherein no quarter is given. 



1775-1778] of James McHenry 13 

"These things made impressions too strong to be forgot- 
ten. And I question whether the resentment of the few who 
survived can end, but with their feelings. 

"But from this description which includes a period of 6 
weeks I would in some manner discriminate the wounded, who 
were lodged in a different part of the Town; in houses pro- 
vided with fire places, and under the direction of Dr Oliver, 
a refugee from Boston. I also make some distinction between 
the usage of the sick under Dr. Antil who had charge of them 
before Debute. But even under these gentlemen their state 
was often grievous and distressing to contemplate. 

' ' Debute left the sick in such a condition that nothing save 
their immediate removal from N. York afforded the smallest 
prospect of a single patients recovery. "Wherefore all I could 
do, was to procure that application to Gen. Howe which got 
them out on parole; a copy of which I inclosed to your Ex- 
cellency the latter end of Jany last dated from Hyde's Town 
Jersey. 

"I come now to Gen. Howe's allegation against our Sur- 
geons. I imagine that upon proper enquiry it will be found 
unsupported by admissible evidence: or to depend upon an 
equivoque of the same nature as that on which the assertion 
of our sick being reed into the B. H. is grounded. How far 
the following facts may serve to clear up the matter may not 
be difficult to ascertain. 

"Doctor Hugh Hodge and myself made several applica- 
tions for medicine for our sick officers, but were always re- 
fused. "We were obliged to buy them for their use. An 
ounce or two of salts and a few nitre powders from Drs 
Oliver and Antil were all we ever reed. And these we had 
in consideration of our profession, not because they had orders 
to deliver any. For the latter Gent, told Dr. Hodge that Dr. 
Mallet had positively forbidden medicines to be given for 
patients out of his own care. Moreover when Debute had 
charge of our sick I bought from Dr. Brown John, and destri- 
buted amongst them medicines in his presence from time to 
time. I except here the dressings &c — which Dr. Oliver 
from time to time furnished the wounded officers, who were 
attended at their own lodgings. Besides Dr. Hodge and my- 
self there were 4 or 5 Surgeons prisoners belonging to Penn- 
sylvania and the New England States. It is natural to sup- 
pose that those were also refused. But as I was not acquainted 
with them, do not affirm it. 



14 Life 'and Correspondence [Chap, ii 

"But had medicines been allowed without restriction for 
the use of our sick remaining in their prisons — wherefore pre- 
vented from visiting them? Between the 20 November and 
middle of January, I attempted it several times but never 
obtained admission except in one instance, when I had reason 
to believe that the guard had mistaken me for a British Surgn 

"But further med. to men circumstanced as they were, 
could answer no one salutary purpose. It is even illiberal 
to suppose that any rational person would have prescribed 
them to men so totally unfurnished with those conveniencies 
and necessaries, without which, they are useless, if not hurtful. 
This would have been carrying cruelty to its utmost limits. 
And it ought really to be considered as a mark of G. H. 
humanity, that such a thing was not ordered to be done. 

"This may serve as a commentary to G. Howe's third 
fact. I cannot be mistaken in a single assertion. In every part 
of the testimony I am clear, however it may stand contrasted 
with Sir William Howes. You will therefore use it as may 
best answer the course of justice. For 'Tis well I am G. 
Howes prisoner But this cannot prevent me from discharg- 
ing the obligations I am under to truth. With all due 
respect I have the honor to remain your Exl most obt and 
very humble servt" 

On January 27, 1777, Surgeon McHenry was paroled, l 



1 A rough draft of the report made by McHenry to Loring, the com- 
missary of prisoners in New York, is among the McHenry papers. Two 
of the letters sent Howe with reference to the prisoners here follow : 

"To his Excy. Sir Wm. Howe commander in chief of his majesty's 
forces in N. America may it please your Excelly. 

"We being informed by several persons that the severity of the 
contagion in the prisoners' hospital is such as to encrease every disease 
and leave little or no probability of the unfoftunate patient's recovery 
while confined in that place. And notwithstanding the severity of the 
season we are assured by some of the physicians that their removal will 
be attended with less danger than their continuance there. We therefore 
take the liberty of requesting that your Excy. will be pleased to give orders 
for these to be sent away as soon as convenient under the care of some 
of their Doctors, as it appears the only thing that can be done in their 
favor. Signed by 

"Col. Miles 

"Rawllins 

"And Maj. Williams" 

"To his Excellency General Howe commander in chief of his magesties 
forces in North America. 

"We should not have presumed one moment on your Excellency's time 
were we not called upon by the most powerful of motives. The state of 
the sick and wounded prisoners is of too melancholy a kind for recital 
and the consequences of a general contagion to be dreaded. We as 
witnesses of their situation feel every principle within us interested in 
their favour, and would beg leave to recommend them, in particular, as 
objects not unworthy of your Excellency's clemency. This winter will 



1775-1778] of James Me. Henry 15 

as we learn from a letter writen by him to Washington four 
days later from Hydestown: 

1 ' In consequence of the inclosed application to Gen : Howe 
the sick privates and those who remained of the well were 
ordered off on parole under my care as Doctor, and the con- 
duct of a british officer &c. But as the officer leaves them 
here, he gets no receipt. Six have died since our leaving New- 
York; But I natter myself, should the weather moderate a 
little that most of the remainder will recover. There is now 
Twenty five. 

"May I hope that your Excellency will free me, as soon 
as convenient from the restrictions of a parole. I have the 
honour to be your Excellency's most obedient and most humble 
servant. ' ' 

Over a year passed, however, before he was released from 
parole. During this time he probably resided in Baltimore. 
Then McHenry received a letter, written by his friend Hamil- 
ton on March 5, 1778 : 

"It gave me pleasure to inform you that Mr. Boudinotte 
has been able to effect your exchange for a Doctor Mentzes. 
Allow me to congratulate you on the event. 

"We are again on the business of a general cartel with 
Mr. Howe. He seems inclined to meet us on fair ground. 

' ' Commissioners from us meet on equal numbers from hira 
the 10th. instant. One great and preliminary point to be set- 
tled is the proportion of prisoners that we ought to account 
for. To assist our judgment in this point — we shall be much 
obliged to you by the return of this express, and without a 
moments loss of time to send us your deposition, to the best of 
your knowledge, on the actual state of the prisoners sent out 
at the time of the delivery; and whatever else may serve to 
throw light upon the subject, 

"I am Sir 

"Your most obedt. 

"A Hamilton Esq." 

On the same day, Dr. James Hutchinson, who was a 
Philadelphia surgeon, wrote McHenry from "Moorhall near 
headquarters, Valley Forge : ' ' 

assuredly place them beyond reach of human charity. We would therefore, 
whilst a parole can be of any service entreat that a proper place may be 
agreed to by your Excy. and Gen. W — n where the sick and wounded may 
be conveyed they pledging their faith to continue unactive untill regularly 
exchanged or laid under such restrictions and limitations as may be tho't 
necessary by your Excellency and Gen. Washington. We beg that we 
may be heard and are your Excellency's most obedient — humble servts." 



16 Life and Correspondence [Chap, ii 

"I would have wrote you long since, but was uncertain 
where you were to be found, and now I only think it probable 
that you may be at Baltimore ; therefore dispatch an Express 
thither, after you to carry this letter, and one which his 
Excellency has desired me to send you, on matters of import- 
ance. I sincerely congratulate you on your exchange, Mr. 
Boudinot has your parole in his possession, and you are once 
more at liberty to serve your Country, in such manner as 
your qualifications render you eminently capable; however I 
will say more to you on this subject when I have the pleasure 
of seeing you, at which time I shall have an opportunity of 
talking over the variety of scenes, which have passed since I 
saw you in Philadelphia, and since I have entered the army. 

"I beg you to repair hither as soon as you possibly can, 
the Express who carries this has orders to ride night and day 
till he meets you, if you should be at Baltimore, his Excellency 
has Business with you of the greatest importance, and it is of 
the utmost consequence that you should be in Camp in four 
days from this date ; I have fifty things to say to you, but am 
desired not to delay the Express, I have therefore no time to 
write half I wish to or to look over what I have already 
wrote. ' ' 

MeHenry now took up duties in the hospital and on 
May 17, Dr. Rush addressed a letter to him as "Senior Sur- 
geon of the Flying Hospital, Valley Forge," in which letter 
he says : " It gives me pleasure to see one whom I had any hand 
in educating filling an honorable and useful post in the line 
of his profession in the army. May you continue to merit 
the esteem of your friends and the approbation of your coun- 
try. " On May 15, he was appointed secretary to the com- 
mander-in-chief. MeHenry hesitated somewhat before he 
accepted the position and wrote his father to ask his prefer- 
ence in the matter: 

' ' I find myself much embarrassed to know how to inform 
you of a matter in which my inclinations are deeply con- 
cerned ; but in which I am not at liberty to proceed without 
your concurrence. Circumstances of some delicacy put it out 
of my power at present to be as explicit as I wish with! a 
father — however, I hope to make it in some measure under- 
stood, so far as may be necessary to obtain your opinion and 
consent. 

" I do not forget the tenderness of our parting, your last 






1775-1778] of James Mc Henry 17 

injunctions, nor my promise to avoid all places of clanger 
not strictly connected with the duties of my profession. It 
is the observation of those which prevents me from entering 
into a post of some danger till I can obtain your approbation. 
The post in contemplation is one not only of the most hon- 
ourable but the most nattering to a young man of any mili- 
tary views; or who wishes to be distinguished by the first in 
the military line. The idea of my being of use in my present 
station I trust will not be a reason with you why I should not 
change it for one more agreeable to my wishes. But I must 
not influence you in a matter which your own feelings must 
determine. I would only just beg to observe that those who 
believe in a superintending God can have little to fear from a 
change of situation. We are all under his eye, and under 
his particular providence, whether in the walks of private em- 
ployment, or amidst the hurry and confusion of war and 
battle. We cannot die without his knowledge, nor live with- 
out his protection. 

' ' It now rests upon you to say what I shall do. Whether 
accept of a post of danger honourable beyond my deserving- 
ness — or continue in a physical station wherein I think I 
can be very useful to the army. 

''Be good enough to write me by return of this express 
and believe me to be — with all due regard and affection your 
dutiful child." 

Daniel McHenry's answer has not been preserved, but 
must have been favorable to McHenry's acceptance of the 
new post offered him. As secretary, he took an oath of 
allegiance to the United States and renunciation of the Eng- 
lish king before General Nathaniel Greene on June 9. With 
the appointment as secretary, McHenry gave up medical prac- 
tice for the rest of his life. Save for an interesting prescrip- 
tion given Hamilton on the following 21st of September, we 
hear of no more medical work by McHenry. His advice to 
Hamilton was as follows: 

"In order to get rid of your present accumulations you 
will be pleased to take the pills agreeable to the directions; 
and to prevent future accumulations observe the following 
table of diet. 

"This will have a tendency also to correct your wit. 

' ' I would advise for your breakfast two cups of tea sweet- 
ened with brown sugar, and coloured with about a teaspoon- 



18 Life and Correspondence [Chap, ii 

ful of milk. I prefer brown sugar to loaf because it is more 
laxative. And I forbid the free use of milk until your stom- 
ach recovers its natural powers. At present you would feel 
less uneasiness in digesting a pound of beef than a pint of 
milk. 

"You will not drink your tea just as it comes out of the 
pot; let it have time to cool. The astringuency of the tea is 
more than counterbalanced by the relaxing quality of hot- 
water. 

"For your dinner let me recommend about six ounces of 
beef or mutton, either boiled or roasted, Avith eight or ten 
ounces of bread. Cut the meat from the tenderest part with 
little or no fat. Use the natural juice, but no rancid oily 
gravy whatsoever. For some time I would prefer the beef, 
because it contains more of a natural animal stimulus than 
mutton. Once or twice a week you may indulge in a thin 
slice of ham. Your best condiment will be salt. 

' ' You must not eat as many vegitables as you please — a 
load of vegitables is as hurtful as a load of any other food. 
Besides the absurdity of crouding in a heap of discordant 
vegitables with a large quantity of meat too much of itself for 
the digestive powers. You may eat a few potatoes every day. 

"Water is the most general solvent the kindliest and the 
best assistance in the process of digestion. I would therefore 
advise it for your table drink. When you indulge in wine 
let it be sparingly. Never go beyond three glasses — but by 
no means every day. 

"I strictly forbid all eatables which I do not mention 
principally because a formula of diet for your case should be 
simple and short. 

"Should this table be strictly observed, it will soon be- 
come of little use, because you will have recovered that degree 
of health which is compatable with the nature of your consti- 
tution. You will then be your own councellor in diet for the 
man who has had ten years experience in eating and its con- 
sequences is a fool if he does not know how to choose his 
dishes better than his Doctor. 

' ' But in case you should fall into a debauch — you must 
next day have recourse to the pills. I hope however that you 
will not have recourse to them often. The great Paracelsus 
trusted to his pills to destroy the effects of intemperance — 
but he died if I forget not about the age of 30 notwithstand- 
ing his pills. Lewis Cornaro the Italian was wiser — he 
trusted to an egg, and I think lived to about ninety." 



CHAPTER III 

Washington's secretary 

1778-1780 

McHENRY now took up a position he was to fill for two 
years and which determined his future life. He was 
a member of Washington's "military family," in 
close association with such men as Hamilton, Lafayette, and 
Benjamin Talmadge, all of whom became his friends for life, 
and in such relations to "the General," as McHenry always 
called Washington, that McHenry grew to be one of the few 
with whom that austere man could unbend. McHenry 's sin- 
cerity and purity of soul and his "easy and cheerful temper" 
attracted the great man and, though Washington ever re- 
mained a hero to his secretary, yet the intimacy showed itself 
in the easy and often playful style in thei 7 letters. McHenry 1 
was at the battle of Monmouth on Jw:e 28, 1778, and was 
then sent to the rear to look after the baggage, in case the 
result of the battle should be unfavorable to the American 
forces. Before the battle, he met Lee on the march towards 
the enemy and asked him if he had any information to send 
back to General Washington. Lee said the enemy did not 
appear well to understand the roads and that he expected to 
fall in with the rear of the enemy, with great certainty of 
cutting them off. McHenry started with this message, when 
Lee called him back and added, "with fixed and firm tone of 
voice and countenance," that General Wayne and Colonel 
Butler are amusing them with a few loose cannon shot, that 
the enemy are constantly changing their front, which is a 
usual thing with those who retreat. After the conflict, Mc- 
Henry was present, when Washington asked Lee the cause 
of the retreat and noticed his confusion. A third time, he 
saw Lee at Englishtown later in the day, when Lee was 
observing to a number of gentlemen that it was mere folly 

1 Tower's Lafayette in the Revolution, 391, Lee Papers. N. T. Hist. 
Soc, iii, 77, 191. 



20 Life and Correspondence [Chap, hi 

to make attempts against the enemy where they possessed so 
great a superiority in cavalry. x 

While the army was in winter quarters, on December 10, 
Samuel Smith of Baltimore wrote McHenry from that town : 

' ' I arrived here Safe on Thursday last, my Stay in Phil- 
ada. was but 7 days. I was astonish 'd with the Luxuries & 
extravagances of that once Federal City, it is true the At- 
tention they pay to officers, flatters & pleases us. but Such 
prodigality of our Money depreciates it & in the end bids fair 
to destroy it. they talk of thousands as we do of Dollars in 
Camp. I lamented our Situation, & to enforce it, assur'd as 
an instance of the Impossibility of our staying longer in the 
Service, that my half years pay was spent on my Journey 
home. I was laughed at for my parsimony. I was mistaken 
it cost me 50 Dr. more. — I hope Balto was not so bad. here 
it is true their living is not luxurious, but the Money is of as 
little value, what think you of J. M' Lure betting 200 D. on 
the throw of a Die. one thousand Dolls, to lose or win in a 
Night is peddling. — The consequence of this will be very soon 
felt by the Army. Pennsylvania says it can supply no flour, 
on this place a very chief dependance is plac'd by the Com- 
misary General, his deputy has made frequent attempts to 
purchase, but to very little purpose, So Soon as he gives a price 
the Speculators give a higher until at length it has got to 
£7.10 & £10 & none buying for the public. A Law has pass'd 
this State but it will have very little Effect, it prevents Monop- 

1 After Hamilton's death, McHenry defended his reputation while in 
the Revolutionary army in the following communication to "Yundt & 
Brown's Gazette" : 

"In the Aurora of the twenty ninth ulto. the following was inserted 
as an anecdote. 

" 'When Colonel Hamilton aid de Camp to General Washington forced 
General Charles Lee to the field, for ridiculing that General's abilities 
Lee, received his fire ; but refused either to retract what he had said or 
to return a shot. 

"'"You may fire at me all day Sir, (said Lee) if it will amuse you; 
what I have said I am not disposed to recall ; — but I should conceive you 
do your patron no great honour by thus assuming his cause ; and as for 
returning your fire, I beg to 'be excused. Gen. Lee can acquire no honour 
by the death of Colonel Hamilton." ' 

"We have the authority of a gentleman whose situation in the army, 
during the revolutionary war, and intimacy with the deceased Gen. 
Hamilton, gave him an opportunity of knowing whether the fact related 
in the above anecdote took place, to state, that General Hamilton never 
did call General Charles Lee or any other officer of the revolutionary 
army to the field for any cause. It is possible our informant thinks that 
the mistake may have originated in the following circumstance. Col. 
John Laurens and Colonel Hamilton, were at the same time aids to 
General Washington, The latter Col. Laurens did call General Lee to the 
field. This gentleman was a son of Henry Laurens, the well remembered 
President of Congress, and was surpassed by few men in genius, ability 
and gallantry. He fell in a skirmish in South Carolina fighting for his 
native country." 



1778-1780] of James McHenry 21 

olizers but does not prevent Millers from forestalling nor 
farmers from keeping up their grain. Good Men with a part 
of the Army had been Cantoon'd in Maryland. I fear it will 
again want flour, its Distance from the flour Country is very 

great 

"The Situation of the Officers is truly distressing they 
not only have the Mortification to See every thing live except 
themselves, but, they see their private fortune wasting away 
to make fat those very Miscreants, they See their Country 
altho yet wanting their Assistance refuse to make any future 
provision for them, or even to give them the Necessary Sup- 
plies, which their Small pittance of pay will not purchase. 
Congress feels not for us, our Countrymen will soon avoid us, 
that they may not be troubled with our Complaint & lest we 
should want to borrow their Money from them. I cannot 
bear to resign & yet what Can I do. my Fathers opulent 
fortune is reduced to Nothing, it was chiefly in cash, exclusive 
of my Love for my Country & the Service, my attachment to 
his Excelly. makes me wish to remain & nothing but dire 
necessity Shall make me resign." 

After Washington and his military family reached Hav- 
erstraw, McHenry wrote an account of the march which gives 
glimpses of the pleasant side of the campaign. 

"In our route to Paramus, where part of the army had 
encamped in order to rest and refresh, we visited the falls of 
Pasaic [on July 10]. We crossed the river at an old bridge 
in very bad repair and in half a mile reached the falls. 

' ' The rock to which they owe their birth is of considerable 
compass (covered in general with herbage, some trees and 
shrubbery). But besides the chasm into which the water 
throws itself there are several other fissures and deep dismem- 
berments, formed as it would seem by nature in some of her 
violent operations. The falls tho ' curious in themselves derive 
additional beauties from those objects with which they are 
connected. 

' ' The Pasaic appears to be about 30 or 40 yards broad — 
but the water does not cover at the falls near this extent. 
There a smooth and gentle sheet tumbles down into a deep 
aperture or cleft of the rock, which crosses the channel, while, 
at the same time, several lesser portions seem to steal thro' 
different openings, rudely encountering each other in their 
descent, till they arrive at the bottom where they all mix to- 



22 Life and Correspondence [Chap, hi 

gether. This conflict and the dashing of the water against 
the asperities and contrasted sides of the rock produces a fine 
spray that issuing from the cleft appears at a distance like 
a thin body of smoke. Near the bottom of the falls it exhibits 
a beautiful rainbow in miniature. The aperture into which 
the water falls does not seem to be more than from 21 to 22 
feet wide, and about 30 feet in depth, tho ' further down and 
towards where the river takes a new turn the distance between 
the walls of rock is much greater and the perpendicular 
depth perhaps not less than 70 feet. Here the water com- 
poses itself as in a large basin of solid stone and then spreads 
into a pretty broad channel, continuing its course uninter- 
rupted to New-York bay. 

' ' A little above the falls the water glides over some ledges 
of rock of about 3 or 4 feet perpendicular in a very pretty 
manner. 

"It is observable that all the clefts and dismemberments 
in the several parts of the rock run in the samei direction. 
You may descend into some of them by means of earth and 
stones with which their entrance is made gradual and easy. 
On each side of these fissures is a perpendicular wall of rock, 
overgrown with moss. There one enjoys a delightful cool- 
ness under an intermixture of ruins and the branches of 
trees that form a fine shade. 

"After viewing these falls we seated ourselves round the 
General under a large spreading oak within view of the spray 
and in hearing of the noise. 

' ' A fine cool spring bubled out most charmingly from the 
bottom of the tree. The travelling canteens were immediately 
emptied and a modest repast spread before us, of cold ham, 
tongue and some biscuit. "With the assistance of a little spirit 
we composed some excellent grog. Then we chatted away a 
very cheerful half hour — and then took our leave of the 
friendly oak — its refreshing spring — and the meek falls 
of Pasaic — less noisy and boisterous than those of Niagara, 
or the more gentle Cohoes or the waters of the Mohawk. 

"From hence we passed thro a fertile country to a place 
called Paramus. We stopped at a Mrs. Watkins whose house 
was marked for head Quarters. But the General receiving 
a note of invitation from a Mrs. Provost to make her Her- 
mitage, as it was called, the seat of his stay while at Paramus, 
we only dined with Mrs. Watkins and her two charming 
daughters, who sang us several pretty songs in a very agree- 



1778-1780] of James McHenry 23 

able manner. At Mrs. Provost we found some fair refugees 
from New York who were on a visit to the lady of the Her- 
mitage ; with them we talked — and walked — and laughed — 
and danced and gallanted away the leisure hours of four days 
and four nights and would have gallanted — and danced and 
laughed and talked and walked with them till now had not 
the General given orders for our departure. We left them 
however in the spirit of modern soldiership without much 
sighing in pursuit of the dangers of war and pleasures of 
variety. 

"It was about 6 o'clock in the (15 July) morning when 
we bade adieu to the Hermitage — coasting it thro ' narrow 
& stony roads to a place called Haverstraw in Orange County 
the state of New York. 

"Our quarters was engaged at a Col Hay's. The house 
stands about a mile from the North River on an eminence 
commanding a large extent of water and a view of a consid- 
erable compass of Chester County on the opposite shore, and 
some of the heights of Duchess. 

' ' After dinner I took a ride to a pond or lake — about half 
a mile from the West side of the North River. The lake is 
greatly elevated above the level of the river and affords some 
excellent fish, sun fish, carp &c. &c. 

"It is formed in a bason of very high and commanding 
ground — there are several farm houses along its banks — 
which adds greatly to the view. To get to it you ride around 
the base of a large chain of rocks — which border on the North 
River. We began to ascend these very gradually after 3 miles 
riding — and in a little time came to a fine level and cultivated 
piece of country. 

"On this elevated ground the lake forms a very pretty 
bason. ' ' 

The harder side of the campaign is revealed in McHenry 's 
letter to his father written from headquarters on August 15. 

1 ' My very dear Father. 

"I yesterday received your letter dated the 28 of last 
month, your writing me tltus yourself I take very kindly and 
shall consider it as a great satisfaction if you will but write 
me oftener — and by post, as this conveyance is the most 
constant and certain. 

"The questions you have proposed to me with so mucn 
cordiality of inquiry I shall answer with very great pleasure. 



24 Life and Correspondence [Chap, hi 

' ' I cannot say that the fatigues of our late march has been 
of any disservice to my constitution — in sleeping in the open 
fields — under trees exposed to the night air and all changes 
of the weather I only followed the example of our General. 
Tho' long in the army I was but a hospital soldier. When 
I joined his Excellency's suite I gave up soft beds — undis- 
turbed repose — and the habits of ease and indulgence which 
reign in some departments — for a single blanket — the hard 
floor — or the softer sod of the fields — early rising and al- 
most perpetual duty. These habitudes however I prefer to 
those of idleness and inactivity — they are more consistent 
with the profession of a soldier and repetition has now made 
them agreeable. 

"This however is a description of all in the General's 
family. You will certainly suppose that men under these 
circumstances have small demands for money. This is really 
the case: with few or no opportunities to spend it, a very 
little serves our turn. And this too is one capital reason why 
I have no occasion to make use of your kind offer — of a 
supply. I may however perhaps claim it some other time when 
I have nothing to do but invent the most agreeable and in- 
structive ways of spending it. 

"As you extended your charitable inquiries to my horses 
I can do no less than let you into their history. At present 
they lead a very lazy and indolent kind of life. Tom feeds 
them well and I ride them but little. Perhaps once in the 
two days a circuit of a few miles to the different places of 
parade or round the encampment: so that upon the whole 
you see the two animals have a very comfortable time of it 
and are much happier than their master if idleness and ease 
can make them so. 

"I need not tell you what real and cordial satisfaction I 
would feel in a change of situation for a few weeks; but I 
fear I must go many miles further from Baltimore before I 
can see you. The English have not yet left the United States 
and if they had, still the war would be unfinished. We may 
therefore be separated much longer than present appearances 
indicate or than either of us wish. I hope however that we 
will end our days not far from each other, and that the society 
of your sons will serve to make your evening hours not the 
most unhappy of your life. . 

"My brother was kind enough to write me from Philada. 



1778-1780] 



of James Mc Henry 25 



but I have no reason to expect the pleasure of seeing him at 

camp. 

"There has been no accounts from Rhode Island since 
the 10th inst. Should any arrive before the post sets out 
which will be to-morrow evening you will have it in another 
letter. 

"I am dear father yours most dutifully and affectionately. 

"P. S. You desire to know if I want shirts. I would 
wish to have half a dozen with stocks, sent by the first safe 
conveyance. There is a little lace somewhere in my trunk 
wrapped up I believe in a remnant of linen." 

During the whole of the remainder of the year, McHenry 
remained with the army at Fishkill. 

The contrast between life in Philadelphia and in the 
camp, shown by Smith's letter, is also brought before us by a 
letter sent McHenry at Middlebrook by Tench Tilghman from 
Philadelphia on January 25, 1779: 

"Dear Mac 

' ' I believe I am two or three letters in your debt, which J 
think is no great deal, considering you love scribbling, and 
have time to indulge it. I have hunted in vain for Justa- 
monds translation of Abbe Reynell. I have seen a copy in 
the hands of a private Gentleman, but am told there is not a 
set for sale in the city. I suppose you think we must be, 
by this time, so wedded to sweet Philada. that it will break our 
hearts to leave it. Far from it I assure you my Friend. I can 
speak for myself, and I am pretty certain I can answer for all, 
when I say, that we anxiously wait for the moment that gives 
us liberty to return to humble Middle Brook. Philada. may 
answer very well for a man with his pockets well lined, whose 
pursuit is idleness and dissipation. But to us who are not 
in the first predicament, and who are not} upon the latter 
errand, it is intolerable. We seem to work hard, and yet we 
do nothing ; in fact we have no time to do any thing and that 
is the true reason why a great assembly do so little. A morn- 
ing visit, a dinner at 5 o 'clock — Tea at 8 or 9 — supper and 
up all night is the round die in diem. Does not the Republic 
go on charmingly? By the Body of my father as honest 
Sancho used to swear, we have advanced as far in luxury in 
the third year of our Indepeny. as the old musty Republics 
of Greece and Rome did in twice as many hundreds : But we 



2G Life and Correspondence [Chap, hi 

Americans are a sharp people. And we are in more senses 
than one ; and if we do not keep a sharp look out we shall be 
little the better for the profusion of money and no small 
quantity of Blood that has been spent. All cry out that noth- 
ing but Oeconomy can save us, and yet no one allows that 
he or she is extravagant. I will not touch upon politics. 
They are too valuable to trust to paper and Wax. You shall 
hear much when we fill the sociable Bunks, where all is under 
the secure lock and key of Friendship. Now for domestic 
matters, for we begin to look towards home. Say to Major 
Gibbs that we have heard with infinite pleasure of good Mrs. 
Thompson's arrival at Camp and as His Excellcy has her 
ease and convenience this "Winter much at heart, he wishes 
she may have a warm comfortable apartment built for her 
sole use and behoof in such place as he the major shall upon 
due deliberation and consultation with the sage matron judge 
most proper. This will be absolutely necessary, as Mrs. Wash- 
ington will want the Chamber, we at first occupied, for a 
drawing Eoom, and we remove to the small back Chamber 
which Gibbs lodged in. 

"Make my compliments to all at home and in the neigh- 
borhood and believe me with sincerity Dear Mac 

"Affecty. Yours 

"Tench Tilghman." 

Life in the camp was, however, not all hardship. Of its 
pleasant side we catch a glimpse in a letter Lord Stirling, on 
December 24, 1778, wrote McHenry, that he will be glad to see 
Lieutenant Clive this afternoon, but "it is so cold that for 
his own sake I could wish he would delay the visit till tomor- 
row & that both he & you would come & take Christmas din- 
ner with me." 

From headquarters at West Point, on August 20, 1779, 
McHenry wrote to his future brother-in-law, John Caldwell, 
showing he already was interested in Margaret Caldwell, now 
a girl of seventeen, whom McHenry married four years and a 
half later: 

"My dear Jack 

"Since I had the pleasure of seeing you till today, there 
have been no military occurrences worth mentioning. I did 
not therefore think it necessary to trouble you with a letter. 
Besides, Jack, we have no time to spare for letters of cere- 



1778-1780] qf James Mc Henry 27 

mony, and very little even to those of friendship. You will 
not however I am persuaded, esteem mine the less, for not 
writing, nor determine the number of your letters by those 
from me. 

"I mix my rejoicings with yours on our late accounts 
from Europe and the success of our ally in the West Indies, 
and let me add for the capture of above 160 of the garrison of 
Powles Hook, by major Lee, on the night of the 18th instant. 
This was an enterprise of great risque — conducted with great 
judgment, and completed with the most inconsiderable loss. 
But you will see the particulars from Congress. 

"I take too much interest in your studies not to inquire 
into them. I suppose them agreeable, and that you are sen- 
sible your reputation and future figure in the world, will de- 
pend on the acquirements you now make, and the conduct 
you may observe for some years to come. Let nothing pre- 
vent you from prosecuting them. 

' ' Should your sister come to reside in town, she will natur- 
ally claim some of your attention. The pleasure of giving a 
turn, or proper bent, to her studies and amusements, must be 
very agreeable to a mind like yours. I envy you the enjoy- 
ment. Suppose she cannot have every thing she deserves, yet 
with your care she may have enough to appear very amiable. 
I would not have you forget, on any occasion, that whatever 
you want to obtain either in your or her favor — must be 
attempted with prudence and caution. Your father may be 
persuaded — but he will not be forced. On this scale every 
thing in reason will be granted, with a little chiding. 

' ' You will remember me to the family — to your sister — 
and believe me yours very affectionately 

"James McHenry." 

We are ignorant of McHenry 's life in 1779, apart from 
this letter, except that he was busy drafting orders for Wash- 
ington and carrying out his commands. * 

Dr. Rush wrote McHenry on January 19, 1780, that he 
might have to come to attend the trial of Dr. Shippen and if 
he does "shall be happy in spending as much time as can be 
spared from the Court in your company ! ' ' 

1 On the manuscript of one of Washington's plans of campaign, 
MoHenry wrote : "The General's usual mode of giving notes to his 
secretaries or aids for letters of business. Having made out a letter from 
such notes, it was submitted to the General for his approbation and 
correction — afterwards copied fair, when it was again copied and signed 
by him." 



28 Life' and Correspondence [Chap, hi 

From headquarters on March 18, 1780, McHenry wrote 
a jesting letter to Hamilton, then at Amboy as a commissioner 
for negotiating an exchange of prisoners: 

"The family since your departure have given hourly 
proofs of a growing weakness. Example I verily believe is 
infectious. For such a predominance is beauty establishing 
over their hearts, that should things continue to wear as 
sweet an aspect as they are now beheld in, I shall be the only 
person left, of the whole household, to support the dignity of 
human nature. But in good earnest God bless both you, and 
your weakness, and preserve me your sincere friend." 

All this time, as McHenry wrote Washington on July 18, 
' ' I have acted without pay & it is my intention to receive none 
in future, unless some alteration in my circumstances render 
it necessary," but now he desires other rank than secretary; 
thinks of going to Europe, and wishes to be a volunteer in one 
of the regiments. These plans he did not carry out, but the 
secretaryship was nearly over. 1 

1 A letter from McHenry to his friend Dr. Binney speaks of this 
thought of a European trip. 



CHAPTER IV 

lafayette's aid 
1780-1781 

IN August, 1780, McHenry was transferred to Lafayette's 
staff where he remained, until his resignation from the 
army in the autumn of 1781. 

John McHenry, a nephew of Dr. McHenry, left record 1 
that he had been told by his uncle, later in life, that "Wash- 
ington feared lest the youthful ardor of the Marquis, entrusted 
when not quite 23 years of age with an important command, 
might outrun his discretion & that he, accordingly, took the 
precaution of placing near him, one whom he knew to be a 
prudent adviser." It seems that Washington's opinion of the 
young secretary must have been that of McHenry 's grand- 
son, Ramsay McHenry, who wrote a century later of his 
grandfather: "His sagacity was very great, his intellect very 
clear and of a considerable compass. He was vivacious, exact 
and active in business, benevolent, prudent, and wise." 

McHenry wrote to Otto Holland Williams from Orange- 
town on August 12. In September,"' Hamilton married Gen- 
eral Philip Schuyler 's daughter and McHenry went to Albany 
for the wedding and wrote the following verses to his friend 
on the morning after the ceremony: 

'Tis told, my friend, in poets lore. 
The muse has an exhaustless store 
From which she draws with wond'rous skill 
Of choicest fancies what she will. 
With these she decks the heroes' hearse 
Or forms with these immortal verse. 
Last night I sought her dear retreat 
And laid me at the fair one's feet. 
She knew my errand, sway'd her wand, 
Then pointed to a rising stand, 
From whence the fairy world was seen 
And you embosomed with your Queen. 
(As thus ye lay the happiest pair 
A rosy scent enriched the air 
While to a music softly sounding 
Breathing, panting, slow, rebounding) 



1 Brown's McHenry, 13. 






30 Life and Correspondence [Chap, iv 

Love arose with pow'rful spell, 
Hence, he cried, to dismal dell 
Imps who haunt the gloomy breast 
Ever jealous — never blest ; 
This is ground for holy feet 
Here the sports and pleasures meet. 
Then in whispers caught the ear 
What the gifted only hear. 
"Chains of Priests or modes of art 
"Weakly hold the human heart, 
"Hence my Eloisa said 
"Give me those that love has made." 
Now his fluttering wings out spread 
Three times he bless'd the bridal bed, 
While o'er it Faith her mantle threw 
And said small care would keep it new. 

Last Prudence came, in sober guise 
With Pilgrim's pace, and wisdom's eyes; 
Forth from his stole a tablet took 
Which you received with thankful look. 
Genius had deeply mark'd the ground, 
And Plutus finely edg'd it round. 
This done, he bade you long improve 
In all the sweets of mutual love. 

And now would friendship's voice prevail 
To point the moral of the tale. 
Know then, dear Ham, a truth confest 
Soon beauty fades, and love's a guest. 
Love has no settled place on earth ; 
A very wan'rer from his birth ; 
And yet who happiness would prove. 
Like you must build his hopes on love. 
When love his choicest gifts has giv'n 
He flies to make another heav'n ; 
But as he wheels his rapid flight 
Calm joys succeed and pure delight. 
Faith adds to all ; for works we're told 
Is love's alloy, and faith the gold. 

Now genius plays the lovers part ; 

Now wakes to many a throb the heart; 

With ev'ry sun brings something new, 

And gaily varies every view ; 

Whilst Prudence all his succour lends 

To mark the point where pleasure ends. 

For, borne beyond a certain goal. 

The sweetest joys disgust the soul. 

He too instructs us how to use. 

What's more a blessing than the muse [wealth] ; 

For well he knows, deprived of this 

That toil and care Is human bliss. 

All these attendants Ham are thine, 
Be't yours to treat them as divine ; 
To cherish what keeps love alive ; 
What makes us young at sixty five. 
What lends the eye its earliest fires ; 
What rightly managed still inspires. 

To which Hamilton answered as follows: 

"I thank you Dear Mac for your poetry and your confi- 
dence. The piece is a good one — your best. It has wit, 
which you know is a rare thing. I see by perseverance all 
ladies may be won. The Muses begin to be civil to you, in 
spite of Apollo and my prognosis. 



1780-1781] of James McHenry 31 

"You know I have often told you, you wrote prose well 
but had no genius for poetry. I retract. Adieu 

"Sep. 12. [1780] A Hamilton" 

Shortly after this time, McHenry sought a more definite 
military rank and Hamilton wrote to General Schuyler in his 
behalf. Schuyler answered on September 16, asking Mc- 
Henry to write to him directly. "Schuyler can obtain from 
the Governor of New York the appointment of Lieutenant 
Colonel in the State levies, which will give McHenry rank, 
when the militia is in the field. While the Governor is well 
disposed towards McHenry, he can not make him even a lieu- 
tenant in the regular forces, unless all the ensigns are pro- 
vided for." 

On September 24, McHenry was with Lafayette as aid 
and, leaving Washington and Lafayette to go on and examine 
the redoubts about West Point, 1 he rode with another aid up 
to Arnold's headcpiarters to make Washington's apologies to 
Mrs. Arnold for delaying breakfast. Before breakfast was 
over, came that fateful message to Arnold that his treason 
was discovered, which led him to take his horse and flee to 
the British lines. 

A short time after this, Greene 2 was sent to the south 
to take command of the armies there and McHenry was anx- 
ious to go with him. Greene, who had known McHenry for 
some time, "cherished an earnest wish to have him," but 
McHenry insisted that, if he went, he must not lose rank. 
So Greene wrote to the president of congress, on November 2 : 
"Nothing but a majority will engage him in the service," 
and, ' ' if the indulgence can be consistently granted, it will lay 
me under particular obligations." It was not granted and 
so McHenry took no part in the southern campaign. Greene 
recurred to the matter, 3 in a letter he wrote Washington, 
May 1, 1781, saying: "When I was appointed to the com- 
mand of this army, I solicited Congress to give Dr. McHenry 
a majority, that he might serve me in the character of Aid. 
This they refused. I was persuaded, when I made the appli- 

1 Brown's McHenry, 15. Chastellux Travels, i, 108, 112. On Novem- 
ber 23, M. de Chastellux, traveling through America, met Lafayette at his 
camp near Haverstraw and thence was conducted by McHenry to Wash- 
ington's headquarters about two miles to the nor-th. Chastellux saw with 
McHenry, on his way, a great cataract, which much impressed him and 
remarked that he did not find his companion "much versed in natural 
history." 

2 Greene's Greene, iii, 44. 

3 Brown's McHenry, 14. 



32 Life and Correspondence Chap. IV 

cation, of the necessity & since have felt it most sensibly. 
Your Excellency can scarcely tell how happy you are in your 
family, &, therefore, can hardly judge of my situation. I 
cannot make a second application to Congress on the subject, 
nor should I have hopes of succeeding if I did; but I shall 
esteem it a peculiar mark of your Excellency's friendship & 
esteem, if you will interest yourself in the matter & get him 
a majority. Your Excellency will judge of the propriety of 
my request." 

This time the effort was successful and, on May 30, 1781, 
McHenry was granted a commission as major to date from 
October 30, 1780. 

Meanwhile, McHenry was serving as the "confidential 
friend" in Lafayette's military family, of whom the ardent 
Frenchman had an "affecting recollection" over forty years 
later. 1 In February, he was at home in Baltimore, whither 
Lafayette addressed him the following interesting letter, com- 
paring French and English liberty. 

"New Windsor, February the 15th 1781. 
"Dear Sir 

"After a Debate on french and British Liberty, I was 
Collecting a few Comparisons in a Letter to a private friend, 
When Happening to See them you thought they Might Be 
Useful, And I Gave to You what I Had Already writen — 
You are pleased to Eequest A Continuation, But Having No 
Copy of the part in your possession, And Many Months Being 
elapsed Since it came out of My Mind, I can only add, 
therefore, Broken ideas, and do not pretend to Be Answerable 
for Repetitions 

"I Have Been, I think Speaking of French Parliaments, 
and (Correcting the Mistake Which is often Made from A 
Resemblance of Names) I Said that Parliamentary opposition 
was no where essential, And that in France it was More 
Collectively And More Freely Expressed — These French 
Courts of Justice Called Parliaments Must, in My opinion, Be 
Commended for two Advantages — the 1st. that they form 
Several Distinct Bodies, Most of whom Are Situated in 
removed Provinces where they Can See the Social Disadvan- 
tages of Measures they Mean to oppose, where they more 
immediately Can Collect the Sentiments of the people, where 
they keep More Distant from Court Influence And Corruption 

' ' The 2d is that Men in Parliament form a kind of Sepa- 

1 Scharfs Chronicles of Baltimore, 411. 



1 780- 1 78 1 ] of James Mc Henry 33 

rate Class the Greatest part of which Have independant for- 
tunes, and Not Many Belong to Court Families — By their 
Station they Are excluded from Emploiements At Court, in 
the Navy, in the Army, From Almost every Appointment 
Which in England Becomes Means of Corruption — From the 
Duties of their profession they Renounce the Pleasures of Dis- 
sipation, their very dress imposes upon them A Sober Way of 
Living Which still Renders them More independent, While 
As a Body they Become Formidable And are Supported By 
Illustrious Families Which ever kept Some of their Branches 
in Parliamentary and Senatorial profession 

"Many Great inconveniences are found in the French 
Mode of Rendering Justice, And Juries are Not Without Some 
— I far prefer the Later, And You Know theyr Advantages — 
It might However Be Said that French Judges Must Be More 
Enlightened, More Used to Business and more strangers to 
Local Little Cabals, That if one of the parties think any form 
Has Been Neglected, these are revoked By a Superior And 
Different Board Called the Great Council — But upon the 
whole, the Mode By Juries Seems to Be Preferable — Let us 
now Consider A still more Important Point Viz — The Basis 
itself of Justice, The Law Upon which the fate of citizens Must 
Be Litteraly Decided in Both Countries 

' ' In France Crimes Are Seldom Capital or imprisonments 
Permitted to what they are in the Laws of Great Britain — 
These Seem to Have Rather Trifled with the life of Men and 
personal Liberty, While Both in the French Laws Have Been 
Most Deliberately treated — Next to Personal Laws comes 
Relligious Tolerance, and Here Also France Has the Advan- 
tage. 

' ' Tolerance is Much Commended in English writings, and 
No where Less practiced than in that Country — and every 
other protestant Society are persecuted By the Church to 
which their King Presides — Catholics are still More partic- 
ularly A prey to fanaticism And the Greater part of the 
inhabitants in Ireland are for Relligion Sake trampled Upon 
By the minority of their Country Men — The Last Riots in 
London Have Been A Wonder to All europe, and By their 
Violence and Indecency Equal Any thing that Disgraced the 
Barbarous Ages of Ignorance And Superstition 

"In France there is also A predominant Relligion, But 
persecution Has long Since Vanished, and protestants are 
quiet in every part of the Kingdom — From an Ancient 



34 Life and Co?Tespondence [Chap, iv 

Institution the Military Order of St. Louis Requires a profes- 
sion of Catholicism, But an other Ribband to Similar purposes 
with Similar Advantages Has Been Long Ago located for 
Protestant officers — Great places in the Kingdom are filled 
By them, And the Present Minister of France is a Calvinist 
— you know how it is in England with Regard to Catholics 
Many Among their Generals and their troops are protestants, 
and few Catholics are to be found in the regiment of Deux 
Ponts now in Rhode Island — Jews are admitted to buy 
manors while they of course Appoint Catholic Clergymen to 
Churches Within theyr possession — And to Give You an in- 
stance of French Tolerance, there is now A Church in tho 
Large City of Strasburg Which Belongs Both to a protestant 
and A Catholic Society, Where the Catholic service is per- 
formed Every Sunday, And when it is over the Protestants 
Congregation Come in to Worship the Same God in a Dif- 
ferent Way 

''An Additional Circumstance is that in England the 
popular cry and the popular maxims are pointed towards the 
Exclusion of Tolerance, While to France the Voice of the 
people and the omnipotent Influence of Society are Bent to its 
admission, and are Every Day Checking the Remaining priv- 
ileges of A predominant Relligion, In Support of measures 
Which Are Conductive to the most perfect Relligious Liberty 

' ' Thus far My Dear Sir, I will go for the present, And if 
any other Matter Occurs to My Mind, An other Letter will 
soon Follow this to Baltimore — Good News Are Coming 
generally from the South Ward And as you will know the 
disaster of the British Fleet, as Partout 's affairs at Mauricinia 
must Have Reached the Banks of Chesapeake, My gazette of 
this Day will be very insipid. — Every Body Says You are 
Going to get into the Governor 's Council — If You quit the 
House for the field, I shall Be Very Happy to obtain the 
preference in Your Military employment And Hoping You 
know my tender friendship and Affectionate Regard for You, 
Will not lengthen this letter with assurances from my Heart 
While the Heart itself must be known to You 

' ' I intend to write to You Again in a few Days and with 
every Sentiment of Attachment and Esteem Have the Honor 
to be 

"Yours 

' ' Lafayette 
* ' I Have Been Happy to Hear of the Success Which our friend 



1780-1781] of James McHenry 35 

General Greene Has obtained — The first Letter I receiv'd 
from Him was intended to Give me his state of things and of 
Cource Discourage my coming — The second Has Been to 
announce the Affairs of Morgan, and to tell me that the Glory 
Reaching from it did not Blind Him on His true Situation ' ' 

At New Windsor, just about this time, came the rupture 
between Washington and Hamilton because of the stiff pride 
of the young aid de camp. On February 18, Hamilton wrote 
of it to his friend McHenry. 

"I have, Dear Mac, several of your letters. I shall soon 
have time enough to write my friends as often as they please. 

"The Great man and I have come to an open rupture. 
Proposals of accomodation have been made on his part, but 
rejected. I pledge my honor to you that he will find me 
inflexible. He shall for once at least repent his ill-humour. 
Without a shadow of reason and on the slightest grounds — 
he charged me in the most affrontive manner with treating 
him with disrespect. I answered very decisively 'Sir, I am 
not conscious of it, but since you have thought it necessary to 
tell me, so we part ! ' I wait till more help arrives, at present 
there is besides my self only Tilghman, who is just recovering 
from a fit of illness, the consequence of too close application 
to business. 

"We have often spoken freely our sentiments to each 
other. Except to a very few friends our difference will be a 
secret, therefore be silent. 

"I shall continue to support a popularity that has been 
essential — is still useful. 

"Adieu my friend. May the time come when characters 
may be Known in their true light. A. H. 

"Madame sends her 
friendship to you." 

McHenry had not been wasting time in Baltimore. On 
his southward route to take command of the continental 
troops in Virginia, Lafayette wrote Washington from the head 
of Elk on March 7, "The State of Maryland have made me 
every offer in their power. Mr. McHenry has been very active 
in accelerating the measures of his State." The day before 
this, McHenry wrote the merchants of Baltimore, x asking 

1 Scharf's Maryland, ii, 437. See Sparks's Letters to Washington, 
111, 255. McHenry himself gave $110.76y 2 . 



36 Life and Correspondence [Chap, iv 

them to form a committee to give effect and furtherance to 
the measures taken by the public for Lafayette's expedition. 
The general was greatly disappointed by the delays which had 
already occurred and, without general exertions, the expedition 
might be defeated in its commencement. ' ' Such is the deranged 
state of our treasury affairs that public officers find a thousand 
inconveniences & obstacles in the execution of their duty. 
Scarce a wagon can be put in motion, without adding to the 
powers of government that of private assistance. In such a 
situation, it becomes the duty of individuals & of particular 
societies of men to contribute a certain support, beyond what 
may be considered their proper proportion. This is looked 
for under all government, but expected more particularly in 
the republican. I need not select, as an instance, the Philadel- 
phia merchants, who have so long kept the northern army 
supplied with provisions * * * The Marquis cannot write you 
himself, in the first instance, nor before he knows your dispos- 
ition or arrangements. If you do anything, I pray it may be 
instant, that we may have it to say to ourselves, the expedition 
has not failed for want of what support we could give it. 

"As it is probable another detachment will follow this, we 
shall want more vessels. Your assistance may also become 
essential during the whole course of our operations." 

The merchants called a public meeting in consequence 
of this letter and appointed a committee, composed of Robert 
Purviance, William Patterson, and Mathew Ridley to co-oper- 
ate with Major McHenry in procuring supplies of clothing, 
money, etc. On the 9th, the committee answered: "We are 
authorized to assure you, in their [i. e. the merchants] names, 
that no exertions, within the compass of their abilities, shall be 
wanting to expedite the enterprise of Major General the 
Marquis de Lafayette & the military subordinate to him, 
they being warmly disposed to aid & give immediate energy 
to his operations against the common enemy." 

The story is told that 1 Lafayette stopped in Baltimore at 
this time and, at a ball given him, was sad, because so many 
of his soldiers were in want of clothes. Learning this fact, 
the ladies set to work to provide for this deficiency and 
Lafayette warmly thanked them in a letter he sent to Baltimore 
by McHenry some time later. 

McHenry went to Annapolis during March, and labored 
to the same purpose, though impeded by illness. He kept in 

1 Scharf's Chronicles of Baltimore, 194. 



1780-1781] of James McHenry 37 

close touch with the merchants, and it was doubtless partly due 
to his efforts l that Governor Thomas Sim Lee wrote the mer- 
chants, on March 20, that the state will repay, with interest, 
the money advanced by them and said : ' ' We very much ap- 
plaud the zeal & activity of the gentlemen of Baltimore & 
think their readiness to assist the executive, at a time when 
they were destitute of the means of providing- those things 
which were immediately necessary for the detachment under 
the command of the Marquis de la Fayette, justly entitle 
them to the thanks of the public. ' ' 2 On April 14, McHenry 
wrote from Baltimore to Washington about the Virginia ex- 
pedition. McHenry seems to have been with Lafayette dur- 
ing the whole of the campaign, but we know nothing of his 
services. In 1785, he furnished Dr. William Gordon, who was 
writing a history of the United States, with an account of the 
part taken by Lafayette in the Revolution, but the published 
history contains no mention of McHenry, though it gives 
some anecdotes which were probably taken from McHenry 's 
sketch. 

Greene's friendship and esteem for McHenry continued 
and letters passed between them from time to time, especially 
as Lafayette 's command was nominally under Greene 's orders, 
as chief of forces in the southern department. 

Greene wrote McHenry from 

"Camp near Guilford 
Court House March 22 1781 
"My dear friend 

"Nothing could afford me greater pleasure than the 
arrival of the Marquis in this department, but I am afraid his 
stay will be short. If we could form a junction of all our 
forces great things might be effected. I wish the Marquis may 
have a latitude equal to my wishes. A few Months may effect 
a great change in this quarter. 

' ' I must beg leave to refer you to Col Morris for the par- 
ticulars of the Southern operations. God bless you with 
health and make you as happy as I wish you to be 

"Yours Aff 
"Doctor McHenry "N Greene 

Aide de Camp to the 
Marquis De la Lafayette." 

On July 8, McHenry wrote Greene 3 from Ambler 's 

1 Vide letter to him from J. B. Cutting of March 29, 1781. 

2 Scharf's Maryland, ii, 437. 

3 McHenry's letter is printed in Mag. of Hist, ii, 362 (Nov., 1905). 



38 Life and Correspondence [Chap, iv 

Plantation (opposite James Island) telling of a brave attack 
by General "Wayne's command on the British forces. This 
letter was answered by Greene from the 

"High Hills Santee 
July 24 1781 
"Dr Major 

"Your letter by Mr Carlyle and those of the 12th giving 
an account of the Skirmish at James town all come safe to 
hand. Upon the whole I am not sorry for the late action, tho 
I confess if I have a proper Idea of the strength and constitu- 
tion of the Marquis's Army the maneuver was hazardous. 
However in war you must always risque something and too 
much caution sometimes begets contempt and brings us into 
the very evils we wish to avoid. I am persuaded the enemy 
from their movements, have a proper respect for you. But 
be careful, for you may be assured, his Lord ship is a modern 
Hannibal and is seeking for some capital advantage. I confess 
I am puzzled not a little by his movements on this side of the 
river. When he was returning on the other side I did not 
think it proceeded from fear; or from a desire to avoid an 
action, but from the operations going on against New York. 
But his latter movements seem to contradict that opinion. 
What are they about to the Northward; and what is your 
opinion of the plan, is it serious or only a diversion ? 

' ' I wish you with me exceedingly ; but there is no incon- 
venience to which I will not subject my self to oblige the Mar- 
quis. I am persuaded you are useful to him, in moderating 
his military ardor, which no doubt is heated by the fire of the 
Modern hero, who by the by is an excellent officer; and had 
he been here lately would have done something glorious. 

"Dont let your parti all ity deceive you, there is no danger 
of my character rising so high as to be difficult to support. 
We have done nothing splendid and it is only the sensible that 
will give us credit, and those are more steady and uniform in 
their Sentiments through all changes of fortune. — 

"Yours Affectionately 
"N. B. I shall pay N. Greene 

particular attention to 
Mr Carlyle." 

While with Lafayette at Malvern Hill on July 30, 1781, 
McHenry wrote Thomas Sim Lee, governor of Maryland, as 



1780-1781] of James McHcunj 39 

follows : ' ' The intelligence which remains after the General 's 
letter is fit only to excite conjecture. On the 27th. 19 flat 
bottomed boats, with horse and foot, crossed from Portsmouth 
to Norfolk, the troops there marched towards King's landing. 
The day after, 2 companies of Hessians took the same rout. 
This, one would say, looks to the southward. We have 
nothing official from Gen. Greene, but it is reported that 
affairs are again in his favor. His fortune is a perfect 
resemblance of life, Gen. Wayne and Gen. Morgan are at 
Good 's bridge on the South Side of James River Col. Moylan 
and one regiment of light infantry will cross to-day to take a 
post in front, the militia and the remainder of the infantry on 
this side." Lee forwarded McHenry's letter to the congress 
and wrote that body on August 4, ' ' The State is making every 
exertion to collect such a force as with the regulars here, 
amounting to about 600, under skilful and experienced officers, 
will enable us to confine them within very narrow limits. 
Our people are resolute and determined, they feel that animat- 
ing spirit which diffused itself through all ranks at the 
commencement of this contest. The approach of the enemy 
apparently has banished every sordid, avaricious, and selfish 
view and we trust our people will act like men, sensible of the 
blessings they are struggling for and the miseries which, by an 
abject and dastardly conduct, they most deservedly will feel." 
He requested help towards the arming of the militia and 
reminded congress that it had not often been troubled with 
applications from this state and "we flatter ourselves the 
exertions of our people upon all occasions merit every assist- 
ance that can be afforded." 

McHenry was present with the army at Yorktown. whence 
he wrote Otho Holland Williams. 

"Camp before York 

7th Octtr. 1781. 
"My dear Williams. We cannot speak sufficiently of you, 
Howard and our brave troops. How happy I am at all that 
has happened ; that you are safe ; and that every one of your 
army deserves everything from our country. 

"This seiging work is very serious business. We go on 
however very briskly. Last night we broke ground upon our 



40 Life and Correspondence [Chap, iv 

first parallel and this morning we are under cover; but we 
shall not open our trenches for some days. When we do it, it 
will be with about eighty pieces of cannon and mortars. 
"Col. Morris is setting out. He will tell you the rest. 

"Adieu 

"James Mc Henry" 

At the surrender of Cornwallis he was also present and 
among his papers is a return of the number of those who 
capitulated. The service at this siege was the last of Mc- 
Henry's military life. 



CHAPTER V 

the maryland senate and the confederation congress. 
until Washington's resignation of his com- 
mission IN DECEMBER, 1783 

ON September 17, 1781, when lie must have been still 
in the army before Yorktown, McHenry was elected 
to the senate of Maryland. The senate at that time 
consisted of fifteen members: nine from the western shore 
and six from the eastern shore of the Chesapeake Bay, and 
was elected for a term of five years, by a body of thirty-eight 
electors, chosen by the people in the counties of the state. 
McHenry held his new post until he resigned early in 1786. 

The acceptance of the senatorship, a noteworthy honor, 
considering how little McHenry had resided in the state, was 
followed by his resignation from the army on December 3. 
Washington wrote him 1 on December 11, that his resignation 
was delivered to the secretary at war and added, "I am con- 
vinced your transition from the military to the civil line 
will be attended with good consequences, as you will be able 
to communicate that kind of information to the body of 
which you are now a member, which they often stand in need 
of, in times like the present." Washington promised to cor- 
respond with McHenry on public affairs and with "the high- 
est opinion of the good will & vigor" of the Maryland leg- 
islature, urged McHenry to impress upon them ' ' that to make 
a good peace, you ought to be well prepared to carry on the 
war. ' ' 

January, 1782, found McHenry at Annapolis in atten- 
dance upon the senate. On the 20th, as the session closed, 2 
he wrote Washington that the "only novelty which it has 
given birth to, is a man called Intendant, whom we have 
vested with great powers & who is to destroy that disorder 

1 Ford, ix, 418. 

2 pn January 19 and 21, McHenry wrote to Hamilton and Major 
Edward Giles refusing- to tell the name of Publius, but adding that he 
would send Publius, who is not an inhabitant of the state, the proceedings 
of the house of delegates, in the case of Cadwalader against Chase, and 
will tell Publius's name, only in case he is willing to retract. 



42 Life and Correspondence [Chap, v 

in our affairs, which has arisen chiefly from a bad money 
& a want of money. You, who know the confusion which 
reigns very generally through out the States, will suppose 
that Daniel of St. Thomas Jenifer, the Maryland Intendant, 
must have a very embarrassing time & that he shall be un- 
commonly fortunate, should his administration be success- 
ful." 1 

This letter of McHenry's was sent by a lady and was 
answered by Washington on March 12, from Philadelphia. 2 
He expresses the hope that "good laws, ample means, & suf- 
ficient powers were given the intendant," and speaks of the 
"anxious state of suspense," in which all were with refer- 
ence to affairs in the West Indies. "Never, since the com- 
mencement of the present Kevolution, has there been, in 
my judgment, a period, when vigorous measures were more 
consonant to sound policy than the present." He thinks 
the British ministry "will obtain supplies for the current 
year, prepare vigorously for another campaign, & then prose- 
cute the war, or treat of peace, as circumstances & fortuitous 
events may justify ; & that nothing will contribute more to 
the first, than a relaxation or apparent supineness on the 
part of these States. ' ' Men and money are much needed and 
it is idle now to "count merely on voluntary enlistment." 
There is no other "effectual method to get men suddenly, 
but that of classing the people & compelling every class 
to furnish a recruit. Here every man is interested; every 
man becomes a recruiting officer." 

On April 5, McHenry answered from Baltimore that he 
agreed with Washington that the prosecution of the war is 
intended, but feared that Maryland will not class the people, 
in default of which recruiting goes on slowly. Matters were 
worse on July 14, when McHenry wrote Washington, regret- 
ting the French defeat in the West Indies and saying: "I 
do not calculate upon anything decisive on our coast from 
the operations, at least this season, & how we are to provide 
& carry on the war next year, if we receive no foreign money, 
is to me a great political mystery." Public affairs are in a 
most alarming situation for want of exertion on the part of 
the states. Congress asks Maryland, as her quota, to give 
nearly a million dollars and the state treasury has barely 
£2000. 

1 See Sparks's Writings of Washington, viii, 254. He asks for news 
and speaks of the recruiting bill. 

2 Ford, ix, 459; Sparks, viii, 2";4. 



1781-1783] of James McHenry 43 

The particular request McHenry makes is of a more 
pleasing character. Mr. Lindsay, the manager of the Balti- 
more Theatre, bears the letter and asks that the band of music 
among the prisoners at Frederick be paroled to Baltimore, 
where Lindsay will employ them on a salary. This favor 
will increase the pleasures of Baltimore and satisfy the anxie- 
ties of the ladies. 

Washington answered this letter 1 on the 18th, stating 
that he referred the request to the secretary at war and had 
"no doubt of his acquiescence," adding: "If the ladies 
should derive as much additional pleasure from the allure- 
ment of this band, as I wish them, they will be soon at the 
summit of happiness." "At present we are enveloped in 
darkness," because of the naval engagement. "Providence 
has done much for us in this contest; but we must do some- 
thing for ourselves, if we expect to go triumphantly through 
with it." 

McHenry was subject to fever, probably of a malarial 
type, and had been ill this summer, but was now recovered. 
Washington suggests: "As your fever has been obstinate, 
may not change of air be of service to you? Whether for 
this or other purposes, allow me to add that I should be very 
happy in your spending some time with us at head quarters." 

McHenry seems to have been as yet uncertain as to his 
future, as is shown by a letter to Hamilton : 

"Baltimore 11th. Aug. 1782. 

"If you are not in the humor to read a long letter, do, 
prithee, give this to the child to play with and go on with 
your amusement of rocking the cradle. To be serious, my 
dear Hamilton, I have been thinking of late upon my own 
situation & this has led me as often to think of yours. Some 
men, I observe, are so born & tempered, that it is not till after 
long bustling & battling it in the world (and some scarcely 
then) that they come to learn a little prudence. Much I be- 
gin to suspect that you & I want a great deal of this quality 
to bring us on a level with our neighbors and to carry us 
cheerfully through life. Have we not both of us continued 
long enough in the service of the public ? Should not I exer- 
cise my profession or some profitable business & should not 
you, putting off the politician, exert yourself only to acquire 
a profession? I find that to be dependent on a father is 
irksome, because I feel that it is in my power to be indepen- 

1 Ford, x, 49. 



44 Life and Correspondence [Chap, v 

dent by my own endeavours. I see that the good things of 
this world are all to be purchased with money and that the 
man who has money may be whatever he pleases. 

"Hamilton, there are two lawyers in this Town, one of 
which has served the public in the General Assembly for 
three years with reputation and to the neglect of his practice. 
The other has done nothing but attend to his profession, by 
which he has acquired a handsome competency. Now the 
people have taken it into their heads to displace the lawyer 
which has served them till he is become poor, in order to 
put in his stead the lawyer who has served himself & become 
rich. Let me add to this anecdote a bon mot of our friend 
Fleury 's. Talking to me the other day. ' You are a Senator, ' 
said he, 'pray what is your salary.' I told him it might 
perhaps defray about two thirds of our expenses while at- 
tending the Senate, and that we were only paid during our 
attendance, provided one was unmarried & lived frugally. 
'Then,' said he, 'I pity Maryland, for her Senate must be 
composed chiefly of rich fools.' What is the moral of all 
this, my dear friend, but that it is high time for you and I 
to set about in good earnest, doing something for ourselves. 

"I hear you are chosen a delegate to Congress. Will 
you forgive me for saying that I would rather have heard 
that you had not been chosen. If you accept of the office, 
there is a stop to any further studying of the law, which I 
am desirous you should finish, because a few years practice 
at the bar would make you independent, and do you more 
substantial good than all the fugitive honors of Congress. 
This would put it in your power to obtain them and to hold 
them with more certainty should you still be inclined to 
risque in a troubled sea. The moment you cease to be a can- 
didate for public places, the people will lament your loss and 
wait with impatience till they can persuade a man of your 
abilities to serve them. In the mean time, you will be doing 
justice to your family. Besides, you know that there is noth- 
ing at present to be had worthy your acceptance. The nego- 
tiators for peace have been long since appointed. The great 
departments of Government are all filled up. Our foreign 
ministers sit firm in their seats. It is not to be expected that 
any new ministers will be created before a peace. And when 
this comes, be assured, long residence and large possessions 
in this country will prelude superior merits. 

"I wish, therefore, my dear friend that I could prevail 



1781-1783] of James McHenry 45 

upon you to avoid a disappointment & a loss which I think 
I foresee. For, should you go to Congress, you will lose an- 
other year of time that is become more precious than ever and 
retire, perhaps in disgust, to renew your studies and to those 
domestic endearments which you will regret to have forsaken. 
How would it vex me to learn that you had exclaimed in the 
stile of an English Cardinal — If I had best served my family 
as faithfully as I have the public, my affairs would have 
been today in a very different order. 

"It appears to me, Hamilton, to be no longer either nec- 
essary or a duty, for you and I to go on to sacrifice the small 
remnant of time that is left us. We have already immolated 
largely on the altar of liberty. At present, our country 
neither wants our services in the field or the cabinet, so that 
it is incumbent upon us to be useful in another line. By 
pushing your studies to a conclusion, you at once perfect your 
happiness. But I wonder, nor recollect, whilst my own life 
runs on in idleness and small follies that I stand in most need 
of the advice which I am presuming to offer. You have a 
wife and an increasing offspring to urge you forward, but 
I am without either — without your incitements to begin a 
reform or your perseverance to succeed. "Write me then, what 
you are doing — What you have done and what you intend 
to do, that I may endeavour to follow your example. And 
be full, for I really intend to be wise and you shall be my 
Apollo. 

"I have been a second time on the point of gaining im- 
mortality by a fever. It seized me a little after the arrival 
of the French troops here and has only permitted me to come 
abroad a few days since. Mrs. Carter & Miss Peggy are with 
us and of course you will think I have been often with them. 
But I must tell you something of your relations. Mr. Carter 
is the mere man of business and I am informed has riches 
enough, with common management, to make the longest life 
very comfortable. Mrs. Carter is a fine woman. She charms 
in all companies. No one has seen her, of either sex, who 
has not been pleased with her and she pleased every one, 
chiefly, by means of those qualities which made you the hus- 
band of her sister. Peggy, though perhaps a finer woman, 
is not generally thought so. Her own sex are apprehensive 
that she considers them poor things, as Swift's Vanessa did, 
and they, in return, do not scruple to be displeased. In short, 
Peggy, to be admired as she ought, has only to please the 



46 Life and Correspondence [Chap, v 

men less and the ladies more. Tell her so. I am sure her 
good sense will soon place her in her proper station. x 

"My dear Hamilton, adieu. Remember a man who lives 
in this world, without being satisfied with it. "Who strives 
to seem happy among a people who cannot inspire happiness, 
but who thinks it unbecoming the dignity of man to leave 
his part, merely because it does not please him. I am melan- 
cholly you perceive. This plaguy fever has torn me to pieces 
and my mind yet shares in the weakness of my body. But 
I will recover spirits, as I recover strength. In the mean 
while do not fail to write me. Again my friend & philosopher 
adieu. James McHenry 

"I wrote you between my fevers on the affair of Chase, 
which letter I inclosed to Secretary Turnbull. Has it been 
received? It contains what you asked for." 

Four days later, Washington addressed two letters to 
McHenry. One of these hitherto unpublished, in playful 
vein, chides him for not informing him as to matters. 

"Newburgh 15th Aug., 1782. 
"My dear McHenry, 

"Let me congratulate you, and I do it very sincerely, 
on your restoration to health. I was in pain for you. I was 

in some for myself — and wished for my P T of M ; 

and both my P e L in I ; resolving (like a man 

in the last agony) not to follow the trade & occupation of a 
G . any more. 

"I attributed all the delays, & my disappointments in 
this business, to your sickness; for otherwise I should de- 
nominate you an unfeeling — teasing — Mortal. In proof 
of it, I would assert that in March last, I committed a mat- 
ter to your care of which you took no notice till July follow- 
ing — and then in such a way, as to set afloat a thousand 
ideas ; which resolved themselves into almost as many anxious 
questions. These again, you acknowledged the rect. of on the 
26th of July, — and on the 3d. of August promise an answer 
— when? three or four Weeks from that date; during this 
time my imagination is left on the rack. — I remain in the 
field of conjecture. — unable to acct. for causes of somethings, 
or to judge of their effect; — In a word, I cannot develop 



1 Mr. and Mrs. Carter are John Carter Church, an Englishman, and 
General Philip Schuyler's eldest daughter, Angelica, who eloped with 
Church, then known as Carter, in July, 1777. Lossing's Schuyler, ii, 206. 



1781-1783] of James McHenry 47 

some misteries, the appearance of which gave rise to those 
queries which were made the contents of a letter. 

"Do not my Dear Doctor tease your Mistress in this 
manner — much less your wife, when you get one. The first 
will pout — & the other may scold — a friend will bear with 
it, especially one who assures you, with as much truth as I 
do, that he is sincere. 

' ' adieu 

"Go. Washington." 

In the other letter of the same date, Washington writes : 1 
"My dear Doctr. 

"If the Commanders of the Fleets and Armies of our 
late, most Gracious Sovereign, in America are not guilty of 
more duplicity than comports with candid minds, we are now 
advanced to that critical & important crisis, when our hands 
are to be tried at the Arts of negotiation. — 

"In a letter which I have received and forwarded to 
Congress, from Sir Guy Carlton and Admiral Digby, are 
these words 'We are acquainted, Sir, by authority, that ne- 
gotiations for a Perm't Peace have already commenced at 
Paris, and that Mr. Greville is invested with full powers to 
treat with all Parties at war, and is now at Paris in the exe- 
cution of his Commission. And we are likewise, Sir, further 
made acquainted, that his Majesty in order to remove all 
obstacles to that Peace which he so ardently wishes to restore, 
has commanded his Ministers to direct Mr. Greville that the 
Independency of the thirteen Provinces should be proposed 
by him in the first instance of making it a condition of a gen- 
eral Treaty ; however, not without the highest confidence, that 
the loyalists Shall be restored to their possessions, or a full 
compensation made them for whatever confiscations may have 
been taken place. ' ' ' 

Washington adds that this seems a "solid basis for our 
commissioners to raise their superstructure upon, & things may 
& probably soon will be brought to a speedy & happy issue. ' ' 
He urges that preparations be still pressed with vigor, for noth- 
ing will hasten peace more, and states that news of the proba- 
bility of peace "spread universal consternation among all the 
tribes of refugees" in New York. 

The same doctrine, that we must prepare for peace by 

1 Partly printed, Ford, x, 52. 



48 Life mid Correspondence [Chap. V 

preparing for war, 1 was taught by Washington, in his let- 
ter of September 12, to McIIenry, when the prospects of peace 
seemed less. The general wrote also: 

"I am pained to find by your letter of the 30th. ulto. 
that you cannot get rid of your fever. Try change of air — 
come to the Camp — anything to remove a disorder which 
seems to pursue you with unabating obstinacy, and may, if 
suffered to run on you any longer, become too powerful for 
medicine. 

"The army has at length taken the Field, and is en- 
camped at this place; awaiting a junction with the French 
Corps, which will, I expect, take effect in the course of this 
week. ' ' 

McHenry was in wretched health all the summer and 
early autumn 2 having five severe attacks of fever, but was 
keenly anxious for news from Washington and hopeful for 
peace. When his health was restored in October, he wrote to 
Washington, asking that the general aid him to obtain pay 
and depreciation certificate. 

The Maryland law made no allowance to the general's 
secretaries and no new law of congress can affect the exist- 
ing Maryland law. McHenry relied on getting this allow- 
ance and bought land on the Monocacy, for which he now 
must pay, and asks that Washington write Robert Morris, 
head of the treasury department, suggesting that McHenry be 
paid out of the federal treasury, for the time of secretaryship 
only, as this is all the pay McHenry will ever receive and he 
will, otherwise, get nothing for seven years' service. 

Washington wrote at once to the secretary at war as 
follows : 

"Head Quarters 22d. Octr. 1782. 
' ' Dear sir 

"Upon your return to Philadelphia, I beg leave to re- 
quest your particular attention to the following matter, I 
look upon myself bound to procure the Gentleman interested, 
a full compensation for his services, while in my Family. 

"Mr. McHenry, formerly one of my Secretaries, writes 
me, that upon application to the Auditor of the State of 
Maryland, of which he is a Citizen, to settle his arrearages 
of Pay and depreciation, he refused to do it upon a supposi- 



1 Ford, x, 77 ; Sparks, viii, 344. 

2 See McHenry's letter of September 30 and October 10. 



1781-1783] of James McHenry 49 

tion that the Resolve of Congress recommending to the State 
to make settlements of that kind, only extended to Officers 
properly belonging to their respective Lines. This has in- 
volved Mr. McHenry in the following difficulty, — Upon a 
presumption that the State would settle with and give him 
Certificates, as to their Officers, he purchased a quantity of 
Lands appropriated by the State to making good arrearages 
of Pay and depreciation, & which were to be paid for in Cer- 
tificates. 

" — He now finds himself like to be excluded from this 
benefit, for want of the Certificates ; — If he cannot procure 
them, he must give up his purchase. As there seems a doubt 
whether Mr. McHenry, as one of my Secretaries, is included 
in the recommendatory Resolves already passed, I could wish, 
should it not be deemed improper, that you would apply to 
Congress to pass a short Resolve in his favor, recommending 
to the Secretary to make him the same allowance as to Officers 
of their Line." 

But to McHenry he wrote * : "I am pained because I 
cannot answer the expectations & request of your letter * * 
to your satisfaction." He knew there was no hope in applying 
to the financier, for the United States had no money and he 
had been told that the only mode to help McHenry is to ask 
congress to recommend his case to the state of Maryland, 
which he has done. He goes on as follows: 

1 ' We have been at this place, Verplank 's point, ever since 
the last days of August, and are upon the point of retiring 
into Winter Quarters. The French Army (except the Legion 
of Lauzon) have marched Eastward for theirs. We go 
Northward to the vicinity of West Point. We have long 
expected to hear of the evacuation of Charles Town, as the 
Enemy in New York do not scruple to say that it is a measure 
determined on — but how far a change of men may produce 
a change of measures, you can judge as well of as I. No 
man on this side of the water I believe (not even Sir Guy 
Carleton himself) knows the result of the British Councils. 
My opinion of the matter is that they are yet dependant upon 
the events of the Campaign. You will readily infer from 
hence that I have no idea of a speedy evacuation of New 
York. 

"Mr. Greville has certainly left Paris but he is succeeded 

1 Partly printed, Ford, x, 90. 



50 Life ttnd Correspondence [Chap, v 

by a Mr. Fitzherbert and the negotiations are yet going on 
but limpingly. * * 
"P. S. 

"Since writing this 
letter I have conversed 
with the Secretary at War 

on the Subject of it who assures me that there will be no 
difficulty at all in the way." 

Before he had received McHenry's letter, Washington 
had written him on the 17th in answer to McHenry's letter 
of September 30, stating that there is no news and that we 
must not "be lulled by expectations of peace" which would 
' ' prove the ruin of our cause & the disbanding of our army. ' ' 
The army is in hard straits and Washington writes that he 
must ' ' stick very close to my flock this winter. ' ' 1 

On November 26, 1782, McHenry lost his father, who 
died in Baltimore. With the death of the father, James 
McHenry seems to have decided to take his place in the 
mercantile business in partnership with his brother. The 
death of his father also made him financially independent. 

On February 2, 1783, McHenry writes a bright note to 
Washington asking for the dismissal of Mrs. Nancy Dulany's 
negro Jacob, who -nlisted in Bradford's company in October, 
1781. 

' ' One of the best old ladies in the world, who has one of 
the cleverest ladies for - ' —- endeav- 

ours for the recovery oj I 

inclose you a note on the subject & have to entreat your 
Excellency that you will order an inquiry & have the negro 
restored. I recollect to have been told by Major Reed in 
Virginia something of that affair. At that time I could not 
take the necessary steps to have justice done to the good old 
lady. I need not add, if Mrs. Dulany is known to your 
Excellency, how much it will oblige me to see the negro 
restored, on account of her great virtues & because it will 
be a great relief." 

Over two months later, on April 15, McHenry wrol i 
Washington again from Philadelphia : 

"Because I have no reason to believe myself forgotten, 
notwithstanding you have not written me for a long time, I 
would not leave Philadelphia without congratulating with 

1 Ford, x, 94. 



1781-1783] of James Mc Henry 51 

you upon an event the most glorious for my general. You 
have carried us through a long war ; you have not sunk under 
the severest trials & you live to see a country enjoy the 
blessings of peace & the result of your struggles. I know 
that you will not have it in your power to return to your 
seat for some time ; but, when you do, pray Stop over a day 
in Baltimore. " McHenry adds that he wishes to go to Europe 
in the diplomatic service and requests Washington's help. l 
Washington wrote at once to R. R. Livingston and James 
Madison concerning the matter and told Hamilton 2 that he 
spoke to them of McHenry "in warm terms and wish him 
success with all my heart." He then wrote to McHenry as 
follows : 

"Newburgh 24th April 1783. 
"Dear Sir, 

1 ' Immediately upon the receipt of your letter of the 15th. 
expressive of your wish to go to the Court of Versailles, or 
London, as Official Secretary to the Embassy:, I wrote to 
Messrs. Livingstone & Madison on the subject & mentioned 
you in warm terms to them — the Letters will go by this days 
Post. 

1 ' I thank you very sincerely for your kind congratulation 
on the approaching Peace ; — none can enjoy it with more 
heart felt satisfaction than myself; but when I shall be able 
to leave this place is uncertain — there are many embarrassing 
matters to settle first, and I am at this moment surrounded 
by more perplexing circumstances than you can have an idea 
of. 

"As I shall have pleasure in spending a day at Baltimore 
on my return home, I can have no merit in complying with 
what you say is the wish of the Citizens of that place ; from 
whom I have received many marks of polite attention 

"I am with much truth 
"Dr Sir 
"Your most obedt. & affct. Servt. 
"Go. Washington. 
"P. S. 

"The inclosed 

is copy of a letter written to you agreeably to its date. 
Colo. Vose is not now with the Army. ' ' 

1 On March 23, 1783, Washington wrote Lafayette (Ford, x, 196): 
"McHenry has left the military & embraced a civil walk of life. By 
which act he has disqualified himself from answering your purposes," 
whatever they may have been. 

2 Hamilton's Works, i, 365. 



52 Life and Correspondence [Chap, v 

To Washington's letter Madison answered as follows: 

"Philada April 29, 1783. 
''Sir 

"I have been honored with your Excellency s favor of the 
22d. inst. bearing testimony to the merits and talents of Mr. 
McHenry. the character which I had preconceived of this 
Gentleman was precisely that which your representation has 
confirmed — as congress has not yet fixed the peace estab- 
lishment for their foreign affairs and will not probably fill up 
vacancies, unless there be some critical urgency — until such 
an establishment be made, it is uncertain when an opportunity 
will present itself of taking into consideration the wishes and 
merits of Mr. McHenry. should my stay here be protracted 
till that happens, which I do not at present expect, I shall feel 
an additional pleasure in promoting the public interest from 
my knowledge that I, at the same time, fulfill both your 
Excellences public judgment and private inclination. 

' ' I have the honor to be with perfect respect and 
sincere regard yr Excellencys Obedt & Hble Sv 
"J. Madison Jr." 

Livingston's reply soon followed from Philadelphia on 
the 2nd of May, 1783. 

"I am so sensible of Mr. McHenrys merit, that even 
independant of the advantagious light in which your Excel- 
lency's recommendation places it, I should think my self 
happy to obtain his services in a line in which I am persuaded 
they will do honor to his country. Congress have it not in 
view at present to make an immediate appointment to London ; 
and while Doctr. Franklin continues at paris it would be 
painful to him to have any other secretary than his grandson, 
Avho tho' not secretary to the embassy exercises the duties of 
one, and has lately been provided for as such by Congress. 

"Should any opportunity offer of sending out Mr 
McHenry in such character as would be acceptable to him, 
during the short time of my continuance in office, you may be 
persuaded that your Excellency 's recommendation will render 
me particularly attentive to avail my self of it. ' ' 

These letters Washington transmitted to McHenry with 
the following note : 

"Newburgh 14th. May 1783. 
"Dear Sir, 

"You will see by the inclosed Copies, which are answers 



1781-1783] of James McHenry 53 

to my letters to Mr. Livingston and Mr. Madison, upon what 
footing- the appointments to Foreign Courts stand. 

"If these Gentlemen should leave Congress previous to 
the taking place of the event — Your friends in Congress 
should advise you thereof. & of the time at which these 
elections may probably be made, — and I can facilitate your 
wishes by addressing any other Members (with whom I have 
an acquaintance) in your behalf you may freely lay your 
Commands on 

"Yr Most Obedt. and 
"Affect. Hble Servt. 
' ' Go. Washington. ' ' 

But McHenry 's desires failed of fulfilment, and he en- 
dorsed on the letter just quoted : 1 
"N. B. 

"The first foreign appt. made by Congress, was 
to Mr. John Adams, then minister at the 
Court of London. 

"Having changed my plan of life, in other words 
about to be married, I declined being a candidate, 
in favour of Wm. S. Smith, who was appointed and 
afterwards married one of the 
ministers daughters." 

Towards the end of April, McHenry left Philadelphia, 
where the attractions of Miss Caldwell had made deep impres- 
sion on him and of his journey to Baltimore he wrote on the 
first of May, 1783, to Major John Armstrong, the author 
of the Newburgh addresses to Washington: 
"My dear Major 

"Once on a time, I remember, in a pensive route to our 
modern Capua, a young lady descended from a flaming chariot, 
and entered the tavern at which I had stopped. Betsy, said 
she, with a look of blended gaiety and giddiness that bespoke 
a heart perfectly at rest, hasten to me with paper, for I would 
die were I not to write to my friend at every remove. Sweet 
insensible, said I to myself, as she tripped lightly along, 
followed by the girl whose face betrayed the sunshine of 
better days and the deep traces of some affecting disappoint- 
ment — of what would you die — or of what would you write 

1 Lafayette wrote Hamilton (Hamilton's Works, i, 327), asking to 
be made envoy extraordinary of the United States to Great Britain to 
ratify the treaty and added "send McHenry to me." 



54 Life and Correspondence [Chap, v 

— you who never felt the uncertainties of love — or the pains 
of the wretched. But checking these reflexions — trifles, I 
perceive make you happy, and sensibility, perhaps, would 
render you otherwise. Go then — and write — and dress — 
and talk — and throughout life think your heart interested — 
but as now let it be always — by trifles. Having shook off the 
dust of my journey, of which bye and bye, and being some- 
what in the humor of this fair itinerant, I called for my 
writing apparatus — that I might trifle with you half an hour, 
and that you might be able to find me when disposed either in 
seriousness or levity to do the same. 

"To-morrow, then, I go to be very grave at Annapolis, 
and heaven knows, how much more I incline to be gay at 
Philadelphia. For, of those few things in this world which 
afford pleasure, I more than suspect — that solemnity and 
wisdom give the least. Vive la bagatelle, said Swift, oftener 
than he said his prayers — and what adds weight to this 
maxim, is, that he did not venture to pronounce it — before 
he had discovered by deep study and long intercourse with 
mankind — that no one could get fat upon wisdom — which 
between ourselves, I take to be the great cause of your leanness. 
Were other authorities necessary to support this maxim, 
besides the lady's I have quoted — Dean's — and my own 
invariable practice — I would mention the two celebrated 
Eomans, spoken of by Cicero who would leave the business of 
government — to play marbles, and gather shells and peri- 
winkles at Gaeta and Laurentium. 

"Thinking in this manner I entered Phila. the capital, 
and without any material change of sentiment, I mounted the 
curricle that hurried me from it — satisfied that I had lost 
no flesh by the visit. In a moment we were out of sight of the 
ships — the buildings — the spires and the smoke. The sun 
shone benignly on the earth. On each side of the road was 
spring just beginning her f rnlicks — behind me lay the sleep- 
ing beauties of Philadelphia, and before me their sisters of 
Maryland — so that whichever way I looked — nothing pre- 
sented me but objects of pleasure. We breakfasted at Chester, 
like hungry lions — passed through Wilmington, like a squib 

— dined at New-port, like gluttons — ate supper at the Head 
of Elk like fools for we had no appetite — and here we took 
up our lodgings for the night. About eight o'clock the next 
morning, fresh and cheerful as young bridegrooms, we crossed 
the Susquehannah — more lovely than your Schuylkil — in 



1781-1783] of James McHenry 55 

its banks — its islands — and its windings — and by evening 
arrived at a place renowned for — its dirt — its dust — and 
its dulness. 

"And, now, Sir, will you do me the favor, while I drink 
tea with some ladies, to hasten to the circle in which I lately 
found you. There single out the fair who possessed you for 
that evening — but do not press her hand so much — nor sit 
so long near her — for, believe me, you are no anchorite thus 
cautioned — assume the attitude of persuasion — awake her 
feelings by some well chosen story — take care at the same 
time of your own — then pause — and while, as she is wont, 
she casts her eyes thoughtfully, languishing on the ground — 
tell her — that although the edges of her little silky present, 
are much fretted by the attention paid to it — and here and 
there a thread actually destroyed — yet what is left — which 
I intend to wear round my neck as an amulet — still retains 
the power which she gave it entire and undiminished. Oh 
my soul I am heartily glad that her sister is at home with her 
fine eyes and her penetrating wit — because the shrewd girl is 
forever suspecting insincerity under a compliment — and here 
I would not have my veracity even called into question. But 
my good Sir, it is time to leave this lady — as the nymph of 
the fete has remarked the length of your conversation. But 
— alas — my half hour is spent — and I have only time left 
me — to wish you a favorable wind to clear of her spells, and 
carry you round the rest of this dangerous circle — for at this 
instant — one of the whitest and prettiest hands in all Balti- 
more — is going to pour me out a dish of imperial tea — and if 
I stay another moment, I shall undoubtedly — lose the pleas- 
ure of drinking it. Adieu therefore — and believe me yours 
very sincerely" 

On April 24, 1783, the Maryland legislature was called 
together, but McHenry did not appear at Annapolis until 
May 6, and Governor Paca's message was received on the 
following day. Five days later James McHenry and Thomas 
Johnson were chosen to fill vacancies in Maryland's represen- 
tation in the continental congress. 1 In those days, the two 
positions were not deemed incompatible and so McHenry sat 
in both the confederation congress and the Maryland senate. 
The news of the treaty of peace had just come and General 

1 Jas. Lloyd, Nathaniel Ramsay, and Thos. Wright, were also voted 
for. McHenry accepts on June 1, the last day of the session. 



56 Life and Correspondence [Chap, v 

Greene had written him as follows from Charleston on April 

28: 

"My dear friend 

' ' I have only a moment to salute you with congratulations 
upon the joyful issue of the war; and to assure you that 
however fortune may dispose of me in future I shall always 
feel a lively friendship for you. Major Swan is just on the 
wing and will not allow me time to say more. I expect to be 
to the Northward this Summer and to have the pleasure of 
taking you by the hand as well as all my other Maryland 
friends. ' ' 

As a representative of the commercial classes, we are not 
surprised to find that McHenry introduced in the senate 
tonnage and port warden's bills. Education, communication 
with the west, and readjustment of relations with loyalists 
receive attention at this session and Annapolis is offered the 
confederation as the seat of the general government. 

During the summer, McHenry joined the continental 
congress at " Princetown, " where he served on the committee 
on foreign affairs. Congress had been driven to Princeton 
by the mutiny of the Pennsylvania troops at Philadelphia. 

On July 3, he wrote to Washington, as chairman of a 
committee appointed to consider a letter of Washington's 
which complained of his disagreeable situation, saying that 
congress wished Washington to come before it. Originally 
it had been planned to ask Washington about a peace estab- 
lishment. Rhode Island wished to have none, so the clause 
was left out, but McHenry asks Washington to give his opinion 
on the matter, in any case. Evidently the letter was delayed, 
for Washington wrote to him on August 6, 1 asking why con- 
gress had sent for him, as follows : 

"After a tour of at least 750 miles (performed in nineteen 
days) I returned to this place yesterday afternoon when I 
found your favour of the 31st ulto. intimating a resolution 
to Congress for calling me to Princeton, partly as it would 
seem, on my own account, and partly for the purpose of giving 
aid to Congress; but the President not having sent on the 
Resolution. * * * 

' ' I wish you therefore, my dear Sir, to transmit to me by 
the earliest opportunity, a copy of the Resolutions with an 
explanation of the particular reasons & motives which have 

1 Ford, x, 291; Sparks, viii, 469. 



1781-1783] of James McHenry 57 

influenced Congress to pass it, that I may be enabled to regu- 
late my conduct accordingly. 

"With the greatest esteem & much 
"Affectionate regard 
"I am Dr. Sir 
"Yr. Obedt Serv. 
"Go. Washington." 

McHenry answered Washington's letter on the 11th stat- 
ing that the first motive in asking him to come "was to get 
you out of a disagreeable situation to one less disagreeable." 
The second was "to get your assistance & advice in the ar- 
rangements for peace. It may be necessary besides to consult 
you respecting promotions & on a variety of military sub- 
jects." Washington came, occupied a house provided for 
him by congress at Eocky Hill, between three and four miles 
from Princeton, and remained there until November. 

During the debate concerning the punishment of the 
Pennsylvania mutineers, McHenry spoke urging mercy: 

"Before passing upon this proclamation I beg leave to 
say a few words. 

"It is impossible that any set of men can be engaged in a 
business more serious or more solemn, than in deliberating 
upon an act that is to deprive a human being of his life or 
character. It will occur to the house that the operation of this 
act does not merely respect the life or character of Casberry & 
Sullivan, but extends beyond them, to their relations and even 
to all those of the same name. If a soldier falls in battle — if 
an honest man is killed by a robber, or murdered by his 
enemy, this neither injures his fame, or reflects dishonor on 
his relations. But the case is far otherwise if he dies under 
the hands of the law or the executioner. His memory thence- 
forward is rendered infamous, and to be his relation or to bear 
his name, is to carry about one a mark of indelible disgrace. 

' ' These observations are recalled to the recollection of the 
house, to shew us the importance of what we are about. 

"Let us now for a moment consider the crime of these 
unfortunate exiles. They were both officers at an early period 
of the war, and uniformly and till its close, behaved with that 
fortitude and patience which have so distinguished our army. 
The situation and circumstances of the army before and at 
the time of the meeting need not be discredited. They dis- 
played great virtues — they are pregnant with instruction to 
this country and full of excuse for the criminals. These 



58 Life and Correspondence [Chap, v 

unfortunates worn down by poverty and grown desperate 
by necessity, that power which few persons can resist, formed 
a plan to relieve their wants. 

"It is certainly an extenuation of their crime, that its 
object was founded in justice, and that violence was done to 
either life, person, or property. It is true the soldiers, whose 
motions they are said to have directed, had arms in their 
hands when they surrounded the state house — but it is also 
true that they did not use their arms. 

"But other and more urgent reasons plead that their 
crime should be forgiven. Let the services and long suffer- 
ings of the army be remembered ; and let the failings of these 
men be forgotten in their former merits and in the merits of 
the army. And let not the first fruits of their long and 
perilous contest, our peace, be watered with the blood of two 
of their companions. 

4 ' I hope it will not be urged that the measure is necessary 
for the support of our national character. Our national 
character can never be supported by a sacrifice of national 
humanity. I have always thought, and the history of all 
nations teach me that I am right that acts of mercy serve more 
to dignify and raise the character of a government than acts 
of blood. It is said that Draco's laws were written in blood 
— but no one has ever dared to praise them. ' ' 

During the autumn, McHenry wrote to Hamilton l 
praising him and telling him that his "Congressional homil- 
ies" were still remembered with pleasure. Were he ten 
years older (Hamilton then was twenty-six) and £20,000 
richer he might have the highest office in congress's gift. 
Cautious men "think you sometimes intemperate, but seldom 
visionary * * *. Bold designs, measures calculated for their 
rapid execution — a wisdom that would convince from its own 
weight, a project that would surprise the people into greater 
h.ippiness, without giving them an opportunity to view it & 
reject it — are not adapted to a council composed of discord- 
ant materials or to a people which have 13 heads, each 
of which pays superstitious adorations to inferior divinities. ' ' 

The Maryland Legislature began its autumn session on 
November 4, but McHenry did not take his seat until the 19th, 
having been in Philadelphia in the meantime. On the 23rd he 

1 J. C. Hamilton, iii, 8; Hamilton's Works, i, 411. Letter dated 
October 22. 



1781-1783] of James McHenry 59 

was appointed with John Smith to ask the delegates to come 
and qualify the incoming governor and, on the 24th, he was 
placed on the joint committee on the governor's message about 
a threatened disturbance in Annapolis. Two days later, he 
was nominated for congress 1 and elected with Thomas Stone, 
Samuel Chase, and Edward Lloyd. The session .of the legis- 
lature continued until December 23, and McHenry took quite 
an active part, bringing in a tonnage bill and one to regulate 
theatrical entertainments, and serving on the joint committee 
to provide proper accommodations for Washington. The 
delegates in congress were expected to report to the legisla- 
tures and Ave find that such reports were made in writing by 
McHenry and Daniel Carroll at this time. Congress met at 
Annapolis in November and on November 27, the senate in- 
vited that body to use its room, removing to the intendant's 
office and, a week later, voted to encourage congress to make 
their permanent seat at or near Georgetown. 

From "Princetown" McHenry made a trip to Philadel- 
phia to see Miss Caldwell whose declared lover he now was, 
and to her he wrote on the 15th of July : 

"When I retired from the presence of my dear Peggy, 
the disquieting idea of not seeing her again for some time 
became more powerful than the pleasure I had just experi- 
enced. The hour you had given to my affection and endeared 
by your delicate sensibility served but to make me more 
conscious to the approaching separation. I was going it was 
true, only to Princetown, but the obstacles to a return far 
exceeded the distance, and that alone was sufficient to excite 
reflections inexpressibly painful. Well aware that you would 
not wish me to be accused of levity in business, or suffer me 
to be suspected of preferring even the gratification of my 
heart to the interests of my country, I said to myself, a public 
station is an enemy to peace, and there is no happiness but 
in the arms of mj 7 Peggy, I will, therefore, renounce its vain 
consequence to others ; I will overcome my fears and speak to 
her parents tomorrow; she shall be mine, and the rest of the 
world may belong to the disciples of folly or the dupes of 
ambition. An instant however told me that to please you, I 
must not desert the station in which I had been placed and 
incur a public censure, but relying on the promise you had 
made to sweeten absence with an intercourse of letters, forbear 
to be precipitate or to hurry you into a new condition of life, 

1 He accepted the honor on December 2. 



60 Life and Correspondence [Chap, v 

before I could render it agreeable to the sole guardian of my 
fate. Thus my amiable and beloved charmer, I felt and I 
thought till the appearance of the punctual Davy informed 
me it was time to commence my journey. I stole softly to 
your room door, and gently kissed it, and prayed that your 
slumbers might be light, and your hours tranquil, till I again 
lost my speech in looking at my Peggy, and again felt from 
her head tenderly reclined on my arm, more substantial pleas- 
ure, than a monarch experiences when first seated on his 
throne, or a conqueror enjoys in the moment of his victories. 

" Oh ! my dear Peggy, till then, enliven the dull drudgery 
I must be engaged in by your cordial letters. You are too 
sensible, after my plighted faith, to think writing to me 
improper, and I am too much interested in whatever you do, 
to require, what if done, would diminish my regard. Will 
my Peggy, too, penetrate the disposition of her mother, re- 
specting my passion and hasten to remove a suspense which 
she must know is insufferably distressing. Let me but read 
your letters and have ease on this point, and I shall count the 
hours of absence as only interposed to heighten the hap- 
piness that awaits my return. Adieu my dear and beloved 
Peggy and believe me unchangeably yours 

"James McHenry 

"This is tuesday night, but as I cannot trust a letter to 
my Peggy to the common stage box I must keep it for a 
conveyance to which I can confide a name so very dear to my 
present and future felicity. As settled between us this will 
be delivered you by your brother." 

It is amusing to see that McHenry 's love for his Peggy 
did not deprive him of the ability to enjoy the society of other 
women, as may be seen from verses he wrote three days later. 
1 ' Extempore, on a young Quaquer lady 
who very reluctantly shewed some poe- 
try and wondered how it could be 
known that she wrote any. (Miss 
Horner. ) 

"Prineetown Jersey 18 July 1783 

"Bashful as a first-day bride, 
With the muses at your side, 
Long you could not hide your art ; 
Soon you snatched them to your heart. 
From such fondness I could tell 
Without help of charm or spell, 
Sweet companion of the nine, 
That the laurel crown was thine." 



1781-1783] of James McHenry 61 

In spite of his official duties, McHenry found time to 
write frequently to his betrothed. From Annapolis on the 
night of the 19th of November, 1783, just after his arrival, 
he sent her a letter. * 

"What a change has one hundred and thirty miles 
wrought upon your friend. I sit down to write my dear- 
Peggy under a gloom of sentiment that I have never before 
experienced. The heaviness of absence has doubled with the 
distance. I dined today with the Governor and he would 
have it that I had met with some disappointment. In the 
evening I drank tea with your great rival, and she would have 
it that I was actually married — because I looked so grave. I 
endeavoured in vain to recover my spirits : I attempted some 
compliments to the lady: I failed however to please myself, 
and took leave of the company to try the effect of conversing 
with my Peggy. It is not easy, my amiable friend, all at once 
to assume a careless behavior, when the heart is wrought upon 
by the disquietudes of absence. I have involved myself in 
politics and high stations, while to preserve the latter I do 
violence to my heart. I followed a false light that never led 
any person to happiness. I have been more than once tempted 
to give up all public pursuits upon finding what appeared 
desirable while sought after, insipid or unsatisfying when 
attained. Since my affections have been interwoven with 
yours the nothingness of public honors have become more 
apparent, and the strongest conviction has arisen, that peace, 
pleasure & content are peculiarly the inmates of a domestic 
circle. Still however I continue to seek after phantoms, or 
to work for what cannot increase ones happiness. How is it, 
my love, that not withstanding history is filled with precepts 
expressive of the delusory nature of ambitious pursuits, and 
the complainings of men who have been favoured to the extent 
of their projects that their successors should continue to tread 
in the same path which leads to the same disappointments. 
Why my Peggy have I left you — why do I remain here a day 
longer — Why do I not give up all public employments and 
return to the bosom of my beloved — Why do the deceitful 
sounds of love of country oppose the bent of my heart, and 
hold me from you even against the strong current of my 
inclinations. Is there not in the human constitution princi- 
ples that draw contrary ways at the same time. I would go to 
Philada. and yet I do not go. Your heart would persuade 
you to be with me, and yet you feel the honest sensations at 



62 Life and Correspondence [Chap, v 

the thought of separating from those connections who have 
grown dear to you from habit and course of kind offices. 

' ' You perceive my charmer that I am illy at rest, and by 
no means in a humor to be satisfied with my present condition. 
Several circumstances besides my being forced to leave you 
have associated to encourage this temper. The arrival of Mr. 
Carroll and myself do not make a senate — so that no business 
has been done, and we must wait here several days till our 
brethren think proper to come forward to their duty. This 
of course will make the session of Assembly longer than I 
expected. The reception I have met with from my friends 
in the house of delegates altho' very flattering does not coun- 
terbalance this circumstance. But I will not trouble my 
Peggy with more of my complaints, but wait for that consola- 
tion which her promised letter will bring with it. 

"One thing however I cannot but mention. When I 
spoke to your mother on the subject of our marriage I sug- 
gested that you were desirous of delaying it till spring, but 
that I had my heart fixed upon an earlier period. I then 
spoke of January but at the same time told her what I told 
you that I wished to have a better house to bring you to than 
the one my brother lived in — but that this would be difficult 
to get in the winter. Your mother who is all goodness lessened 
this difficulty by proposing that I should come up as soon as I 
could leave Congress and that we might then be married after 
which I might return to Congress and in the mean time indulge 
her with your company until spring when it would be better 
traveling for you. I did not relish the idea of leaving you 
behind me, but since I have considered all the objections to 
your removal during the winter and that by spring I may 
have every thing arranged for your reception I must plead 
with my dear Peggy for her consent. 

"Will you then consult with your own heart on this 
question and with your mother and write me the result. I 
anticipate a favorable answer to this proposal because it will 
be more agreeable than an immediate separation from your 
parents and because it will in a great measure lessen the 
distress I must experience should our marriage be delayed 
till spring or till every arrangement is complete for your 
reception. We shall also be certain of your brother's presence 
and this is a circumstance which I know we both wish for. 
If my dear Peggy should approve of this plan I would hope 
to see her in January and would endeavour to be with her at 



1781-1783] of James McHenry 63 

least throughout that month. I shall bring no company but 
my brother and the marriage may be conducted with that 
privacy which I know is most pleasing to you. ' ' 

To the above letter he added a postscript on the 21st. 

"To day is to bring me your letter and to carry this to 
your hands. I can safely pronounce that no one can be a 
philosopher and in love. To be patient and acquiescent under 
every change of circumstance is not within my power. I 
betray myself. I may however in a few days become more 
reconciled to my situation. When we make a senate I shall 
have full employment, and this will call my attention from my 
own feelings to that of others. I find that it would be no 
easy matter for my enemies should I have any to leave me out 
of Congress. Almost every person seems pleased with my 
conduct and attendance." 

Early in December, McHenry determined to go to Balti- 
more, to make preparations for his marriage and attend to 
other affairs and wrote on the 7th, Sunday morning, to Miss 
Caldwell : 

"Every day, my charming preacher, offers some lesson 
or other, which, to use your own words, may instruct us in 
our duty, and teach us to attend to it with sincerity and 
diligence. He must indeed, one would suppose shut his eyes 
on society who does not find its numerous follies, miseries, and 
misfortunes, produce improvement, excite charity or move 
compassion; who does not reflect on the provisionary steps 
requisite to meet that awful change of condition, which re- 
peated examples prove to be inevitable. And yet so it happens 
that these things though daily seen and talked of are unat- 
tended to and forgotten. We continue to live in the midst of 
them as it were without thinking of them : we swim carelessly 
down the insidious current of time, and are even observed to 
put forth fresh sail on the brink of the cataract into which 
we are just plunging. Hence it is, perhaps, my gentle moralist 
that earthquakes, volcanoes and inundations become necessary 
in the order of things to rouse men to a sense of their situation, 
and accomplish by a dreadful novelty what could not be 
affected by a succession of small examples. 

"But, my beloved Peggy, you, and all those, who are 
endeavouring to do what is right need be ashamed of no 
inspection whatever, nor afraid of meeting the last convulsions 
of nature, whether in a ball room or a church at a wedding 



64 Life and Correspondence [Chap, v 

or a funeral ; because, in all places you will be found in a 
temper of mind, and with a purity of heart which the deity 
himself cannot disapprove. 

"And what is it my sweet friend, but this temper of 
mind and this purity of heart that keeps one always in good 
humor and without which no one can be happy. 

"But I must put an end to my moralizing in ten minutes 
I shall be on horseback, and in five hours I expect to be in 
Baltimore. Adieu. Adieu. ' ' 

After arriving at Baltimore, he wrote again, on the next 
evening : 

"I got to this place last night, later than I said, because 
I was detained some hours longer than I expected. 

"To write to my Peggy from the place where I one day 
hope to see her and that not a very distant one, excites sensa- 
tions of the most agreeable kind. Half of my business thither 
was to communicate to my brother my plan of being with you 
in January. He will be prepared to accompany me the 
moment I can withdraw myself from Congress. How I long, 
my friend for that moment — not that I want any new proof 
of the sincerity of your regard, but that I wish to be yours 
beyond the possibility of hazard of mischance. My Peggy 
will forward and complete all those little preparations she 
speaks of and if she is in sentiment with me she will also be 
desirous that the wedding should rather be private than other- 
wise. You know your father loves economy, so that we shall 
in this instance find our feelings gratified, by avoiding a very 
superfluous and fatiguing parade. But I am my love wholly 
under your direction." 

His stay in Baltimore was short and from Annapolis on 
the 14th of December, Sunday, he wrote, urging an early date 
for the wedding : 

' ' Let it suffice, says my charmer, that I have good reasons 
for requesting you will not think of coming the first of next 
month. I can assure you I did not think of doing anything 
that might contravene the wishes of my Peggy. I had just 
returned from disposing matters with my brother for our 
being in Philadelphia the first of January. I had flattered 
my self from some parts of former letters, unless some weighty 
reason opposed it — my friend would not. My fancy had 
done more ; It had placed me by your side, as I received your 



1781-1783] of James McHenry 65 

letter, where I was enjoying in that imaginary situation all 
the waking certainties of human happiness. I made to your 
letter some answer in a tumult of opposition. But you would 
perceive this and forgive what sensations was hasty or im- 
proper. I now write in a moment of greater composure, and 
may I not also add of greater submission. I know what I 
ought and I do struggle to conform to your interdiction. But 
my Peggy will consider, that should I leave Annapolis by the 
first of January and it will be almost impossible to leave it 
sooner, that I must be some days on the road, and some days 
in Baltimore, all of which conjoined must put off our marriage 
till within a few days of the period to which I am limited. 
May I hope that this arrangement, which is so near to that of 
my friends will comport with her ideas of propriety ; and that 
it will not be defeated by any insurmountable obstacle. My 
beloved will observe that I have not taken into this calculation 
allowances for bad weather. But I fear I distress you — and 
I have promised you an entertainment at the Governor's. 

' ' Well then — I got to this place of gaiety and business 
on Wednesday. Alass Peggy I am called unexpectedly from 
my promise — you will excuse me for delaying it's perform- 
ance till next Sunday — and believe that I regret being obliged 
for today — to bid my beloved adieu. ' ' 

Later in the week, he wrote again : 

' ' Friday morning. 
"19 Deer. 

' ' To day, my dear friend, I expect your letter, and with it 
a fresh source of agreeable sensations. Without being much 
pleased, I have been very busy since your last, and which 
increases my solicitude for a new conversation because this 
never failed to restore me to myself however wayward I may 
be or however disposed to be dissatisfied. I find, my Peggy, 
a consolation beyond expression in your visits — in hovering 
round you in the hall-room, in the attentions of your Spaniard, 
or waiting upon you to your own fire-side — in listening to the 
little Jane and hearing her sometimes please and sometimes 
alarm you. Such incidents as these bring with them a world 
of satisfactions, nor would I exchange them for all the gaie- 
ties and pleasures of Annapolis. There are routs — dinners 
and dances — but what are these when you are in Philadel- 
phia, There is a variety of beauty — but none of it can 
satisfy. I flit through a round of company; I debate with 



66 Life and Correspondence [Chap, v 

politicians or I converse with philosophers: I feel interested 
for the moment but when I retire I do not find my charmer : 
and then Peggy I grow sullen and out of humor and sometimes 
desperate enough to resolve upon seeing you even against 
your consent. 

' ' But my love I am getting into a serious mood and it is 
time to go to Congress. I shall take this with me and send 
John to his station earlier by two hours than he went last 
post day. 

' ' Good morning my beloved. ' ' 

"Annapolis, 21 Deer. 
' ' To-morrow carries me from this place — but the day 
recalls to my mind a promise I made to my [friend] some 
weeks ago of an entertainment at the governors. When I 
got hither from Baltimore which was on Wednesday about 
noon I found every body preparing to go with the rest. It 
exhibited a strange mixture of men and characters. The 
lords of the old government, with some of the sovereigns and 
citizens of the new (if we may calculate on finding them 
together) seemed to have forgotten all former ideas of 
precedence and distinction. Sir Robert Eden would have 
persuaded one by being of the party, that he had lost all 
remembrance of his having been the owner of the house in 
which he danced, and late governor of Maryland — but the 
thing could not be, where every person he met, and every 
picture and piece of furniture he saw, served to remind him 
of the past, or brought up the recollection of pleasures he 
could no longer repeat. This state has taken away his prop- 
erty, and a libertine life his constitution. He finds himself a 
dependent on persons he despised, and insignificant on the 
spot where, but lately he was every thing. He sees his old 
parasites and companions enjoying places under the pres- 
ent government, and devoted to new interests. He is 
without a train of followers obedient to his pleasing will. 
He perceives, that even the hearts he is said to have subdued 
by his entertainments or warmed by his gallantries have 
altered by time or submitted to other seducers. If we look 
for the cause of his return to this place in his pride — that 
would not suffer him to sue for favors, from men he so lately 
considered as rebels. If in his interest, he will be blamed for 
meanness. If in his poverty, he is certainly to be pitied. So 
situated and circumstanced I could neither believe him happy 



1781-1783] of James McHenry 67 

or at his ease, unless I had supposed, that, with his estate and 
constitution he had lost his sensibility. 

''Mr. Harford is a young man, and excites more favorable 
ideas. He has no prejudices to encounter because this is his 
first visit to America. The natural son of the late lord 
Baltimore and heir to his estate which we have taken away. 
He is handsome, sensible and of polite manners, and withal 
seems to be governed by a discretion beyond his years. All 
this speaks in his behalf, and disposes one to wish, that 
amongst the virtues of the country w^ could reckon magnan- 
imity. 

"Sir Robert danced with Mrs. Plater. Mr. Smith, his 
secretary, with her daughter. Mr. Clapham formerly receiver 
of rents, was at the card tables. Mr. Harford did not dance, 
but was seen sometimes chatting with the ladies and sometimes 
with himself. 

"Such a blended assembly — men of so opposite princi- 
ples and manners — those who had lost estates and those who 
had them, — those who were once the greatest, and who were 
now among the least — those who were once nothing, and who are 
now every thing — ladies who shone under the late constitution, 
and some few of both sexes, whose value and merits no revolu- 
tions could diminish — all conspired to excite reflections and to 
afford amusement. The scene did not cease to be interesting 
till near twelve o'clock — when I retired to my apartment — 
took out a little amulet from my bosom — kissed it twice and 
went to sleep. 

"But know my charmer, that the dear image the amulet 
presented did not leave me, but continued almost throughout 
the night to give birth to the tenderest and most agreeable 
dreams. 

"This being the last engagement I had to discharge in 
Annapolis I hasten to join my amiable friend and interchange 
those solemn vows which are to make us one throughout time 
and eternity. Adieu, my beloved adieu, and may Saturday 
bring your presence your truly affectionate 

"McHenry" 

When congress arrived, it found that it was necessary to 
make arrangements for Washington's resignation of his com- 
mission as general and Jefferson, Gerry, and McHenry were 
appointed a committee to attend to this. On December 10, 



68 Life and Correspondence [Chap, v 

Washington wrote 1 McHenry from Philadelphia that, as 
New York had been evacuated by the British, he was on his 
way to Annapolis to "get translated into a private Citizen." 
Ten days later, he notified the president of congress that he 
had arrived in Annapolis and, on the 23rd, he read his address 
to congress in the senate chamber of the state house. The 
war was over and the commander, to whom the new country 
owed so much, felt he could now take his "leave of all the 
employments of public life." The original draft of the 
address was given to McHenry and has been preserved by his 
descendants to this day. 

At this time McHenry was much distressed at not hearing 
from Miss Caldwell and wrote her on Monday, December 22 : 

1 ' Could my love but know the uneasy hours I have spent 
since last post; and the fears that have been perpetually 
intrusive whenever I felt a moments serenity, I would become 
the object of her utmost compassion. At this instant I am on 
a rack of suspense. You may be sick and I must not know 
of it ; nor have it in my power to be with you, or near you, or 
where I could in any manner be administering to your relief. 
Good God should this be the case, and Jack have neglected to 
write me out of a mistaken delicacy, I shall become mad. But 
I am nearly so at this instant. I was to have spent the evening 
with some ladies but I have sent an excuse. I wonder what 
they are to me. I was to assist in writing our answer to 
General "Washington's resignation — but I am unfit for this 
purpose. If you are not sick I know the neglect did not lay 
with you. You certainly wrote me for I cannot suffer myself 
to think that I am all at once become so wretched as to be 
forgotten. 

"Forgive me, forgive me, my love, my beloved — I am 
indeed, almost beside myself by this incident. Only see what 
a change it has produced in my situation. I had reconciled 
myself to the time you asked for in your last letter. I had 
supposed, my friend had good reasons which respected the 
preparations, why I should not see her till the middle of the 
next month; or perhaps, that she wished to keep me at my 
duty as long as it was possible. When I admitted the latter, 
I admired your Eomanlike virtue: when the former I could 
not be otherwise than satisfied. If it is destined, I cried, 
that my Peggy should always have the same commanding 

1 Ford, x, 336. A photographic facsimile of Washington's manu- 
script address on the occasion of his resigning his commission was printed 
in Mag. Am. Hist., vii, 104. 



1781-1783] of James Mc Henry 69 

power over me,that she now possesses I feel that I am destined 
to be happy. And have I not a certainty of this, I continued, 
in her gentle spirit that subdues by yielding : her delicacy, that 
promises to be unchangeable in the arms of a husband: and 
her good sense that will always direct her behaviour so as to 
promote a constant exchange of tender and faithfully affec- 
tionate offices. I was lost in these delicious anticipations, and 
believed myself the happiest of mortals when the post arrived 
without one word from my Peggy. 

"Oh Peggy Peggy — but my sufferings if you are sick 
will not comfort you : and if well, as I hope and pray you are, 
I do not wish to make you melancholly by their recital. Adieu 
then, adieu — nor think what I shall suffer till I hear from 
you." 

McHenry's account of Washington's resignation, written 
to Miss Caldwell that very night, gives a vivid picture of the 
scene. 

' ' Had I been obliged to count the sands as they fall from 
an hour glass, since last Friday, I could not have done it with 
more exactness than I have counted the minutes of each day. 
It is, my dear Peggy, impossible for me to tell or you to feel 
the solicitudes and suspenses I have experienced. I am now 
become reasonable and do not think you are sick : but this does 
not relieve me. I do not think you have neglected me ; but this 
does not place me at rest. I suppose that some sufficient cause 
must have intervened to prevent me getting your letter, as 
clouds intervene and prevent the sight of the sun. But I will 
say no more on this subject, for I do not wish to communicate 
any distress this incident has caused me to my affectionate 
Peggy. 

' ' To day my love the General at a public audience made 
a deposit of his commission and in a very pathetic manner 
took leave of Congress. It was a solemn and affecting spec- 
tacle ; such an one as history does not present. The spectators 
all wept, and there was hardly a member of Congress who did 
not drop tears. The General's hand which held the address 
shook as he read it. "When he spoke of the officers who had 
composed his family, and recommended those who had con- 
tinued in it to the present moment to the favorable notice of 
Congress he was obliged to support the paper with both hands. 
But when he commended the interests of his dearest country 
to almighty God, and those who had the superintendence of 



70 Life arid Correspondence [Chap, v 

them to his holy keeping, his voice faultered and sunk, and the 
whole house felt his agitations. After the pause which was 
necessary for him to recover himself, he proceeded to say in 
the most penetrating manner, 'Having now finished the work 
assigned me I retire from the great theatre of action, and 
bidding an affectionate farewell to this august body under 
whose orders I have so long acted I here offer my commission 
and take my leave of all the employments of public life. ' So 
saying he drew out from his bosom his commission and 
delivered it up to the president of Congress. He then returned 
to his station, when the president read the reply that had been 
prepared — but I thought without any shew of feeling, tho* 
with much dignity. 

"This is only a sketch of the scene. But, were I to 
write you a long letter I could not convey to you the whole. 
So many circumstances crowded into view and gave rise to so 
many affecting emotions. The events of the revolution just 
accomplished — the new situation into which it had thrown 
the affairs of the world — the great man who had borne so 
conspicuous a figure in it, in the act of relinquishing all 
public employments to return to private life — the past — 
the present — the future — the manner — the occasion — all 
conspired to render it a spectacle inexpressibly solemn and 
affecting. 

"But I have, written enough. Good night my love, my 
amiable friend good night." 

"26 Deer. 
"3 o'clock. 

"Thank fortune my dearest friend that our session of 
assembly is at last finished ; and that there is one reason less 
for my remaining much longer in this place. Having seen the 
laws signed & sealed I made haste to the post office, but I did 
not find there the consolation I sought. It now snows most 
vehemently and this may detain the post rider perhaps till 
late in the evening. This my love is no little misfortune, for 
notwithstanding all I have written you, and argued with 
myself still I am far from being perfectly composed. Fears 
that you are sick or of some disagreeable mischance, will every 
now and then intrude — but let me also tell you, that I do not 
even suspect that you have been neglectful. You could not, 
I am sensible, torture me, even if you did not love. 

"I go to dine at the president of Congress's. John is 



1781-1783] of James McHenry 71 

posted to bring your letter. Oh ! may it soon arrive, and with 
it an evidence of your health and my happiness. Adieu — I 
take this in my pocket — adieu. 

" It is 6 o 'clock. I have your letter and am happy. You 
speak tender things to me in the tenderest manner, and have 
removed inquietudes which I hope never again to experience. 
I will blot out nothing of what I have written. It is but 
reasonable that you should know what I have felt, and 
improper that I should conceal anything from you. You will 
extenuate where I have exceeded or forgive where I may have 
offended. I trust all to my friend. 

' ' I have mentioned that the session is closed. I can only 
be detained now by the definitive treaty. I shall however 
leave this in the hands of my colleagues, and leave this the 
beginning of next week. I must stay a few days in Baltimore, 
where I expect to receive your next letter, or from which 
place I will write you the day I expect to be in Philadelphia. 

"You will write me unless you hear from me. 

"God almighty bless my dear Peggy, and make me to 
her what will make her happy. 

"I go to write a few words to Jack. Adieu my beloved 
— Adieu. 

"9 O'clock. 

"I am in my chamber, and cannot go to sleep or close 
your letter without a few words in addition to what I have 
pencilled. It is most likely my dear friend that the signing 
of this same definitive treaty will keep me here till the middle 
or last of next week. You will therefore write me. Should 
I be able to leave it sooner, you will hear from me, by a post 
that leaves this on tuesday evening or Wednesday morning, 
which gets to Philadelphia on Friday — If I should however 
be in Philadelphia the last of next week, my beloved, will not 
be surprised. I do not think however that the thing is prac- 
ticable; altho' it may take place. The post sets off early in 
the morning." 

On his return from Annapolis, McHenry wrote on Decem- 
ber 30, to Miss Caldwell, to tell her of his plans for the 
journey to Philadelphia: 

' ' See my love the use that I make of your indulgence. I 
am here, but my expectations of being with you on Saturday 
are not so strong as when I left Annapolis. Jack is to accom- 
pany me, and he has yet many things to do. He was also to 



72 Life and Correspondence [Chap, v 

have done some business for me and that is still to be done. I 
do not mean however that he is in fault altho' somebody is. 
Notwithstanding this I shall endeavour exceedingly to get off 
on Friday. But if I cannot accomplish this, I shall on Mon- 
day, and on Tuesday be in Philadelphia should the roads 
admit of such traveling. It will be no crime I hope to set 
out on Sunday I know that in setting out even on Monday I 
encroach on your original plan, but my beloved friend will 
consider my solicitudes to be with her, and those countless 
anxieties and sufferings which I must continue to experience 
till they are lost in her arms. 

"I shall hope that my Peggy will fix upon some day in 
next week for this event : for the performance of those nuptial 
rites that are to give us to each other by the tenderest and 
dearest of all names and affinities. I shall rest upon this 
delicious hope. It will cheer me on the road and do more to 
sweeten the hours which I must still be absent, than all the 
amusements and philosophy in the world. Even at this 
blessed instant it lights up in my bosom a flame of the purest 
and most perfect delight. 

"But I would upon another account entreat the day 
being in next week. This would at once relieve my beloved 
from those busy set of inquirers and questioners, who heed not 
or feel not the pain they excite in a delicate mind by their 
injudicious curiosity. 

"I expect to arrest your letter on its passage to Annapolis. 
If the return of the post does not bring you one on Monday 
it will be because I shall expect to see you on Tuesday. 

"My friend my beloved adieu. 

"Tuesday night. 

"It has snowed all day, which has detained Armstrong 
and given me time to write your parents. I have mentioned 
a private wedding which I know you have much at heart, and 
if it can be accomplished with propriety I know they will 
comply. However what they think right we must not think 
wrong. 

"A thousand sweet and tender agitations oppress and 
delight me. I hope there can be no reason why we should not 
be married next week. I rely upon your goodness. Do not 
oh do not disappoint your expecting hoping trembling " 



1781-1783] of James Mc Henry 73 

To Captain Allison, McHenry wrote: 

"My dear Sir 

"I have taken leave of Congress for some time and 
expect to see you the beginning of next week. As I wish for 
many reasons to have our marriage over as early as possible. 
In a letter I have written to Mrs. Allison on the subject of my 
marriage, but I want also to say a few words to yourself. I 
am as well as Peggy desirous to avoid as much as possible that 
parade of visits which you know is common on such occasions, 
but which has nothing to authorise them but custom. For my 
own part I am of the opinion that a few friends and a supper 
is all that is necessary or proper; and that all that follows 
had much better be omitted. A private wedding would ex- 
clude all this foolish formality. But as I said to Mrs. Allison 
I must leave all these matters to be arranged by those who 
understand them much better than I do. I have only to beg 
of you, that if you think as I think and see no impropriety in a 
private wedding that you would add your reasons to mine, 
provided Mrs. Allison is of the same opinion. 

"I know not whether I shall be fortunate enough in 
prevailing upon Peggy, that our marriage should be next week. 
I set out however under this impression and with the hope if 
ought depends upon you I will not be disappointed. ' ' 

The letter to Mrs. Allison was in the same vein : 
"My dear Madam. 

"I have got this far on my way to Philadelphia, but will 
be detained in this place till the last of the week. I have in- 
treated Peggy to fix some day in the next week for our mar- 
riage. Should my wishes meet your approbation, and prove 
agreeable to her it would add greatly to my happiness. I 
need not explain the reasons why the marriage should take 
place as soon as may be after my coming up, as they will 
occur to yourself. There is one thing however which I would 
beg leave to mention and which I am extremely anxious to 
have accomplished if it can be done without too great a viola- 
tion of established forms. If the cerimonial part of the busi- 
ness could end with the supper, at which I hope there will be 
only a few friends, I am sure it would be relieving us all 
from very idle and very useless visits. Might not these and 
the parade usual on such occasions be all avoided by consid- 
ering the marriage as private ? If private, visits would come 
only from those one would wish to see or that would be in- 



74 Life and Correspondence [Chap, v 

vited. But I know too little of these matters to direct, and 
if I knew ever so much I should not. You will therefore 
do what you please, and I will be pleased with whatever is 
done. 

"I hope if there is no good reason against next week 
you will dispose the mind of my dear Peggy for the event 
and thus give me a new motive to love and esteem you. 

"Sincerely and affectionately I am -my dear Mrs. Alli- 
son." 



CHAPTER VI 

MARRIAGE AND RETIREMENT FROM PUBLIC LIFE 

McHENRY reached Philadelphia safely and married on 
January 8, Margaret, only surviving daughter of 
David Caldwell, merchant, of Philadelphia. She was 
born October 8, 1762, and died in Baltimore November 20, 
1833. Her father, who died in Philadelphia, the year in 
which she was born, married in Ireland Miss Grace Allison. 
She married secondly, her cousin, Captain William Allison of 
Philadelphia, a near relative of the Rev. Patrick Allison, first 
pastor of the First Presbyterian Church of Baltimore, in 
which both James McHenry and his wife were communicant 
members, McHenry also serving in 1786 as one of the origina i 
trustees of the graveyard of that church. Mrs. McHenry 's 
only brother, John Caldwell, to whom frequent reference is 
made in this book, was born in 1759 and died at Baltimore in 
1820, leaving three sons. He married his cousin Margaret 
Caldwell of Philadelphia and settled in Baltimore as a law- 
yer. 

James McHenry and his wife had five children, who may 
well be named here : Grace, the eldest, was born on November 
2, 1784, baptized on December 4, and died in infancy, March 
24, 1789. Daniel William, the second child, was named for 
his grandfather, was born November 12, 1786, baptized on No- 
vember 26, and died suddenly June 30, 1814. After his mar- 
riage, he removed to Allegany County where he possessed 
an estate. On June 23, 1812, he married Sophia Hall Ram- 
say who was born on October 23, 1794, and died on December 
13, 1874. She was daughter of Colonel Nathaniel Ramsay, a 
distinguished officer in the American revolution. Daniel Mc- 
Henry had one son, Ramsay, born January 15, 1814, baptized 
February 16, died August 13, 1878. He lived at Monmouth, 
Harford County, as a country gentleman and never married. 
He took great interest in agriculture and possessed fine herds 
of imported cattle. He served several terms in the Maryland 
legislature. The third child was Anna, born November 20, 



76 Life and Correspondence [Chap vi 

1788, baptized January 4, 1789, married James Pillar Boyd, 
an attorney of Baltimore, February 4, 1808. She died April 
16, 1837, having had four children, viz: Mary, born March 
2, 1810, and died October 7, 1811; James McHenry, born 
December 15, 1817, died December 4, 1847, married December 
4, 1847 on his deathbed Annie Eliza Hall, a granddaughter of 
Colonel Nathaniel Ramsay (she is still alive, having married 
again Major-General John G. Barnard) ; Andrew, born No- 
vember 9, 1811, died January 15, 1815 ; and John Pillar, born 
August 3, 1816, died March 21, 1826. 

All the living descendants of James McHenry are de- 
scended from his second son and fourth child, John, who was 
born March 3, 1797, baptized May 7, and died at Mercersburg, 
Pa., of fever on October 6, 1822. He married 1 on December 
7, 1819, Juliana Elizabeth, a daughter of Colonel John Egger 
Howard. She was born on May 3, 1796 and died May 22, 
1821. John McHenry was educated for the bar and left one 
son, James Howard, born November 11, 1820, died October 
25, 1888. He married, June 25, 1855, Sarah Nicholas Cary, 
the daughter of Wilson Miles Cary of Baltimore, and had 
seven children : Juliana, who died in 1900 ; James and Charles 
Howard, who died in infancy; Wilson Cary, who married 
Edith L. Dove of Andover, Mass. ; Ellen Carr, who married 
R. Brent Keyser of Baltimore; John, who married Priscilla 
Stewart of Baltimore County ; and Sophia Howard, who mar- 
ried Charles Morton Stewart, Jr., of Baltimore County. 
James McHenry 's youngest child was Margaretta, who was 
born March 7, 1794, baptized March 27, and died of consump- 
tion November 26, 1809. 

McHenry 's marriage was very happy. His wife returned 
his devotion and their love did not weaken with the passage 
of the years. The wedding was a surprise to his friends. He 
had written to his friend Cochran some time before: 

' ' I had reasoned with myself a thousand times upon mat- 
rimony. You know I could not pass over this subject. That 
I had go ne on to build houses and plant vineyards, and after 

1 Mrs. McHenry wrote thus to a friend of this marriage : 
"The only information I have to give you of a pleasant kind is that of 
the marriage of my son with Howard which took place last Deer. This 
event did indeed produce feelings of joy & gratification which my heart 
had long been a stranger to & I hope of sincere thankfulness that my 
only & deservedly beloved son had been directed to so good a choice. 
She is the very person we would have chosen for him ; her mind so well 
improved. She is discreet & very amiable. When I say that he is 
deserving of her, you will be pleased to know that he also is of an amiable 
character. This union was long in contemplation, & much desired by the 
friends on both sides for they are worthy of each other." 




MARGARET CALDWELL McHENRY 

(Mrs. James McHenry) 

Reproduced in original size from miniature owned by the heirs of 
Dr. James McHenry 

(Copyright, 1907, The Burrows ^Brothers Company) 



1784-1786] of James McHenry 77 

looking at them a little, either capriciously or wisely (I did 
not say which) determined not to enter into ose of them. 
Then I went on to say that I was a poor philosopher, and that 
in a hovel, with only a cabbage garden annexed to it, could 
not be happy with a wife. ' ' 

Mrs. McHenry was a woman of a deeply religious nature, 
a good mother and housewife, not greatly interested in public 
affairs. To her McHenry wrote from time to time brief 
poems like the following: 

BLOOM-HILL. 

To Mrs. McHenry. 

Oh how I long my weary head to rest 
On the soft pillow of my Peggy's breast : 
To taste with you the warb'lings of the grove ; 
The shades of Bloom-hill and the sweets of love. 

To lead through clover'd fields your dewy feet, 
At glimm'ring morn the opal clouds to greet; 
To help you o'er the fence and up the hill ; 
And hear you talk and praise your rural skill. 

To see you playful skim the banks that shelve 
As when that I was twenty thou but twelve, 
Just seem to fall then rise with sudden grace, 
With eye averted and with blushing face ! 

At silent noon hard by the osier'd brook, 

To read with you some philosophic book ; 

To wring the heart with Shakespear's glowing page 

Old Lear's madness or Othello's rage. 

At eve to sip the dairy's nicest cream 
Or help our Grace to paddle thro' the stream; 
Hear the hens cluck to roost their seatter'd brood 
And distant cattle lowing o'er their food. 

See the starr'd night lead forth her fairy train 
And jocund hamlets smoke along the plain : 
Then, to retire from ev'ry mortal view 
And pass till morn the wedded hours with you. 

When Uriah Forrest heard of the marriage, he wrote 
McHenry thus: 

"Although you do not merit it, I cannot forbear my 
congratulations on your success. McHenry married ! is it pos- 
sible — myself & several of our friends have been years in 
pursuit of that happiness without effect & the man who upon 
all occasions reprobated the Idea — the first that has put it 
in practice. 

"What are going about now you have got married? I 
do not mean to ask in what manner you mean to treat Mrs. 
McHenry; but do you mean to continue Politician, return to 
Physic, adopt the Law, or commence merchant. Salute Mrs. 
Mc for me — Say to your brother I very much respect him — 



78 Life and Correspondence [Chap, vi 

& to yourself I will say you have the most perfect wishes for 
every Happiness that you can desire 
& be assured of the affection of me 
while you possess that worth that first 
commanded U. Forrest." 

McHenry had known his wife from her tenth year and 
some time after her marriage wrote from Philadelphia to her : 

' ' My dear Peggy. I am in the old house in which I first 
saw you and writing at the very desk on which I taught your 
fingers to form the first letter they ever made. My feelings 
correspond to my situation." 

He seems to have remained in Philadelphia until the lat- 
ter part of March, when he left his wife with her mother and 
came to Maryland to attend the sessions of the legislature and 
of congress, both of which were to meet in Annapolis. On the 
way, he stopped at Baltimore and wrote Mrs. McHenry on 
March 25: 

"When I left my dear Peggy, the great difficulty was 
got over, and I neither cared or thought about the badness 
of the roads; they were not however as bad as we were told, 
for we got that night to the Head of Elk, and yesterday morn- 
ing to this place. You will naturally conceive my anxiety 
to hear from you, and will have written me before this can 
reach you. I shall receive your letter at Annapolis where I 
go tomorrow to consign myself to some weeks unavoidable 
drudgery and to wait with sullen impatience that moment 
when I may leave it to embrace what I hold most dear in this 
world." 

After arriving at Annapolis, he wrote her constantly. 
Some of the letters are of interest, showing his character and 
the social side of the legislative duties. 

"Sunday 28th March 1784 

' ' I have said that the great difficulty was to leave you — 
but I was mistaken, for I am hardly two days in Annapolis 
when I find that to keep from you, is yet more difficult. Ah 
Peggy, how was I softened and tried in the moment of our 
parting, by your tender embrace, your restrained emotions, 
and your melting tears. Even now they speak to my very 
heart, and almost persuade me to relinquish a service which 
has been gradually losing its charms ever since you gave me 
your love. In truth, I am no longer anxious to please my 
state, seeing it cannot be done without sacrificing too much 
of your company. It is time too that I should accommodate 



1784-1786] of James Mc Henry 79 

my leisure and industry to our prospects and circumstances. 
Neither of us can be happy under a long separation ; nor can 
our interest be promoted by my sitting in Congress. My first 
object was to get you to Baltimore, to see you mistress of 
your house, and pleased in your new situation — but a strong 
hand restrains me where I am and delays that necessary event. 
I fear my beloved that I shall not have it in my power to move 
from this place sooner than the first of May. It is a tedious 
period — but unless I do what I have censured others for 
doing I cannot make it shorter." 

"Tuesday evening. [March 30] 
"Most of my visits are made, and I have received the 
usual compliments and answered the usual enquiries. Your 
health has been asked for by those who never saw you, and you 
cannot think how prodigiously happy it made them to hear 
that you were well. I often regret that so endearing a stile 
should have obtained a currency, without possessing any value. 
Adieu till post day. 

"This is thursday night [April 1] and no post or letter 
from my Peggy. It has happened to me to dine at different 
houses every day this week, but I have not felt less solicitude 
on account of this variety. I have also been very busy in Con- 
gress, but even there I found moments to be anxious and un- 
easy. To-morrow I hope will bring me an evidence of your 
health and console me as much as I can be consoled in your 
absence. It is late and I am not quite free from a headache — 
good night my friend, my beloved good night. 

"The second of April is arrived without bringing the 
post. It must however be here sometime to-day, so that 
I go to Congress in hopes that Patton, the doorkeeper, will 
bring me a letter while we are sitting. Be assured I shall 
not complain if it should interrupt me in the midst of a 
speech. — good morning. " 

"Sunday morning 4th of April. 
"When I was about to despair of the post he arrived and 
brought me your letter. It was late before he came in last 
night, and he goes off at nine o'clock this morning. The new 
name under which you write excited a thousand new emo- 
tions. I no longer saw the name that I formerly kissed with 
rapture, but one still more dear and interesting. I would give 
a great deal to be assured that the mind of my Peggy was 



80 Life and Correspondence [Chap, vi 

composed and at ease. But now the roads are better, we 
shall have two posts in the week, and this will give me an 
opportunity of being frequently informed of your health. 
Adieu, my beloved Peggy adieu — " 

"Wednesday night 7 April 1784 
"I snatched a few minutes on monday last to thank my 
dear Peggy for her letter of sunday, but I was so straitened 
for time that I could not thank her enough. Indeed I feel 
that I ought to be satisfied with so much tenderness and affec- 
tion, notwithstanding this very tenderness and affection serves 
to embitter separation. But I am far from being unhappy, 
nor must you think me so, since it is true that the very agonies 
of parting and the distress of absence are accompanied with 
some cordial emotions. At this moment however mine are 
of the pensive kind, and I forbear to cast a longing look at 
Philadelphia. I believe you to be well and that you will be 
careful of your health; but this belief, though it may some- 
times soothe, is rarely satisfactory. Whenever I count the 
days I have been gone from you, and the days that must 
elapse before my return to you, I sit down more dissatisfied 
than pleased. But I will write you no more to-night, lest 
you should catch my present disposition, and be discontented 
as I am. Good night then, and may you experience no tooth 
ache to rob you of your rest." 



"Thursday night. [April 8] 
"It is exactly three months this night since my dear and 
amiable Peggy relinquished the name she had from her in- 
fancy, for that she now bears, and I can safely say, that no 
three months of my life comprehended less pain more hap- 
piness. But you ought not to reckon me just, were I to stop 
here. It is a common opinion that lovers generally find an 
abatement of their passion soon after their marriage — but 
you are still to me the same charming Peggy you were before 
this event, nor has marriage deprived you of one of those 
maiden decencies so essential to the existence of love, and the 
permanence of affection. I owed to you this little tribute 
of acknowledgement, and I could not go to sleep without pay- 
ing it. I left a large company of ladies at the president's 
that I might not neglect it, but there was no sacrifice in this — 
for you were not of the party. Adieu Adieu." 



1784-1786] of James McHenry 81 

"Sunday morning 11 April. 

"I removed from the tavern yesterday and am fixed in 
private lodgings. The room in which I write overlooks the 
Bay and discovers an agreeable corner of the country just 
beginning to shew the first operations of Spring. I am of 
course more at my ease and less subject to interruption : and 
were the post but to arrive I should have little to complain 
of to-day, except what is unavoidable, and to which it seems 
I must submit. There has been no mail since last Sunday, 
nor is one expected before tomorrow, after which perhaps the 
post will arrive regularly and on stated days twice a week in 
this place, and as often in Philadelphia. I hope to hear that 
the tooth ache has been less troublesome. If it has not I 
think you had better try another ounce of the bark, taking 
a dose twice a day. It may do good, and it cannot do hurt. 
I would also when the fit is on, hold a bit of salt petre over 
the afflicted teeth, till it gradually dissolves, rincing the mouth 
afterwards with a little warm water. 

"Doctor Allison [Dr. Patrick Allison of Baltimore] has 
been with us since thursday, and is to give us a sermon this 
morning in the state house. I am going to hear him. We 
dine together, and shall no doubt talk at least a little about 
my Peggy. Good morning my beloved ; good morning. ' ' 

"Thursday morning. 13 April. — - 
"My Peggy who is every thing that is tender good and 
affectionate has this moment blessed me with her letter, and 
indeed I wanted it as much as I wished for it. If it is not 
among the impossible things it is surely among the most dif- 
ficult, to be at peace or to be easy under my circumstances. 
My only consolation is that you are in the bosom of your 
friends, and that there is not one of them who does not love 
you, and who will not endeavour to make you happy. I feel 
that I shall love them the better for their endeavours. I hope 
also that the little preparations for your removal will afford 
some amusement, or employment, which as it engages the mind 
is often in the place of amusement. You ask me respecting 
some furniture — but I am told the post sets off immediately, 
so that I must answer you in my next letter, which I sup- 
pose will go by Friday 's post. Adieu then my dearest Peggy 
adieu." 

"Thursday 15 April. 
"Do we not possess each others affections, and are we 



82 Life and Correspondence [Chap, vi 

not inseperable though separated? In this thought there is 
a shew of solace and support, there is not however enough 
to satisfy the heart; for the heart that loves cannot be satis- 
fied in absence. I am anxiously striving to hasten my de- 
parture from this place, that I may be with you by the be- 
ginning of May. In the mean while, my Peggy, do not suffer 
the mere apprehensions of fancy to alarm you. All is as 
it ought to be, and all will be well with you. Only take care of 
your health, and every thing must terminate happily. But, like 
you my beloved, I feel myself too tenderly interested to write 
more on this subject; and shall conclude with telling you, 
that I expect the post to arrive to-morrow but do not expect 
any letter from you, as you may not yet be acquainted with 
the days of his leaving Philadelphia; or if you were, may 
not have time to write me twice a week. In this perhaps I 
shall fail myself, because there are some hours that I cannot 
call my own. 

' ' But I must tell you the news, adjournment of Congress 
has been tried and I believe will be carried ; so that it is likely 
about the time we get settled in Baltimore the adjournment 
will take place to Trenton. After leaving this town, there 
will be a recess till perhaps the last of the year. A committee 
of the states will be appointed, I imagine, to sit in the recess 
of Congress. This is composed of a member from each state, 
whose powers are denned by Congress. I write by this oppor- 
tunity to your father, lest he should think that I neglect 
him. Adieu my dear and beloved Peggy." 

"Wednesday night 21st April 1784 — 
"Whenever the objects around me cease to interest. I 
have recourse to recollection. I was in this situation this 
morning when I brought into review, the letters you have sent 
me since I got to this place ; the little impression that gave me 
so much pleasure at Princetown, which you have repeated; 
and the new signature under which you write; but I soon 
perceived, notwithstanding these precious circumstances, that 
I wanted what they could not give me, that I wanted yourself. 
I then said as you had instructed me, there remains only a 
little interval of absence, when we shall again be with each 
other: but although I believed in what I said, I found it 
brought me no nearer to you. At this moment I became po- 
etical, and seizing a pen wrote the following lines. 



1784-1786] of James McHenry 83 

You, only you, with wond'rous skill 
Can make my hours just what you will ; 
Can soothe the troubled mind to rest. 
Or raise a heaven within my breast. 
I'll strive against the stream no more, 
That drives me to a happier shore ; 
Blow fresh ye gales, no wind alarms 
That bears me back to Emma's arms. 

''There is no doubt but the poetical wind would have 
carried me to Philadelphia, had I not been interrupted by the 
appearance of the minister of France, who convinced me that 
I was still in Annapolis. Adieu." 

"Friday morning 23 April 
"My ever amiable and beloved Peggy thus to soothe and 
delight your absent friend — but I have time at this moment to 
write little more than an acknowledgement of your Sunday's 
and monday's letters. The post goes out in half an hour. 
I had planned to have left this to-day and felt lighter by 
many pounds in consequence of it — as Mr. Chase and Mr. 
Stone were both in town. But I am prevented most effec- 
tually by one of the delegation being taken suddenly ill, nor 
can I have the smallest expectation, from the nature of his 
complaint, of getting away till some time in the next week. 
It may perhaps be the last of it ; and the last of the week fol- 
lowing (it will be necessary to stop to stop a few days in Bal- 
timore), I shall hope to be blessed with your presence in 
Philadelphia — On this plan then, the last day of April I 
shall leave this place and the last of the first week in May 
be with my beloved. In the mean while, you will continue to 
address your letters to Annapolis; because if I am not here, 
I shall take them out at Baltimore. — 

"Farewell my beloved, I shall write you on this subject by 
the next tuesday's post. — " 

"Sunday 25 April 1784 

I strive, my Emma, but in vain 
To lighten absence, sweeten pain, 
Since in whate'er I say or do 
I find I'm absent still from you. 
Not e'en the precious pledge I bear 
The dear resemblance of my fair, 
Or warms my heart or makes it beat, 
For like the moon it gives no heat. 

But I'll no more or say or do 
But hasten back to love and you ; 
For you alone can warm my heart. 
Can sweeten pain or peace impart. 
Who would not quit the cares of state, 
The subtle crew, the vain debate: 
Who would not leave a wrangling life 
For such a woman — such a wife ! 



84 Life and Correspondence [Chap, vi 

"I shall make no excuse to my love, for conveying my 
feelings to her in this manner. I know that a kind wife can- 
not be a severe critic ; but what is of more consequence, I know 
you will not doubt my sincerety whether I speak to you in 
numbers or in prose. I shall only add, that if I can confirm 
the prophetic part by tuesday's post, I shall then be your 
happy as I am now your affectionate 

"McHenry — " 

"Monday morning 26th April — 
"It was not till I read your letter of the 19th that I 
could flatter myself that you were tolerably at ease; for 
amidst all your endeavours to please me I could not find that 
you were content. On this account that letter has given me 
more pleasure, than any I have received from you since I 
left you. You now visit and the hours are less tedious and 
cumb 'rous, and yourself more lively ; in consequence of which 
I am just what you wish me to be. I am not gloomy, I am 
not discontented — I am not like patience on a monument, but 
like one who sees happiness before him and expects soon 
to enjoy it. I am strongly flattered that I shall be able to 
leave town this week for Baltimore. 

"As Hoffman does not leave his house before the 1st of 
May, which is next Saturday, of course we cannot move into 
it or make any alterations till the monday following. I shall 
write you by the tuesday's mail our progress, and my time of 
leaving Baltimore, should no untoward accident keep me in 
this place — after f riday — Good morning my beloved. I go 
to Congress, and expect a letter from you to-day — and yet 
I do not expect it, for I know of many things that may pre- 
vent you from writing by the second post to your 

"McHenry — 
"For some days past I have been troubled with a slight 
inflammation in the throat, but you will conclude by my going 
to Congress, without my telling you, that it is not very trouble- 
some. Oh Peggy, how rejoiced I am that your tooth ache has 
remitted its severity. Mr. Smith" — Sir Robt. Eden's secre- 
tary brought in from England a receipt for the toothache 
which I have got from him and inclose, from which he gets 
much relief. You will use it in the same manner that yon 
would use the liquid laudanum. Adieu again my love adieu 
— I shall seal this last I should not have time in Congress 
should the post arrive while we are sitting." 



1784-1786] of James Mc Henry 85 

''Annapolis 28th April 1784 
"Every new day brings me a day nearer to that town 
which alone can receive and return my affection: and yet 
my love, every day that is still to hold us separate must seem 
tedious ; even the last one that gives me to your bosom. It 
is true however, that the days are not so irksome now as they 
were at first, and that the nearer they bring me to you, the 
more I am disposed to be pleased with them : but, perhaps 
this arises from my seeing, or thinking that I see, in your 
letters, an air of satisfaction and resigned composure; which 
while it enhances your character secretly increases my hap- 
piness. It is certainly among my greatest blessings, that 
whether I am with you or absent from you, I find you con- 
stantly attentive to what is becoming and always agreeable so 
that the more perfectly I know you, the more interesting and 
amiable you appear in the eyes of your friend. But — It is 
the hour of business — adieu — " 

"Thursday 29. 
' ' Another day, and would I could say the last, but altho ' 
it is not, the last is not far distant, since I expect to leave 
this place on Saturday, and know of nothing to prevent me, 
my colleagues being able to attend Congress, and I in perfect 
health. The last then of next week (for I must spend some 
days in Baltimore) I shall hope to be blessed in +he sight of 
my Peggy, and be restored to all the pleasures of her society. 
This letter will be the last you will receive from me, (unless 
I am obliged to stay longer in Baltimore than I have reason 
to expect) altho' I shall perhaps get one from you to- 
morrow in this place, and another next tuesday in Baltimore, 
which will be the last I shall receive from you. Again to 
Congress, and I do assure my Peggy, that I go more light than 
I have for a whole month past, adieu — adieu. — " 

' ' 30th — Friday morning 8 o 'clock — 
"My love. I set out in less than half an hour from An- 
napolis, and shall leave this in the post-office for you, lest I 
should not be lucky enough to hit upon the post's hour of 
passing through Baltimore. I come nearer to my Peggy, and 
my heart beats with new sensations — but it will be one whole 
week before I see you — but I shall be employed during that 
week in hastening the preparations for your reception. God 
bless my Peggy, and may our meeting be propitious. I go 
to Baltimore — farewell my beloved farewell — " 



86 Life and Correspondence [Chap, vi 

While at Annapolis, McHenry received a letter sent by 
his friend, Humphreys, and dated from 

"New Haven April 2nd. 1784. 

" Cannot the man who had so much agency in inducing 
Congress 'to charge themselves with the interests &c' which 
to me appear to be words of no small import have an equal 
influence in persuading them to take effectual measures for 
carrying their Resolution into execution? "Well do it then 
my dear friend ! et eris mihi magnus Apollo. — 

"It was extremely unfortunate for me that I had not 
the pleasure of seeing you on my return from Virginia; but 
you will perceive my inclination to be employed in the pub- 
lic service, by recurring to the files of Congress where you will 
find a letter from the late Commander in Chief & another 
from myself on the subject : I have addresed a second by this 
conveyance to His Excellency the President in order to bring 
the matter to a speedy decision. 

"Relying on your patronage and friendly assistance, I 
need say no more than that, I dare almost pledge myself to 
accept of any Appointment which in your judgment shall be 
deemed respectable & proper. — 

"You will be pleased to recollect that there was some- 
thing in agitation respecting presenting miniature likenesses 
of General Washington to the Gentlemen who composed his 
family at the close of the War including the Adjutant Gen- 
eral ; I dare say this would be esteemed by those Gentlemen 
as the most grateful token of the sovereign approbation which 
could possibly be conferred on them. — 

"With the greatest regard and esteem I have the 
honor to be 

"My dear Sir 

"Your most obedt. servt. 
"D. Humphreys. 

"P. S. It is probable, I presume, that Commissioners 
may be appointed to treat with the Indian Nations; or that 
a Person or Persons will be commissioned to negociate some 
public business in Canada or at the Western Posts, in case 
nothing should occur in which I could be more usefully em- 
ployed, I should have no objection to either of these appoint- 
ments. ' ' 

McHenry was now to continue his mercantile business in 
Baltimore and his dual legislative office for several * years. 

1 In the confederation congress, McHenry seems to have been in 



1784-1786] of James Mc Henry 87 

In all these relations, he corresponded with his friend, Lafa- 
yette, who wrote him on December 26, 1783, from Paris : 
"My dear McHenry 

"Had you not Been employed in Quartering the Conti- 
nental Congress, I would find it very ill in you not to Have 
writen By Colonel Gouvion — I wanted to Hear from you, 
about you, and then I wanted to know your opinion upon 
several matters — my letter to Congress will let you know 
what intelligences we Have in this Quarter — my letter to 
Mr Moris will acquaint them with some late measures I Have 
taken Respecting American Commerce — it contains one let- 
ter from M. de Vergennes, two from M. de Calonne, and a 
piece from me to Government which I also inclose to you, 
and which, for reasons obvious, I Request may not Be spread 
out of Congress — it is on that Account, and Also for a Good 
translation that I send it to you, and thirdly Because that en- 
trusting temper which you know me to Be possessed of, Now 
and then is Altered By the selfishness of others — when I Hear, 
By way of example, that your plenipotentiary's letters, Rather 
Gave a Ground to think I Have not Been so Active as they 
in winning the last six millions, I Cannot Help Remembering 
that Jay and Adams never went to Versailles But twice, I 
think, when I pushed them to it, that M. Franklin did Repose 
Himself upon me who went so far as to say that I Had 
Rather delay the departure of 8000 men and nine ships wait- 
ing for me at boat than to go without an assurance of the six 
millions — in Consequence of which I went in my travelling 
dress to Count de Vergennes 's and upon His table wrote a 
Billet to doctor Franklin insinuating He should Have the 
Money — But never mind that, and Be so kind only as to take 
care my Commercial efforts Be known in America, and Also 
that Congress had instructions Respecting trade, least the 
matter should Be dropped as Has Been my very well Begun 
Spanish Negotiations 

"The institution of the Cincinnati Has pretty well suc- 
ceeded in France, the officers who Have Been in America set 
a great value By the Mark of the society — a few objections 
Have Been made By the public to some part of the institu- 
tion which may Be either mended or improved — But it Has 

regular attendance. He voted in the negative against Daniel Carroll on 
the question whether any but citizens of the United States could be con- 
suls. On April 1 and 2, 1784, he moved in the unsuccessful affirmative on 
the report on commercial treaties ; on May 5, he was appointed on a com- 
mittee to determine what civil offices may be discontinued, and on June 
1 and 2, he voted on questions concerning foreign relations. 



88 Life ctnd Correspondence [Chap, vi 

Been found very interesting, and even some what affecting, 
and people in General Have Been pleased with that Brotherly 
Association 

[One half page missing here.] 
"whereas I Have well served America in the field and Cab- 
inet they expect my assistance in settling their Commercial 
affairs with some European Nations — my station in life, 
Knowledge of Courts, and facility of accompanying those 
Sovereigns Both in their Camps of peace, and in their private 
parties would enable me to introduce to Advantage an Ameri- 
can Consul — it ought to Be immediately settled, and orders 
sent by the Washington 

"the second point is that I do not choose to quit the 
American service — it is the only way I Have to make a kind 
of official Representation in favour of America — independant 
of that Affectionate love for Her which makes me proud of 
Being Among Her Citizens and 

[One half page missing here.] 

"My letters Have acquainted you of the measures 

* * * taken with respect to Madame le Vacher — there is 
very little to Be got — But I am in pursuit of the affair with 
the same eagerness, as if it concerned my own sister — as 
to M. Chace a memorial Has Been Required from Him By the 
Naval Minister 

"As an ardent lover of America I am glad to Hear of the 
influence you are said to Have in Congress — as your most 
affectionate friend I shall Be glad whenever you Have an 
opportunity to display your abilities — if Congress do not 
send me any Commands, I shall most certainly embark in the 
spring — if they Have Commands for me, I would Be twice 
Happy to Receive you along with them, and to make with you 
French and European travels. You ought to make them 
charge you with some political commission to Courts in Eur- 
ope and I would like going as a volunteer with you. * * 
1 * family and friends — Most affectionately I am for * * * 

' ' Lafayette 
"the Washington will probably arrive at the end of January 

— Your answers may Be Here at the end of March — for, 
if I am to go, I would like embarking for America in April 

— You may as soon as you Receive this write me By several 
opportunities in such a way as I will easily understand, altho' 
post offices will not understand it — By the way when I think 
of it, you ought to advise Congress voting for the general's 



1784-1786] of James Mc Henry 89 

statue which Has not yet Been ordered — should Mr. Greene 
Be entitled to some Honour of the kind? adieu my dear 
friend." 

The Maryland legislature met on November 1, 1784, and 
on December 2nd, elected McHenry as delegate to congress and 
granted the delegates a per diem allowance of £3 currency, 
while in congress and on the way to or from that body. Mc- 
Henry did not come to Annapolis until December 8, and was 
absent from the 18th to the 21st- The early part of the session 
was largely occupied with consideration of Samuel Chase's 
conduct, as agent in connection with the Maryland Stock in 
the Bank of England. McHenry went to congress about Janu- 
ary, and does not seem to have returned to Annapolis during 
the session. 1 

The condition of federal affairs steadily grew more criti- 
cal and the point of view of the Federalists may be gained 
from a letter sent McHenry by Jenifer at Annapolis on Feb- 
ruary 17, 1785. 
"Dear Sir. 

"I shall be very much obliged to you to forward the 
enclosed letters by the March Packet- In consequence of a 
late information from Congress to our Executive, it seems to 
be the opinion of some members that the Assembly should be 
called immediately. I am fearful that such a measure if 
adopted would not be productive of the expected consequence, 
i. e., the raising an immediate supply of money, whether this 
measure be adopted or not, I shall hasten the remittance of 
every shilling that comes into the Treasury from the funds 
appropriated to Congress which may soon amount to 80,000 
dollars, from arrearages, as to this year's appropriations they 
will not be paid into the Treasury till midsummer & Novem- 
ber, but when collected will be considerable as % th of the 
duties of 2 p. ct. on commerce besides those on enumerated 
estates & 7 p. ct. upon property are to be remitted to Con- 
gress. 

"But my friend Requisitions will never do; Congress 
must have permanent funds the 5 p. ct. is the most elegible 

1 In the confederation congress, he is recorded as having voted with 
the minority to let Franklin come home when a successor was appointed 
on January 21, 1785; to postpone fixing a term to the continuance of 
foreign ministers in office and, for the three years' term of foreign min- 
isters proposed by Pinckney on February 17. He nominated W. S. Smith 
as secretary of legation to Great Britain on March, and reported on the 
ceremonial for the reception of Gardoqui, the Spanish minister, on June 
17, and on the attempt to secure the free navigation of the Mississippi 
on August 25. On October 27, he voted for the ordinance of consuls. 



90 Life and Correspondence [Chap, vi 

method in my opinion that can be adopted for the purpose 
of raising a revenue. Cannot Rhode Island be brought in the 
measure. Is that state to frustrate so salutary a measure, 
is her veto to be of equal force with that of a tribune of Anct. 
Rome. If this state should continue to be inflexible, I fear 
there must be a new convention especially appointed by all 
the states to encrease the powers of Congress, or it will be 
obliged from necessity to assume them, as Politicial bodies 
have heretofore generally done. 

"Inform me how your friends stand, by my calculation 
if you received the money for my order on Mr Mclaughlin, 
you would have received an allowance to the 1st of April. I 
have wrote to Messers Willing Morris & Swanwick to supply 
you from that time with £90 per month you possibly may be 
in want before that time if you should inform me and I shall 
remit money for this purpose immediately in haste. 
"I am with great respect 
dear Sir 

"Your obedt. servt. 
"Danl. of St Thos. Jenifer" 

On August 14, 1785, McHenry wrote Washington from 
New York, 1 on the proposed federal regulation of commerce 
and incidentally mentioned that Lafayette is writing by every 
packet and frequently tells congress news which they get 
from no other quarter. Congress is about to recommend that 
they be given power to regulate interstate and foreign trade 
by vote of nine states, that they may retaliate for heavy for- 
eign duties. The eastern states, New York and Pennsyl- 
vania, seem anxious for this, but the southern states oppose 
and McHenry joins them, fearing that the eastern states 
wish to monopolize the carrjdng trade. Will not the southern 
states have fewer purchasers if only American vessels can 
transport exports, and will not the price of foreign goods be 
higher, if fewer of them are imported? When the South is 
as well peopled as the eastern states, naval defense will be 
easily established, or will come of itself without restraint. 
Till then "it would seem to be good policy in the Southern 
States to encourage the number of buyers for what they have 
to sell & the number of importers of those articles they must 
buy." Why do we want a navy or navigation acts? When 
Great Britain took them up, she was well peopled and had 
much shipping. For a compromise, McHenry suggests a nav- 

1 Sparks, ix, 501. 



1784-1786] of James McHenry 91 

igation act framed so that its operation would, gradually and 
slowly, tend to augment the seamen and shipping of the States, 
without sensibly wounding in its progress the interests of any 
state. Then the States could see what they had to give and 
could repeal the law, if inconvenient. 

"Washington answers, on August 22, in a strong national 
letter: 1 

"As I have ever been a friend to adequate powers in 
Congress, without which it is evident to me we never shall 
establish a national character or be considered on a respectable 
footing by the powers of Europe, I am sorry I cannot agree 
with you in sentiment not to enlarge them for the regula- 
tion of commerce * * * . Your argument against it, 
principally that some States may be more benefitted than 
others by a commercial regulation, applies to every matter of 
general utility * * * We are either a United people 
under one head & for federal purposes, or we are 13 inde- 
pendent sovereignties, eternally counteracting each other. If 
the former, whatever such a majority of the States as the 
Constitution requires conceives to be for the benefit of the 
whole, should in my humble opinion, be submitted to by the 
minority." If the southern states were always represented 
in congress and acted together, there would be no danger of 
the passage of measures prejudicial to their interest. "I can 
forsee no evil greater than disunion, than those unreasonable 
jealousies (I say unreasonable) because I would have a proper 
jealousy always awake & the United States always upon the 
watch to prevent individual States from infracting the Con- 
stitution with impunity, which are continually poisoning our 
minds & filling themselves with imaginary evils to the pre- 
vention of real ones. ' ' Great Britain needs our trade and will 
only do justice to us, when forced to do so by retaliatory 
measures. Probably the carrying business will not "devolve 
wholly upon" the eastern states, nor "remain long with 
them, if it should." "Either Great Britain will depart from 
her present selfish system," or the southern states "will de- 
vise ways & means to encourage seamen for the transportation 
of their own produce, or for the encouragement of manufac- 
tures, but, admitting the contrary, if the Union is considered 
as permanent &, on this I presume all superstructures are 

1 Ford, x, 490; Sparks, ix, 121. Both print the letter carelessly. 
From a careful comparison of the original of the letters of Washington 
to McHenry, there seems little reason for Ford to be praised over Sparks 
as an editor. He is little more careful and often merely builds on 
Sparks's foundation. 



92 Life and Correspondence [Chap, vi 

built, had we not better encourage seamen among ourselves 
with less imports, than divide it with foreigners &, by in- 
creasing them, ruin our merchants & greatly injure the mass 
of our citizens." Without federal commercial power we 
stand " in a ridiculous point of view, in the eyes of the nations 
of the earth ; with whom we are attempting to enter into com- 
mercial treaties, without the means of carrying them into 
effect, & who must see & feel that the Union, or the States 
individually, are sovereigns, as it best suits their purposes. 
In a word, that we are a nation to day & 13 tomorrow — Who 
will treat with us on such terms?" 

On November 17, 1785, the Maryland legislature met 
again, but McHenry does not seem to have been present at 
the session. He was ineligible for re-election to congress, in 
which body his term consequently ended in December. 

On January 7, 1786, McHenry resigned his seat in the 
senate, because of "my long absence from my own affairs 
& their absolutely demanding my presence. ' ' Of his life dur- 
ing this year we know almost nothing, save that he was elected 
a member of the -American Philosophical Society on January 
20, though we have two pleasant letters from Washington to 
him on private matters. 

"Mount Vernon. 

"My dear Sir, 

"I met your favor of the 5th. in Alexandria yesterday. 
To day I dispatch one of my Overseers and two Servants for 
the Jack and Mules which are arrived at Baltimore. The 
Pheasants & Partridge, I pray you to procure a passage for 
them by water, in the Packet. To bring them by land would 
be troublesome, & might perhaps be dangerous for them. 

"Be so good as to let me know the expence of these and 
the cost of their detention in Baltimore. It shall be imme- 
diately be paid, with many thanks to you, for your obliging 
attention to the business. — 

"If you have any particular information from my good 
friend the Marquis de la Fayette, respecting the above things, 
I shall be obliged to you for it; his letter to me takes * * 
* * * two of them, altho I had for some time expected one 
Jack and two she asses through his medium — but by no 
means as a present. — 

"One of the Servants, who accompany my Overseer, be- 
longs to the Honble William Drayton of Charleston So Ca. 
This Gentm spent a day or two here on his return from New 






1784-1786] of James McHenry 93 

York, and at Dumfries (proceeding on) the above fellow- 
ran away from him & came here. He goes to Baltimore 
under the impression of assisting in bringing the Jack & 
Mules home, but the real design of sending him there is to 
have him shipped for Charleston, if the Packet (which I am 
informed is regularly established between that place & Balti- 
more) or any other vessel is on the point of Sailing for the 
former. — 

"Mr. Drayton will readily pay the Captn. for his passage, 
and the other incidental expences, having intimated this in a 
letter to my Nephew ; but if any doubt is entertained of it, I 
will see it done. — 

"Under this rela- ***** Circumstances at- 
tending * * * I would beg of you, * * * (if an op- 
portunity presents) to have him shipped, & previously secured. 
The fellow pretends a willingnes to return to his Master, but 
I think it would be unsafe to trust to this, especially as he 
has discovered an inclination to get back to Philadelphia 
(with a view he says of taking passage from thence) 

"Why will you not make a small excursion to see an 
old acquaintance. It is unnecessary I hope to assure you of 
the pleasure it would give. 

"Yr. Obedt & affect & Hble Serv. 
"Go. Washington. 
"P. S. 

"Engage the Master of the 
Packet Boat to drop the Birds at this place 
as he passes by — otherwise I shall have 
to send to Alexandria for them. — " 

"Mount Vernon 29th, Novr 1786. 
"Dear Sir, 

"Your letter of the 18th. by the Packet, & 19th. by the 
Post, are both at hand — The Birds were landed yesterday. 
A Partridge died on the passage. — 

"If Monsr. Campion's information is to be depended on, 
he had no letter from the Marquis de la Fayette or any other 
characters in France for me; nothing confidential therefore 
could have been disclosed by the loss of his pocket book, unless 
it was deposited in your letter. — 

"His acct. is that he was ordered to repair to L 'Orient 
with the Asses & Birds, from whence he & they were to be 
shipped by the messrs Baraud. That the Marquis told him, 



94 Life and Correspondence [Chap, vi 

letters should follow, and he supposes they will arrive in the 
French Packet. — 

' ' By Monsr. Campion 1 I send the guinea you paid for 
his board; if there are any charges yet behind, I wish to be 
informed of them that they may be immediately paid. 

"My sincere thanks are due to you, My dear Sir, for 
your kind attention to this business. Having received no 
intimation at, or previous to the arrival of Monsr Campion 
respecting the light in which he ought to be viewed, I thought 
it best to be on the safe side, and therefore took him to my 
table, where he has conducted himself with modesty & pro- 
priety. 

"Under full conviction that the Asses were never in- 
tended as a present, and that the Chinese Pheasants (instead 
of costing 16 Gus [?] a pair as the Baltimore para- 
graphist has anounced to the public) came from the Kings 
Aviary as a present to the Marquis for me (for so says Monsr. 
Campion) I am concerned that such information should have 
been exhibited in a public gazette as appeared in the B. Post, 
for it may be viewed as contrivance to bespeak, what I should 
industriously have endeavoured to avoid, had I supposed it 
was so meant — A present — Was this publication confined 
to Maryland, or over the United States, there would not be 
so much in it ; but as these paragraphs for want of other mat- 
ter to fill a Paper, are handed from one to another, and ulti- 
mately get into the British & French Gazettes; the Marquis 
will entertain a queer idea of it, if nothing more is meant 

1 Mount Vernon May 8th. 1788. 

Dear Sir, 

To a letter which I wrote to you somedays ago, I beg leave to refer 
you. I congratulate with you on the happy decision of your Convention ; 
having no doubt of its weight on those States which are to follow. 

In a letter (just received) from Colo. Spaight of North Carolina he 
informs me of his having sent a small bag of peas to your care for me. 
Have you received them? If so be so good as to forward them by the 
stage (the cost of which I will pay; without dispatch they will come too 
late) to Alexandria. 

A Monsr. Campion who brought over my Asses, says he is in distress, 
and has written to me for money. Pray what is his character in Baltimore, 
and what has he been employed about this year and half, in that place? 
Though he had no demand upon me for the service he performed, yet I 
gave him a sum of money as an acknowledgment of my sense of the proper 
discharge of the trust reposed in him. He told me at that time (fall 
was twelve months) that he should spend the winter in Baltimore & sail 
for France in the Spring. In the spring (as I was going to Phila) he 
told me he should sail in the Fall. In the fall, as I returned thence, he 
assured me he should sail in a fortnight. Since which I have heard noth- 
ing from or of him till now, his application to me for money. Your 
answer (soon) to this part of my letter will be very acceptable to 

Dear Sir 
Yr. Most Obedt & Affect Servt. 
Go. Washington. 

To James McHenry 



1784-1786] of James McHenry 95 

than what was promised, & expected — that is — to be the 
instrument through the medium of Adm. de Suffran (Govr. 
of the Island of Malta or head of the order) of procuring & 
forwarding them from that place to me. That he should 
have paid all the expences which attended the getting, and 
shipping them is beyond a doubt — It could not well be 
otherwise, as their procuration was a doubtful essay. As I 
have not however received a single line respecting these ani- 
mals, I do not undertake to contradict the report, but think the 
evidence of it — the cost &c appears to have been too slight 
to hand it in such a dress to the public. — 

"With sincere esteem & regard 
' ' I am — Dear sir 
' ' Yr most obedt & 
"affect Servant 

' ' Go. Washington. ' ' 
McHenry was keenly interested in the discussion as to 
whether the constitution of Maryland permitted the people 
to instruct the legislature. Chase held that it did; but Mc- 
Henry took the other side, in an article written February 20, 
1787, and published in the American Museum 1 over a year 
later. He maintained that sovereignty is lodged in the law 
enacting power, that is, for Maryland, in the General As- 
sembly. The constitutional compact does not allow all to 
participate in the government and those who may participate 
by frequent elections have an opportunity to change the ' ' trus- 
tees of the sovereignty." "This organization fixes the de- 
liberative power with the sovereignty and the elective with the 
people." To prevent "the abuse of this deliberative power 
are the constitutional provisions and the right to amend the 
constitution and to revolt. One of the privileges of the peo- 
ple is that to petition" and no one ever stipulates for an in- 
ferior privilege and expects to enjoy a superior, one "which 
the right to instruct would be. If the relation of representa- 
tive to constituent is that of principal and deputy, the former 
would be subject to recall by the people, which he is not." 
The right to instruct the sovereignty places the deliberative 
power in the people and brings everything back to that chaos 
which existed before the compact. Even if the right of in- 
struction is admitted, who shall exercise the power, shall non- 
voters, or even voters who are not qualified for seats in the 
assembly? If so, "then are men, whom the compact disquali- 

1 Am. Museum, iv, 332. 



96 Life mid Correspondence [Chap, vi 

fies from exercising the sovereignty, greater than the sover- 
eignty. ' ' Further, ' ' a government by instruction is a govern- 
ment never ending still beginning, in which everything fluc- 
tuates, in which nothing is stable." Much to be preferred 
to the right to instruct is the existing right to discontinue, 
which gives the people efficient control over the deliberative 
power. 

About this time, McHenry obtained the greatest privilege 
of his life, by being elected a member from Maryland of the 
convention which met at Philadelphia in the summer of 1787 
and drafted the United States constitution. 



CHAPTER VII 

MEMBER OP THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION 

McHENRY was the only one of those first elected as 
delegates from Maryland to the Philadelphia conven- 
tion who accepted the position. John B. Cutting 1 
wrote Jefferson, in July, 1788, that Charles Carroll and 
Thomas Johnson, the first choice, "declined quitting Mary- 
land, even upon the important business of new framing the 
National government, Mr. Chase having just before menaced 
the senate for rejecting an emission of paper money and ap- 
pealed to the people against them. They had joined in that 
general issue and could not venture to relinquish, to a violent 
and headstrong party, their active influence in the senate, as 
well as in the lower house, at the very moment when it was so 
essentially needed to stem the torrent of the populace and for 
the paper. Those gentlemen, therefore, remained at home, 
convinced their fellow citizens of their superior rectitude and 
wisdom, and defeated that favorite measure of Mr. Chase." 
By later elections 2 there were associated with McHenry, Dan- 
iel Carroll and Daniel of St. Thomas Jenifer, who were na- 
tionalist in their tendencies, and John Francis Mercer and 
Luther Martin, who were so opposed to a strong federal gov- 
ernment that they refused to sign the constitution and strove 
to prevent Maryland 's ratification of the document. Between 
these two extremes, McHenry took a middle ground, though 
his own views were not strongly in favor of much centraliza- 
tion of power. In the convention he was seldom heard 3 and 
an absence of two months, on account of his brother's ill 
health, deprived him of the opportunity of being present dur- 

1 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc. (2nd Series), xvii, 503; Doc. Hist. Const., iv, 
770. McHenry's journal is printed in Am. Hist. Rev., xi, 595. 

2 May 22, 1787, after the date of the convention's call. 

3 Pierce's Notes, Am. Hist. Rev., iii, 330. "Mr. McHenry was bred a 
physician, but he afterwards turned Soldier and acted as Aid to Genl. 
Washington and the Marquis de la Fayette. He is a man of Specious 
talents with nothing of genious to improve them. As a politician there 
is nothing remarkable in him, nor has he any of the graces of the Orator. 
He is however, a very respectable young Gentleman, and deserves the 
honor which his country has bestowed on him. Mr. McHenry is about 
32 years of age," 



98 Life and Correspondence [Chap, vii 

ing a large part of the sessions. 1 Yet several portions of 
the constitution owe their present form to McHenry's efforts 
and he may well be taken as a type of the average member of 
the convention — one of those useful men who made it possible 
by their action to have a "more perfect union." While at 
Philadelphia he kept a diary for the only time in his life, so 
far as I know, and its pages show his influence in forming 
some of the clauses regarding commerce and also give a clearer 
picture than is elsewhere found of the conferences between 
members from the same state which must have taken place 
almost daily between the sessions of the convention. 

Mr. McHenry's correspondence with his wife during the 
sessions of the convention is disappointing, in that it gives 
no information, except as to personal and family affairs. On 
his way to Philadelphia he wrote her: 

"When there is a handsome woman and opium to be had, 
says a Turkish maxim, one never thinks of one 's wife. There 
are at this instant two very handsome girls chattering about 
sweet hearts in the next room, and wine before me, which 
you know is as good as opium, and yet I could not be at rest 
till I got the materials that enable me to contradict the Turk. 
That people, I find, ought not, my Peggy, be considered as 
judges of what constitutes happiness — or they have no good 
wives in their country. But why am I at Bush town? I 
will tell you. A poor devil of a traveller who had his sulky 
dashed to pieces against a stump, happened to want assistance 
which I forsooth most courteously giving did not arrive at this 
place till the evening was shut in, and some rain had begun 
to fall — so that I was fain to take up my lodging for the 
night twelve miles short of the Ferry. 

"This is my little history and now I have one question 
to ask you. Why is it, that I who love you should wish, that 
I could have got twelve miles further from you? 

' ' Good night and God bless you, prays your 
"James McHenry" 

Shortly after the opening of the convention he wrote 
again : 

"Philadelphia Sunday 27 May 1787. 

"I would not for ten thousand pounds be the wretched 
husband who can leave home without regret and return to it 

1 He seems to have been paid for seventy-two days attendance at the 
rate of thirty-five shillings per day by the state, which record would 
show that he was paid whether present or not. The assembly had voted 
to pay the delegates as delegates in congress were paid. 



1787-1788] of James Mcllenry 99 

without pleasure. My impatience for the arrival of your let- 
ters, and the delight they brought with them will be a new 
proof that you still retain over my heart the most interesting 
influence a woman can possess. What shall we do to perpet- 
uate this influence? 

"If we take a survey of the marriage state we shall find 
this influence strongest in the first years, after which, if not 
guarded with great care, it gradually diminishes and at length 
disappears, leaving in its room indifference or disgust. When 
the novelty of love ceases and the cares of a family succeed, 
it is full time for the parties to attend minutely to every 
thing which can render home a place of tranquility. They 
may have studied each others character before marriage, but, 
generally speaking, it is now only that they begin to know 
each other and, if they do not make a proper use of this knowl- 
edge, they have no just cause to complain of their mutual 
unhappiness. Many precepts have been administered as nec- 
essary at this crisis, but they may be all comprehended in 
one. What the husband does not like to hear or see he should 
hear or see, only when he can interfere with propriety and to 
advantage ; and what his circumstances will not permit him to 
alter or amend is to be endured without murmuring, unless 
it is of such a nature as to affect the source of felicity, when 
sympathy may abate its force or participation render it less 
oppressive. The same rule applies to the husband who will 
avoid complaints which can only distress, unless where they 
are required by the laws of love and conjugal confidence. As 
yet we are in the first stage of marriage and may think we 
do not stand in need of these precepts : but while we are dear 
to each other it may not be improfitable to contemplate the 
rocks upon which so much human happiness has been ship- 
wrecked. ' ' 

Two days later he wrote her again: 

"We are beginning to enter seriously upon the business 
of the convention, so that I shall have but little leisure to give 
to my Peggy, except to the reading of your letters. You are 
all well, and here we are all well. Adieu affectionately" 

His notes indicate that he was in Philadelphia as early 
as the 14th of May, but he did not appear in the convention 
until May 28, probably awaiting for some of his Maryland 
colleagues . The first of these, Jenifer, did not arrive until June 2. 

On the 25th of May, the convention had organized by 
the election on the part of the seven states then represented, 

LOfC. 



100 Life and Correspondence [Chap, vii 

as president of the man whom McHenry always knew as 
"the General." In addition to Washington, McHenry found 
his intimate friend Hamilton among the members. McHenry 
recorded fully Edmund Randolph's speech and the resolu- 
tions introduced by him, but before the work of preparing 
the constitution had more than begun, an "express from 
home," with the news that his "brother lay dangerously sick," 
caused him to set ' ' out immediately ' ' for Baltimore. 

As John McHenry grew better, it was possible for James 
McHenry to leave Baltimore on August 2. Arriving at Phil- 
adelphia two days later, he found the committee which was 
drafting the constitution ready to report and Dunlop, the 
printer, striking off copies of the report for the members. On 
the 6th, the report was brought in by Rutledge and the con- 
vention adjourned, "to give the members an opportunity for 
consideration." McHenry at once proposed to the Maryland 
delegates that they hold a conference and prepare to "act in 
unison." At Carroll's lodgings that afternoon, McHenry 
"repeated the object of our meeting" and proposed that "we 
should take the report up by paragraphs and give our opin- 
ions thereon." All five of the delegates were present and 
Mercer at once asked McHenry whether he thought Mary- 
land would embrace such a system. "I do not know," was 
the answer, but "I presume the people would not object to 
a wise system." Mercer then asked the others their opinion. 
Martin said the people would not accept it. "That he was 
against the system, that a compromise only had enabled its 
abettors to bring it in its present stage, that had Mr. Jenifer 
voted with him, things would have taken a different turn. 
Mr. Jenifer said he voted with him, till he saw it was in vain 
to oppose its progress." Fearing the members would indulge 
in personal controversy, McHenry "begged the gentlemen to 
observe some order to enable us to do the business we had 
convened upon. I wished that we could be unanimous and 
would make a proposition to effect it. I would join the 
deputation, in bringing in a motion to postpone the report, to 
try the affections of the house to an amendment of the 
confederation, without altering the sovereignty of suffrage, 
which failing, we should then agree to render the system 
reported as perfect as we could. In the mean while, to 
consider our motion to fail and proceed to confer upon the 
report, agreeably to the intention of our meeting, i. e. That 
we should now and, at our future meetings, alter the report 



1787-1788] of James McHenry 101 

to our own judgement, to be able to appear unanimous, in 
case our motion failed." 

Carroll could not agree to this proposition, because he 
did not think ' ' the confederation could be amended to answer 
its intentions. " McHenry said he "thought it was susceptible 
of a revision, which would sufficiently invigorate it for the 
exigencies of the times." Mercer and Jenifer thought other- 
wise and so McHenry 's conciliatory resolution was rejected. 
Martin now stated that he was against having two branches 
of the congress, against popular elections of representatives, 
and that "he wished to see the States' Governments rendered 
capable of the most vigorous exertions, and so knit together 
by a confederation as to act together on national emergencies. ' ' 

McHenry found that they could come to no conclusions 
and recommended that a second meeting of the delegation be 
held on the morrow, stating, "unless we could appear in the 
convention with some degree of unanimity, it would be unnec- 
essary to remain in it, sacrificing time & money, without 
being able to render any service. ' ' All agreed to this, except 
Martin, who said he was going to New York for a few days. 

Feeling it of " importance to know & to fix the opinions 
of my colleagues, on the most consequential articles of the new 
system," McHenry prepared four queries as follows: (1) 
Art iv. Sec. 5. "Will you use your best endeavours to obtain 
for the Senate an equal authority over money bills with 
the House of Representatives?" (2) Art xii. Sec. 6. "Will 
you use your best endeavours to have it made a part of the 
system that no navigation act shall be passed without the 
assent of two thirds of the representation from each State ? ' ' 
(3) "In case these alterations cannot be obtained will you give 
your assent to the 5 section of the iv. article and 6 section of 
the xii. article as they stand in the report? (In other words 
will you accept a greater authority over money bills in the 
House of Representatives and allow a majority of the mem- 
bers of Congress to pass a navigation act ?) " (4) "Will you also 
(in case these alterations are not obtained) agree that the 
ratification of the conventions of nine States shall be suffi- 
cient for organizing the new constitution?" 

During the interview, McHenry noticed Mercer make 
out a list of the members of the convention and mark for and 
against, opposite most of the names. This led McHenry to 
ask, carelessly, "what question occasioned your being so 
particular?" At this, Mercer said laughingly, "that it was 



102 Life and Correspondence [Chap, vii 

no question, but that those marked with a for were for a 
king. ' ' 1 McHenry then asked, ' ' how he knew that, ' ' to which 
he said: "No matter, the thing is so," and permitted McHenry 
to copy the list. Martin saw this list and asked what it was 
and learning Mercer's account, induced McHenry to let him 
copy it also. 

The next morning, McHenry showed his propositions to 
Carroll, Jenifer and Mercer in the convention and ' ' they said, 
in general terms, that they believed they should accord" with 
them. At five o'clock that afternoon, McHenry went to 
Carroll's lodgings and, finding him alone, began to discuss 
the four queries. Carroll agreed with McHenry that "the 
deputation should oppose a resolute face" to the provision, 
lodging in the House of Representatives the "sole right of 
raising and appropriating money upon which the Senate had 
only a negative, " as it ' ' gave the former branch an inordinate 
power in the constitution, which must end in its destruction. 
The article should be rejected and its tendency was clear. 
Without equal powers, the houses were not an equal check upon 
each other. ' ' Carroll also agreed, that the Maryland delegates 
should, in no event, consent to the passage of navigation laws 
by a mere quorum of the houses, as that would place the 
"dearest interest of trade" under the control of four states, 
or of seventeen members in one branch and eight in the other. 
The powers to regulate commerce and lay taxes were so great 
that McHenry recorded that "we almost shuddered at the 
fate of the commerce of Maryland, should we be unable to 
make any change in this extraordinary power. We agreed 
that our deputation ought never to assent to this article in 
its present form, or without obtaining such a provision as I 
proposed. " As to the ratification of the constitution by nine 
states, McHenry said: "We had taken an oath to support 
our State constitution and frame of government. We had been 
empowered by a legislature, legally constituted, to revise the 
confederation and fit it for the exigencies of government and 
preservation of the union. Could we do this business in a 
manner contrary to our constitution ? I feared we could not ; 
if we relinquished any of the rights or powers of our govern- 
ment to the United States of America, we could no otherwise 
agree to that relinquishment, than in the mode our constitu- 
tion prescribed for making changes or alterations in it." Car- 
roll answered that he doubted the propriety of the article on 

1 Carroll's name was on this list. 



1787-1788] of James McHenry 103 

ratifications, "as it respected Maryland, but he hoped we 
should be able to get over this difficulty. ' ' Jenifer now came 
in and "agreed to act in unison" with the others, though 
McHenry thought he "seemed to have rather vague ideas of 
the mischief of the system, as it stood in the report." 

Wishing to impress Jenifer with the necessity of support- 
ing ' ' them, McHenry touched upon some popular points, ' ' sug- 
gesting "the unfavourable impression" the new government 
"would make upon the people on account of its expense An 
army and navy was to be raised and supported, expensive 
courts of judicature to be maintained and a princely president 
to be provided for. That it was plain that the revenue for 
these purposes was to be chiefly drawn from commerce. That 
Maryland would have this resource taken from her without the 
expenses of her own government being lessened. That what 
would be raised from her commerce and by indirect taxation 
would far exceed the proportion she would be called upon to 
pay under the present confederation. An increase of taxes, 
and a decrease in the objects of taxation, as they respected a 
revenue for the State, would not prove very palatable to our 
people, who might think that the whole objects of taxation 
were hardly sufficient to discharge the State 's obligations. ' ' 

While McHenry was speaking, Mercer "came in and said 
he would go with the deputation on the points in question. 
He would wish to be understood, that he did not like the 
system, that it was weak. That he would produce a better one, 
since the convention had undertaken to go radically to work, 
that perhaps he would not be supported by any one, but, if 
he was not, he would go with the stream." 

It is curious to see McHenry 's objections, and the fact 
that he was closely connected with a mercantile establishment 
makes his objections more interesting. That so good a lover 
of the Union as he should oppose so strongly the grant of 
extensive powers to the central government shows clearly that 
the constitution was "wrung from the grinding necessities 
of a reluctant people." 

On August 8, the provision giving the sole power of 
raising and appropriating money to the house of represen- 
tatives was expunged and, on a reconsideration of the question 
on the 13th, McHenry joined Carroll, in stating that the most 
ingenious men in Maryland are puzzled to define money bills 
and added an instance of extraordinary subterfuge, from his 



10 A Life and Correspondence [Chap, vii 

experience in the state senate, to get rid of the apparent force 
of the constitution. 1 

We next hear of McHenry, as a member of the committeeon 
the assumption of state debts, 2 appointed on August 18. Three 
days later, 3 he showed his fear of granting too much taxing pow- 
er to the federal government, by seconding Martin's motion that 
no direct tax be laid until a requisition on the state has been 
made and failed. On the same day, he stated that he con- 
ceived an embargo might be laid under the war power. 4 

The next day, 5 he joined with Gerry in proposing that 
congress be forbidden to pass a bill of attainder or any ex 
post facto law. The Maryland delegation, on the same day, 
agreed to bring forward some restrictive clauses drawn by 
Martin on the federal power to regulate commerce. These 
amendments 6 were brought in by the delegation on August 
25, and provided that no preference should be given to any 
state in duties, nor should vessels in the coasting trade be 
obliged to enter or clear, and that congress could establish 
no new ports of entry unless the states failed to do so after 
application made by congress. 

On the 23d of August McHenry wrote his wife: , 
"My dear Peggy 

"It is altogether uncertain when the convention will 
rise; but it is likely to be about three weeks hence. As soon 
as this happens, it will be necessary for me to go to New Ark 
in Jersey to settle an account with a Mr. Mackay which may 
take up eight days more, so that it may be five weeks before 
my return. This, you may be assured, excites no one com- 
fortable sensation ; yet when I cast my eyes homeward ; when 
I venture to anticipate our future prospects; my heart tells 
me that my dear Peggy will condense in one week as much 
happiness as to countervail the pains of two months absence.'* 

On the 27th, he joined with Madison to try to prevent 
an increase 7 as well as a diminution in the salaries of judges. 
On the 30th, McHenry tried in vain to have the commercial 
questions considered 8 ' ' before the system is got through. ' ' 
On the following day, the convention finally voted to have the 



1 Doc. Hist. Const, iii, 522, Madison's Notes. 

2 Doc. Hist. Const., iii, 558. 

3 Doc. Hist. Const., iii, 578. Jenifer and Carroll voted No. Mercer 
was absent. 

4 Doc. Hist. Const., iii, 581. 

5 Doc. Hist. Const., iii, 592. 

6 Doc. Hist. Const., iii, 619. 

7 Doc. Hist. Const., iii, 625. 

8 Doc. Hist. Const., iii, 656. 



1787-1788] of James McHenry 105 

constitution go into effect, when ratified by nine states. 
Washington was in favor of as small a number as seven and 
Maryland was alone in striving for thirteen. In the debate, 
McHenry advanced his point that the officers of government in 
Maryland were under oath to follow "the mode of alteration 
prescribed by" the state constitution. 1 

The same day, however, the Maryland men were gratified 
by the adoption of part of their commercial clauses, which 
prevented preference of any state and freed the coasting 
trade. In the debate, McHenry remarked that the clause 
would not "screen a vessel from being obliged to take an 
officer on board as security for due entry," and so avoid 
smuggling of goods into states below the point of entry, as 
in the case of vessels bound for Philadelphia. We hear no 
more from McHenry on the floor of the convention until 
September 12, when he voted, vainly, to require three-fourths 
of the houses to override the president's veto. 

During this time, however, he was not idle but employed 
himself, especially in trying to amend the commercial clauses. 
On September 4, he wrote in his note book : ' ' Upon looking 
over the constitution it does not appear that the national 
legislature can erect lighthouses or clean out or preserve the 
navigation of harbours. This expense ought to be borne by 
commerce, of course, by the general treasury, into which all 
the revenue of commerce must come. 

"Is it proper to declare all the navigable waters or rivers 
&c. within the U. S. common highways? Perhaps a power to 
restrain any State from demanding tribute from citizens of 
another State in such cases is comprehended in the power to 
regulate trade between State and State. 

"This is be further considered and a motion to be made 
on the light house &c. tomorrow. ' ' The morrow was consumed 
by discussion of the election of president, but, on the 6th, 
McHenry spoke to Gouveneur Morris, Fitzsimmons, and Gor- 
ham, about the insertion of a "power in the confederation 
enabling the legislature to erect piers for protection of ship- 
ping in winter & to preserve the navigation of harbours." 
Gorham opposed, the others favored this and Morris thought 
it might be done under the power to "provide for the common 
defence and general welfare." Whereupon McHenry remarked, 
"If this comprehends such a power, it goes to authorize the 
legislature to grant exclusive privileges to trading companies, 

1 Doc. Hist. Const, iii, 661. 



103 Life Cind Correspondence [Chap, vn 

etc." The commercial question still disturbed the Maryland 
men and on Saturday, September 8, they gave notice that they 
had a proposition of much importance to bring forward. This 
was brought forward on the 15th ; but, meantime, the commit- 
tee on style had reported the constitution and McHenry, 
making a careful study of the draft on the 13th, found the 
Maryland propositions as to preference of one state over 
another had been overlooked and secured their insertion in 
the proper place. 

Maryland 's new proposition, x introduced by McHenry 
and seconded by Carroll, was that "no State shall be prohib- 
ited from laying such duties of tonnage, as may be sufficient 
for improving their harbours & keeping up lights, but all 
acts laying such duties shall be subject to the approbation or 
repeal of Congress." Mason joined the Marylanders in advo- 
cating their proposition, because the "situation of the Chesa- 
peake peculiarly required expenses of this sort," and the 
proposition was carried with but slight amendment, by a vote 
of six states to four, with Connecticut divided. 

Although the two-thirds majority for the passage of 
navigation acts was defeated on the same day, Maryland had 
gained so much of her desires, that Jenifer felt sure the state 
would accept the constitution. "When Martin said to him, 
"I'll be hanged if ever the people of Maryland agree to it," 
Jenifer quickly replied: "Then I advise you to stay in 
Philadelphia, lest you be hanged." 

On Sunday, September 9, 1787, McHenry looked forward 
to the close of the convention in a letter to his wife : 

"After all the researches of ambition and curiosity, it is 
only, my dear Peggy, in the bosom of one 's family where man 
is born to find real enjoyment. Whenever we suffer ourselves 
to be allured from this spot, the mind is dissatisfied, till we 
return again to it. We may indeed flatter ourselves that every 
thing ought to be sacrificed to certain popular objects ; but we 
may also distrust a philosophy which is daily contradicted by 
lessons of disgrace or disappointment. Home then possesses 
a power over the human heart that is neatly irresistable when 
aided by the endearments of an affectionate wife and the 
prattle of a tender ofspring. Still however it is true, that a 
home having these attractions may be left : but it will be left 
with regret, and soon rejoined with increased delight. I shall 
soon I hope rejoin this home as it is likely the convention will 



1 Doc. Hist. Const, iii, 751. 



1787-1788] of James McHenry 107 

finish their business in about eight days. In the meanwhile, 
I pray God to bless my dear Peggy and our little ones. Adieu 
affectionately ' ' 

The next Sunday on the eve of the convention's final ad- 
journment he wrote her : 
1 ' My dear Peggy. 

' ' Yesterday evening the plan of government passed by an 
unanimous vote, and to-morrow we shall determine the mode 
to promulge it and then put an end to the existence of the 
convention. This done, I shall have nothing to detain me in 
this place, but the repartition of the effects of the Estate which 
I hope may be accomplished in time to permit me to make use 
of the friday's stage. I must add, however, that I do not 
expect to leave this sooner than f riday, and scarcely then ; but 
I will write you by Wednesday 's mail, when, perhaps, I may be 
able to speak with more certainty. ' ' 

On Monday, September 17, the engrossed constitution 
was read and slightly amended. "Doctor Franklin put a 
paper into Mr. Wilson's hand to read, containing his reasons 
for assenting to the constitution. It was plain, insinuating, 
persuasive, ' ' wrote McHenry, ' ' and in any event of the system 
guarded the Doctor's fame." 

Then McHenry signed the constitution with Jenifer and 
Carroll ; Mercer and Martin refusing to do so. 

The injunction of secrecy was taken off, the convention 
adjourned sine die, and the members dined together at the City 
Tavern. McHenry had hesitated about signing and wrote a 
justification of his course in so doing in his note book, as 
follows : ' ' Being opposed to many parts of the system I make 
a remark why I signed it and mean to support it. lstly. I 
distrust my own judgement, especially as it is opposite to the 
opinion of a majority of gentlemen whose abilities and patriot- 
ism are of the first cast; and as I have already frequent 
occasions to be convinced that I have not always judged right. 
2dly. alterations may be obtained, it being provided that the 
concurrence of 2-3 of the congress may at any time introduce 
them. 3dly. Comparing the inconveniences and the evils 
which we labor under and may experience from the present 
confederation, and the little good we can expect from it, with 
the possible evils and probable benefits and advantages prom- 
ised us by the new system, I am clear that I ought to give it 
all the support in my power. 

"Philada. 17, Sept. 1787. James McHenry." 



108 Life' and Correspondence [Chap, vn 

On his return, McHenry was nominated as one of Balti- 
more Town 's two delegates to the state ratifying convention l 
and was summoned, with the other delegates to Philadelphia, 
to appear at Annapolis before the house of delegates on 
November 29 and report on their work. Mercer did not come, 
but the other four did and all but Martin supported the new 
document, though the speeches of the three Federalists have 
not been preserved. 2 It is not known whether McHenry 
participated in the fierce war of newspaper articles which 
followed, but Daniel Carroll, Jenifer, and A. C. Hanson seem 
to have led the Federalists and McHenry appears to have taken 
rather a minor part in the campaign. 

At the election, early in April, 1788, McHenry and John 
Coulter, the Federal candidates from Baltimore Town were 
elected, by votes of 962 and 958 respectively, to 385 and 380 
for Samuel Sterrett and Daniel McMechen, the Anti-Feder- 
alists. Cries of fraud were raised by the defeated party, but 
no contest was made in the convention. 

Just before the state convention met, Charles Thomson, 
secretary of congress, wrote McHenry: 

"New York April 19. 1788. 
"Dear Sir. 

"I am sorry I have not been able sooner to answer your 



1 See Steiner's Md.'s Adoption of the Federal Const., Am. Hist. Rev., 
v, 228-207. Tench Coxe (Doc. Hist. Const, iv, 523) wrote Madison Feb- 
ruary 25, 1788, that he has forwarded Contee a large packet of pamphlets- 
sent him by Judge Hanson who writes "there is no doubt in Maryland." 

2 Doc. Hist. Const., iv, 378, Samuel Powell wrote Washington from 
Philadelphia on November 13, "In Maryland there is a secret opposition 
from a member of the assembly but it is believed that his politics will 
not succeed." Doc. Hist. Const., iv, 396, Madison wrote Jefferson on De- 
cember 9, that Maryland "has copied" Virginia's example in "opening a 
door for amendments, if the Convention there should chuse to propose 
them. . . A more formidable opposition is likely to be made in Maryland 
than was at first conjectured. Mr. Mercer, it seems, who was a member 
of the convention, though his attendance was but for a short time, is 
become an auxiliary to Chase. Johnson, the Carrolls, Govr. Lee and most 
of the other characters of weight are on the other side. Mr. T. Stone 
died a little before the Government was promulged." Doc. Hist. Const., 
iv, 408, Jefferson wrote Carmichael on December 15, "Maryland is thought 
favorable to it ; yet it is supposed Chase, & Paca will oppose it." Doc. 
Hist. Const., iv, 436, Washington on January 10, 1788, wrote Knox, 
"Maryland must unquestionably, will adopt it;" and on the 18th wrote 
Samuel Powell (Doc. Hist. Const., iv, 449) "Of Maryland there can be 
little doubt." Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc. (2nd Series), xvii, 484. Daniel Car- 
roll wrote on October 28, 1787, that Maryland will probably ratify the 
constitution and Johnson has told him he is in favor of so doing. J. Lee 
and Potts were chosen delegates in congress, with a view principally, of 
preventing mischief and forwarding this great object. Chase's article, 
signed "Caution," showed an adverse disposition ; but he has bound him- 
self to propose a state convention and, if chosen as a member of this 
body, will be bound to ratify the proposed plan, "the impression in Bal- 
timore being so strong for it." 






1787-1788] of James McHenry 109 

letter of the 19 of last month. I happened to be in Philadel- 
phia, when it reached New York. It was transmitted to me 
and, when I received it, I was in hopes I should have finished 
my business & returned in a few days. Therefore I immedi- 
ately sent back the letter which was enclosed therein to be 
forwarded by the packet and deferred writing to you until I 
returned. My stay was longer than I expected, and after my 
return here I rec'd your second letter of the 12 of this month 
and, at the same time, an account of your election. I hope, not- 
withstanding the choice made by the counties of Anne Arundel, 
Baltimore and Harford, that the elections * * * are such as 
will ensure the adoption of the new constitution, for, unless 
that take place, I confess to you my fears for the safety, 
tranquility and happiness of my country are greater than at 
any period of the late war. The present federal government 
is at the point of expiring. It cannot, I think, survive the 
present year and if it could, experience must have convinced 
every man of reflection that it is altogether inadequate to the 
end designed. What remedy then have we prepared for the 
train of disastrous events which must necessarily ensue from 
a dissolution of the union, what security for our independence, 
peace & happiness as a nation ? 

''You ask me what is the amount of the foreign and do- 
mestic debt. With regard to the foreign debt, I beg leave to re- 
fer you to the enclosed schedule of the French and Dutch loans, 
shewing the periods of their redemption, the annual interest 
payable thereon, & the instalments stipulated for discharging 
the principal. To this, you must add about 150,000 dollars due 
to Spain, 186,427 dollars due to foreign officers also a million of 
florins which, from the failure of the states, congress were 
under the necessity of borrowing last year to defray the 
interest of the dutch loans & other demands in Europe. As 
to the domestic debt, I have to inform you that, by the last 
estimate which the board of treasury laid before congress, the 
amount thereof, as then liquidated, is 28,340,018 dollars. How 
much of this has been actually extinguished by the sale of 
western territory, I cannot certainly say. The tract which 
the Ohio company have in view to purchase is supposed to be 
between 5 & 6 millions of acres, but I believe they have only 
paid 500,000 dollars. The residue of the purchase money is to 
be paid by yearly instalments and the company by their agree- 
ment are at liberty to confine their purchase within the com- 
pass of their abilities & to take no more land than they are able 



110 Life and Correspondenc [Chap vn 

to pay for. The tract which Symmes has agreed for is said to 
be 2 million acres & Flint Parker & Co. have applied for 
the purchase of 3 million acres ; but I believe neither of these 
have yet paid any money. The quantity of land purchased & 
laid out into townships, agreeably to the land ordinance, is 
upwards of 700,000 acres but of this there is only about 
100,000 sold. As to the land unsurveyed, the quantity is 
immense and, in my opinion, adequate to the extinquishment 
of the whole debt of the Union, provided we can have a firm, 
stable federal government ; but without this I am apprehensive 
the Union will derive little benefit from it. As to the amount 
of the duties on a 5 per cent import & the expense of the civil 
list under the new government, it is altogether conjectural, 
but of this I am confident that the new government, if estab- 
lished, will from prudential motives encrease the former and 
lessen the latter, as much as possible, and however proper it 
may have been judged to vest it with the power of direct 
taxation, it will not proceed to the exercise of that power 
except in the last necessity. 

"Enclosed I send you the first volume of the federalist 
the second volume is in the press & will, it is expected be out 
in the course of a week or two. As soon as it is published I 
will forward it to you." 

On April 21, the convention met at Annapolis with a 
decided Federal majority 1 and, in spite of the protests of 
Samuel Chase and William Paca, who led the minority, 
resolved to adopt the constitution. Amendments to the con- 
stitution were referred to a committee of thirteen, on which 
McHenry served, and after considering them, the committee 
voted eight to five, McHenry being in the majority, that there 
be no amendments reported to the convention, but that the 
constitution be ratified unconditionally without amendment. 
This advice was accepted and there was no danger that the 
cause of federalism in Virginia should be injured by the 
recommendation of such amendments, as McHenry wrote to 
Washington he had feared. 2 

McHenry 's letter, dated April 20, stated that while pres- 
ent appearances in Maryland are flattering, he thinks that the 

1 McHenry came on April 22. See JeJnifer to Washington April 15, 
Doc. Hist. Const., iv, 580. Shippen to Jefferson April 22, Doc. Hist. Const., 
iv, 586. Washington to Jenifer, Doc. Hist. Const, iv. 596. Smallwood to 
President of Congress, Doc. Hist. Const., iv, 604. Griffin to Madison, Doc. 
Hist. Const., iv, 609. 

2 Bancroft Hist, of Const, ii. 282. See Nicholas's letter of April 5 
to Madison, Doc. Hist. Const., iv, 551, and of May 9. Doc. Hist. Const., iv, 
670. 



1787-1788] of James McHenry 111 

adjournment without ratifying the constitution would be 
equivalent to rejection, both there and in Virginia, and asked 
Washington how matters were in Virginia and that he give his 
sentiments, which may be useful. Washington replied as 
follows : 

'Mount Vernon 27th. April 1788. 

"Dear Sir, 

"Not having sent to the Post Office for several days, your 
favor of the 20th. Inst, did not get to my hand till last night. 
I mention this circumstance as an apology for my not giving 
it an earlier acknowledgment. 

"As you are pleased to ask my opinion of the conse- 
quences of an adjournment of your Convention until the 
meeting of ours, I shall, tho ' I have meddled very little in this 
political controversy — (less perhaps than a man so thor- 
oughly persuaded as I am of the evils & confusions which will 
result from the rejection of the proposed Constitution ought 
to have done) — give it as my sincere and decided opinion, 
that, a postponement of the question would be Tantamount 
to the final rejection of it — that the adversaries to the plan 
consider it in this light, — and for this purpose are using 
every endeavour to effect it. To advance arguments in support 
of this opinion is as unnecessary as they would be prolix. 
They are obvious — and will occur to you upon a moment's 
reflection. 

"Though the period to which the adjournment in New 
Hampshire was fixed, had no respect to the meeting of the 
Convention in this State, but was the effect, solely, of its own 
local circumstances, yet, the opposition here ascribe it wholly to 
complaisance towards Virginia — make great use of it — and 
undertake to pronounce that all the succeeding determinations, 
preceeding hers, will be similar thereto ; — of course that those 
which are to follow will take the tone from it. Should Mary- 
land fulfil this prognostic, So. Carolina may indeed be stag- 
gered, and the prediction with respect to the rejection of the 
Constitution, be realized ; for the assertion, so far as it applies 
to No. Carolina, I believe is well founded ; and it is well known 
that the opposition in New York would catch at straws, if 
they would subserve their purpose by it. 

"The sentiments of the Western (or Kentucky) districts 
of this State are not yet brought to my view. 

"Independently thereof the majority, so far as the opin- 
ions of the delegates are known, or presumed, is in favor of 



112 Life and Correspondence [Chap, vn 

tlie adoption, and this spirit, according to my information, is 
increasing, — but as the parties, by report, are pretty equally 
poized, a small matter cast into either scale, may give it the 
preponderancy. Decision, or indecision then, with you, in 
my opinion, will determine the fate of the Constitution, and 
with it, whether peace & happiness, or discord & confusion, is 
to be our lott. The federalists here see & deprecate the conse- 
quences of indecision with you — their opposers, seeing that it 
is the dernier resort, are using all their endeavours to effect 
it. Thus stands the matter in my eye. With very great 
esteem & regard 

"I am Dear Sir 
"Yr. Most Obedt & Affect Servt. 
"Go. Washington" 

On this letter is endorsed in McHenry 's handwriting: 
' ' The Maryland convention should not postpone its action 
on the qu. of Adoption of the new Constitu. until 
learning the decision of Virginia." 1 

Again on May 8, Washington wrote, ' ' I congratulate you 
on the happy decision of your convention; having no doubt 
of its weight on those States which are to follow. ' ' Ten days 
later, McHenry answered, 2 "You will have concluded from 
the address of our minority that the convention was a little em- 
barrassed on the subject of amendments. A very good friend 
of yours, for whom I have the greatest respect (i. e. Thomas 
Johnson,) brought us into the difficulty & we were obliged 
to leave him to get out. The amendments were intended to 
injure the cause of federalism in your State &, had we agreed 
to them, they were well calculated to effect it." McHenry 
wrote Madison 3 on June 17 that he sends "authentic inform- 
ation respecting the present state of the opposition to the 
Constitution in Pennsylvania," in the shape of a letter from 
the chief justice and a certificate from the clerk of the general 
assembly. "I find the same misrepresentations have been 
played upon the uninformed with you which was practised 
with us." He hoped soon to hear the "desirable news" that 
Virginia had adopted the constitution. On July 27, McHenry 
wrote Washington again : " It is whispered here that some 
leading characters among you have by no means, dropped 

1 Printed in Doe. Hist. Const., iv, 594. See also Washington to Lin- 
coln May 2, Doc. Hist. Const., iv, 606, and to Madison of same date, Doc. 
Hist. Const, iv, 607, and to Morris of same date, Doc. Hist. Const., iv, 605. 

2 Doe. Hist. Const., iv, 618. 

3 Doc. Hist. Const., iv, 707. 



i 



1787-1788] of James McHenry 113 

their resentment to the new constitution, but have determined 
on some secret plan to suspend the^rtxper organization of the 
government, or to defeat it altogether. Have you heard of 
this ? ' ' Anti-federalists must be kept out of the legislature. l 
Four days later, Washington answered 2 that he feels deeply 
the great importance of selecting proper members for the first 
congress and hopes the "Omnipotent Being" will not yield 
the United States a "prey to anarchy or despotism." Going 
little from home, he has no news, but fears the Anti-federalists 
may make combinations to change the constitution. By this 
time, nine states had ratified and it was certain that the con- 
stitution would go into effect. In this connection, it is inter- 
esting to note that J. B. Cutting wrote to Jefferson 3 on July 
11, "a superficial examination of the liberal and patriotic 
convention of Maryland would lead to the thought that the 
objections of the minority were treated with too much levity 
and even disdain, but minute scrutiny disproves this. The 
opposition to a thorough reform of the federal government 
began in Maryland, even before the Philadelphia convention. 
So far did Luther Martin proceed in his avowed hostility as 
even to detail, in the face of decency, before the assembled 
legislature of Maryland, the petty dialogues and paltry anec- 
dotes of every description that came to his knowledge in 
conventional committees and private conversations with the 
respective members of the convention in Philadelphia. So 
when the convention at Annapolis met, whatever proposition 
came from Messrs. Chase, Paca, Martin, or Mercer was 
received with jealousy or disgust and generally rejected by 
a great majority." 4 

1 Doc. Hist. Const., iv, 821. 

2 Doc. Hist. Const., iv, 827. 

3 Doc. Hist. Const, iv, 770. 

4 On October 10, 178S, Thomas Johnson wrote Washington of his 
own position in the Annapolis convention, that he does not "recollect any 
conduct of mine which can be called active to bring about amendments. 
I was not well pleased at the manner of our breaking up. I thought it 
to our discredit and should be better pleased with the constitution with 
some alterations, but I am very far from wishing all that were proposed 
to take place." As a faithful friend of Washington, he says the United 
States need his further services. "We cannot, sir, do without you and 
I and one thousand more can explain to everybody but yourself, why we" 
cannot do without you." On the Maryland ratifying convention, see also 
Jefferson's letter to Dumas of May 15, Doc. Hist. Const., iv, 614. Car- 
roll to Madison, May 28, Doc. Hist. Const., iv, 636. Brooke to Stuart, 
July 10, Doc. Hist. Const., iv, 769. 



CHAPTER VIII 

MEMBER OP THE HOUSE OF DELEGATES 

IN the autumn of 1788, McHenry was nominated with John 
Coulter by the Federalists of Baltimore town for mem- 
bership in the house of delegates and was elected, af- 
ter an exciting campaign. The opposition candidates were 
Samuel Chase and David McMechen, who issued a broadside 
on October 3, attacking McHenry for refusing to permit the 
state convention to submit amendments to the federal con- 
stitution and for refusing with Coulter to make proper ar- 
rangements for voting in the election. 1 The Federalists, on 
the other hand, scattered handbills, threatening to publish the 
names of those who voted in the opposition, as enemies to the 
new federal government. The election occurred from October 
6 to 10 and resulted in the election of McHenry and Coulter, 
who received 635 and 622 votes respectively, while Chase's 
vote was only 505 and McMechen 's 494. On the first day 
of the election, the Federalists paraded through the town, 
carrying a ship and a pilot boat, with drums beating, fifes 
playing and colors flying. The ' ' respectable characters, ' ' aid- 
ed by some non-voters, took possession of the polls and all 
access to the hustings depended upon their pleasure. On the 
second day, the Anti-Federalists did the same, but were forced 
from their position by violence. 

When the assembly met on November 4, a petition was 
presented, praying that the election be declared void for acts 
of violence committed and threats used by the Federalists to 
elect their candidates. The Anti-Federalists also complained 
of a large sum of money subscribed, by one of the successful 
candidates, to the Federal campaign fund. On November 6, 
the house voted 2 to read the petition for a second time on 
the 14th, and gave notice that the parties should call wit- 
nesses. A vote was also passed that the contestants need not 

1 Scharf's Baltimore City and County, 116. 

2 The vote was 31 to 24. The house voted 35 to 20 (McHenry and 
Coulter did not vote) that the contestees should not vote on any question 
Concerning the contest. 



1778-1790] of James McHenry 115 

specify with certainty and under specific heads the particu- 
lar facts they meant to prove in support of their petition. 1 
On the 14th, McHenry and Coulter agreed to bear the ex- 
penses of the contest and the hearing began. It continued 
until the 21st and was then postponed until the 25th, when 
it seems to have been dropped. 2 On the 20th, the house 
voted that Charles Myers was a competent witness, though 
he had bet a beaver hat that Chase would defeat McHenry 
and another that McMechen would defeat Coulter. 3 

McHenry seems to have been particularly active during 
this session. He was chairman of a committee to consider an 
application for a patent, and served also on committees on 
divorce and corporations. 4 

The new relations of the state to the federal govern- 
ment demanded attention, and when the assembly had elected 
John Eager Howard governor, after Thomas Johnson had 
declined to return to that office, they took up the method of 
electing congressmen. The committee, to which the matter 
was referred, recommended that the state be divided into two 
districts: the Western Shore to elect four members and the 
Eastern Shore two, but the final decision was to divide the 
state into six districts, each to choose one member, while the 
presidential electors were apportioned, five to the Western 
Shore and three to the Eastern. On December 3, the house 
resolved to take the oath to support the federal constitution 
and, on the 8th, they ballotted for United States senators. 
John Henry, George Gale, Uriah Forrest, and Charles Carroll 
of Carrollton were nominated and all received forty-one votes, 
save Carroll who received forty. The house of delegates 
refused to accept the proposition of the senate and elect one 
from each shore. On the second ballot, Henry received one 
more vote and was chosen. On the 10th, Carroll was elected 
as the second senator, receiving forty-two votes to thirty-nine 
for Forrest. On the 19th, the assembly voted to petition con- 
gress for amendments to the constitution and, on the 22nd, 
came the final adjournment. 

After Washington's election to the presidency, McHenry 

1 The vote on this was 29 to 26. 

2 On December 20, 1789, the house of delegates voted that the costs 
of this contest, £61.9, should be paid by the parties. 

3 McHenry's opponents published a boardside, claiming that the 
subscribers to a purse to defend his election, whom they named, were 
men who had been Tories or who had come from the British Isles and 
been naturalized since the Revolution, and that some of them had been 
naturalized during the election. 

4 He has leave of absence on November 7 and 21. 



116 Life and Correspondence [Chap, viii 

wrote him on March 29, inviting him to visit him on his way 
to New York and saying: "Though I may be among the 
last in congratulating my dear general, upon his elevation 
to a rank which few men are born to enjoy and still fewer 
deserve, yet I am persuaded you will believe that I feel as 
much sincere joy on the occasion, as those who may have 
been earlier in their demonstrations. You are now a King 
under a different name and I am well satisfied that sovereign 
prerogatives have in no age or country been more honorably 
obtained, or that at any time will they be more prudently 
and wisely exercised. This expectation excites in every bosom 
the finest sensations and I am sure had a secret and powerful 
influence in disposing the minds of the people to embrace the 
new constitution. That you may reign long and happy over 
us and never for a moment cease to be the public favorite 
is a wish that I can truly say is congenial to my heart. 
Please visit me enroute to New York." Washington an- 
swered as follows: 

"Mount Vernon April 1st. 1789. 
"Dear Sir, 

"With a heart duly impressed with a sense of the kind 
invitation you have been pleased to give me to your House, 
I received your favor of the 29th. ult, and pray you to accept 
my thanks for this further testimony of your polite atten- 
tion to me; but at the same time I offer you this tribute of 
my gratitude, I must beg your excuse for not complying with 
the request. For, however pleasing it might be to me, on any 
other occasion, to render this proof of my regard for you, 
I cannot consistently with my ideas of propriety (under the 
existing circumstances) consent to give so much trouble to a 
private family. The party that may possibly attend me — 
the crowd that always gathers on novel occasions — and the 
compliment of visiting (which some may incline to pay a new 
character) all contribute to render a public house the fittest 
place for scenes of bustle & trouble. 

"Mrs Washington joins me in compliments & best wishes, 
and with sentiments of very great esteem & regard I remain 
"Dear Sir 
"Yr. Most Obedient and 
Affect Hble Servt. 
"Go. Washington." 

Quite fittingly we find McHenry at the head of the com- 



1788-1790] of James McHenry 117 

mittee which prepared an address to Washington 1 on April 
17. On the 8th, his brother-in-law, John Caldwell, had writ- 
ten him from Philadelphia, asking that McHenry recom- 
mend him for a position under the new government, and say- 
ing: 

"The stage has this moment passed my window from 
New York. I run to hear the news — am told that Secre- 
tary Thomson is on his way to escort his most serene High- 
ness (a title our Ch. judge has fixed on for the President 
General) but who will always be better known by the name 
of General Washington — an endearing name — which always 
recalls the remembrance of his services and is generally re- 
ceived as tantamount to Saviour of his Country. Mr. Thom- 
son comes in the state coach — which crossed the ferry from 
New York on Monday afternoon — and for the sake of dis- 
patch — will be drawn on by post horses supplied at the dif- 
ferent stages — for which arrangements are made. So that 
in all probability he may be here at this moment — and will 
no doubt be moved immediately forward — this I hope he 
will honour with his conveyance — and a moment may lose 
the opportunity. 

"On monday (a passenger in the stage from whom my 
information comes) tells me — the returns were opened. 
The votes were for General Washington unanimous — and 
for John Adams a large majority. I understood a kind of 
declaration had taken place of the former as President — 
the latter as V. President." 

McHenry was ill in June and writing of his recovery to 
Washington, on the 28th, urged him to keep old Dr. Craik 
near him, as McHenry has been alarmed by accounts of Wash- 
ington 's illness, and stated that he expects soon to leave Bal- 
timore for the Sweet Springs with his brother, who engrosses 
much of his time. Washington answered on July 3, describ- 
ing his illness, praising Dr. Bard, who had attended him, and 
expressing hopes that McHenry 's trip to the Sweet Springs 
might be the means of restoring his brother to health. 2 These 
hopes were vain, but the excursion to the Sweet Springs 
gives us some interesting letters to Mrs. McHenry, who re- 
mained in Baltimore with an infant daughter, while her hus- 



1 Scharfs Chron. of Baltimore, 273. 

2 Ford, xi, 4W1 ; Sparks, x, 12. He wrote also on June 12, probably 
Just before his illness, asking Washington to visit him and enclosing an 
address to the president. 



118 Life cmd Correspondence [Chap, viii 

band took with him the son Daniel, who had been ailing. 
From Staunton, McHenry wrote her on July 17 : 
"My dear Peggy. 

"I am now at Staunton where we arrived yesterday eve- 
ning. It is about 200 miles from Baltimore and 95 from the 
Sweet Springs. We shall rest here two days. Here is some 
company from Virginia on their way to the waters. My 
brother continues near as he was when I left home, I am in 
good health and Daniel much better. 

"We came from Winchester hither in three days. The 
first night we slept in Millerstown, at Crookshank's tavern, 
where we had good beds and tolerable coffee: the second 
night, at a kind of private house, one David Harned's where 
we had indifferent beds and bad coffee: but the horses had 
fine hay and good oats. The road in some places is rocky, 
mountainous, and dreadfully rugged; but in general very 
good. The second day we drove 40 miles and could have 
easily driven fifty. When you get within a few miles of 
Staunton the country rises into high mountains. Staunton 
is placed in the midst of a body of them. 

"This town which contains about 120 houses (all framed 
except a few of stone) is remarkable for two things. 1st, a 
tavern, kept by one Hiershell, equal in many respects to Mr. 
Grant's, where we lodge. It is chiefly of stone, two story 
high, and 85 feet front. 2dly. Every house has more or 
less of a garden, and every garden a small stream of water 
running through it, which has its course in one of the neigh- 
bouring mountains. The air, in addition to this charming cir- 
cumstance, seems fine and highly salubrious ; not notwith- 
standing all this, I would not choose it for my residence. I 
am in love with other scenes, and other prospects: and that 
I suppose is enough to prejudice me against, the mountains, 
groves, vallies, and waters of Staunton, though they frolic in 
abundance of bewitching forms. 

1 ' I thought you would be glad to learn thus much of our 
progress, and Mrs. Shield's, who is on her return from Ken- 
tucke to Philadelphia, affords me an opportunity to Win- 
chester: whence this will be forwarded to Alexandria and 
thence by the regular mail to Baltimore. 

"Adieu my dear Peggy, the keeper and dispenser of all 
my affections" 



1788-1790] of James McHenry 119 

Six days later another letter was sent on Thursday, July 
23, 1789, from "Warm Springs — Lewis's house": 
"My dear Peggy. 

"My last to you was from Staunton which I put into 
the hands of Col. Knox who was on his way to Baltimore. 
The day after we recommenced our journey to this place. 
The roads very bad: the entertainment tolerable. Venison 
very common and very good, the last four miles of the road 
thither is over the highest mountain we have yet crossed. 
Long before we gained the most elevated part of it where the 
road runs, which is a considerable distance from its summit, 
we had a very interesting view of the subjacent world. Far 
below us, for an immense extent, lay an infinity of mountains, 
each of them an Alp ; with corresponding, deep, and irrigu- 
ous vallies ; the whole forming a prospect astonishingly great 
and sublime. The sun shone upon the rocks, mountains, and 
trees, which affords a variety of intermingled shades and ren- 
dered the scenery more picturesque and animated. The de- 
scent in some places is rather rapid, and somewhat danger- 
ous, owing to the badness of the road, which is much cut, 
shelving, and only wide enough for one carriage. 

"Notwithstanding it was hardly possible to deviate from 
the right road, yet from the length of time it took us to 
travel the last six miles, we were almost certain we had some 
how or other got out of our course. About six miles from 
the springs we had an opportunity of inquiring the distance 
which we were informed of, and also that the road was very 
good. By our calculation we had travelled nine miles, & 
most of it over bad road. At length, however, late in the 
evening, we reached the bottom of the mountain, and were 
agreeably surprised to find ourselves at the warm springs. 

' ' These springs are a great curiosity. The water is about 
blood hot (96 degrees) and bathing is a very great luxury. 
It is said to contain sulphur. A large quantity of air is 
continually rising from the bottom in bubbles and the vapor 
has a sulphurous smell. The bath is an octagonal inclosure 
of stone, about eight or ten feet high, open at top, and 132 
feet in circumference. Its depth between three and four feet. 
The body of water it discharges forms a stream capable of 
turning the largest mill. Trees flourish round the spring, 
the cattle drink of its water, and it fertilizes some excellent 
medow ground through which it runs. 

"We bath in it twice a day. The first time Daniel went 



120 Life and Correspondence [Chap, vin 

into it very reluctantly; and now he leaves it with as much 
reluctance, and goes to it with pleasure. I think it has been 
serviceable to his complaint ; but my brother has received no 
seeming benefit from it. We propose two days longer stay, 
and then try the Sweet Springs, which is forty three miles 
from this place. 

"The company here is a Mrs. Dunbar of this state, with 
her daughter a Mrs. Banister, a young handsome wealthy 
widow, and a Mr. Skipwith, a suitor I imagine of the latter. 

"My brother has not been so well yesterday and to-day 
as heretofore. He presents his respects to you and Miss Cald- 
well. Adieu my dear Peggy. 

"Yours affectionately 

"James McHenry" 

Prom the Warm Springs the party went on to the Sweet 
Springs, where they remained several weeks and whence Mc- 
Henry wrote his wife on September 7, 1789: 
"My dear Peggy. 

"Mrs. Perry died on sunday morning, and was intered 
yesterday afternoon. She was thought to be somewhat bet- 
ter on her arrival; but a few days shewed the fallacy of 
hopes founded on a strong expectation of the benefit from 
the waters. Perhaps the experiment was too long delayed; 
or perhaps it would not at any time have proved successful. 
Why are we so anxious for life? In one point of view it 
hardly seems to be worth the trouble we take to preserve it. 
Give to man the most extensive acquaintance and exalted 
virtues, yet how seldom does he leave behind him a friend to 
lament his loss or remember him when he is forgotten by the 
rest of the world. 

"The burying ground is at a little distance from the 
springs, on the summit of a hill which is covered with large 
and shady oaks. ' I counted eleven graves, some inclosed with 
a kind of pailing, and the rest with large logs of timber, said 
to be intended as a security against wolves. I could not con- 
template the remains of the dead quietly resting in these rude 
impalements without a few mournful emotions, arising from 
the reflection that all of them must have closed the last hours 
of life, far from any domestic comforts, and, most of them, 
perhaps, without the last kind offices of kindred attention, 
There is neither stone or monumental inscription to be seen 
to tell any thing respecting the dead. 



1788-1790] of James McHenry 121 

"When you leave this melancholly ground and get about 
half way down the hill you have rather an agreeable prospect, 
made up of intermingled huts and trees, The Sweet Springs, 
a mess house, a dwelling house, and a corn field lay below you, 
while the mountains rise amphitheatre like in a pleasing man- 
ner, chiefly covered with trees, but without either house, cul- 
tivated spot or plantation to relieve the eye. 

"To-morrow we propose setting out, notwithstanding my 
brother's state of health is but little different from what it 
was when I last wrote you. The fear of being locked up in 
this place during the winter is one motive which puts him in 
motion : and the convenience of the stage waggon Mr. Perry 
came in another. Mr. Perry is to ride with me, and Jack can 
lay at full length in the waggon. We may not however set 
out to-morrow as there are strong symptoms of bad weather. 
Should it rain we shall remain here till it settles. It will be 
a long and tedious journey in all probability. 

"Adieu my dear Peggy; and may God grant us a happy 
meeting. ' ' 

During the return journey McHenry wrote from Staun- 
ton on the 26th of September, 1789. 
"My dear Peggy. 

"Mrs. Pratt is to leave this town to-morrow, which re- 
minds me of my promise to give you some account of the 
Falling Springs. 

"I went from Mr. Morris's on the 12 Sept. to visit this 
remarkable curiosity. It is in Augusta county about six miles 
south of Morris's. After riding about four miles we en- 
tered the Falling Spring valley where we were entertained 
with innumerable little water falls till we came in view of the 
object of our visit. 

"I cannot give you an adequate idea of this great work 
of nature. To describe it correctly one must see it more than 
once, and be provided with an apparatus to ascertain heights 
and distances. Mr. Jefferson x estimates the altitude of the 
rock from which the water falls at two hundred feet. It did 
not strike me as so high by fifty feet. He speaks also as if 
the water fell only from one part of the rock, whereas it 
precipitates from five different places, each fall being dis- 
tinct from, and at a considerable distance from the other. 

"We took our stand between the first and second cat- 



1 See Jefferson's Notes on Virginia, Query 5 (ed. 1801, p. 30). 



122 Life and Correspondence [Chap, viii 

aract. The former hurried over the lowest part of the rock, 
and dashed down an irregular and shelving surface with con- 
siderable noise and impetuosity: but though composed of the 
largest sheet of water it was by no means the most striking. 
The second certainly engaged more of our attention. It pre- 
cipitated itself in the air about one hundred and fifty feet 
above us from the loftiest part of an almost perpendicular 
rock, in five or six spouts, which suddenly uniting formed a 
thin broad sheet of water that descended in a beautiful man- 
ner, till it reached half way down, when it dashed against the 
smooth surface of the rock, and separated into millions of 
drops that fell to the bottom in a kind of close heavy rain. 
This is a -most lively an interesting spectacle. We contem- 
plated it with admiration and thought nature had finished 
her work, when moving on a little further round a bend of 
the rock, we discovered three other cascades, the most remote 
of which was just visible through the intervening rocks and 
trees. 

"This exhibition far exceeded the first in variety and 
grandieur of expression. I do not think either of these falls 
discharged more water than any of those we had just turned 
from: but their different sheets were so disposed as to shew 
each other to more advantage ; this part of the mountain too 
was more diversified, and the shrouded cataract almost con- 
cealed by huge pieces of rock and fallen trees accumulated and 
congregated in a kind of horrid wildness ; whilst the two moun- 
tains which formed the valley approaching each other seemed 
to close the scene by forbidding further investigation. 

"There we remained for some time, alternately contem- 
plating the stupendous descent of the water, & its various ap- 
pearances, from its first shewing itself over the mountain till 
lost among the fragments of rocks beneath. The whole, with 
the face of the valley, formed a most animated and interesting 
scene ; and yet the father of our guide, Mr. Morris, has resided 
twenty five years within six miles of the falls, has been above 
a hundred times within half a mile of them, without having 
seen them. I asked him on my return how he would like to 
see this circumstance mentioned in a book. I should be indif- 
ferent about it, he replied, as it could only mean that I was a 
person of litle curiosity. 

"The spring that supplies these cataracts rises about % 
of a mile from the summit of the mountain. The land through 
which it runs belongs to a Major Massie whom I since met at 



1788-1790] of James McHenry 123 

the warm springs. This gentleman told me that twenty years 
ago Dr. Bland had forced a kind of promise from him to throw 
the several branches of the stream into one, for the purpose of 
increasing the cataract. In my opinion it is more interesting 
as it is; and Major Massie being of the same opinion has 
thought proper to defer the execution of his promise, which 
he says was only given to get rid of the Doctor 's importunity. 
"My brother is better. We shall leave this in all prob- 
ability on Wednesday next. We have new wheels to get to 
our carriage and my brother wants a little more strength to 
enable him to make the next hundred miles. Daniel is well, 
and your affectionate 

"James McHenry" 

In the autumn, McHenry was re-elected to the house of 
delegates, Samuel Sterrett being associated with him. Shortly 
after the election, McHenry wrote Hamilton, 1 stating that he 
feared the majority of the house would be Anti-Federalist. He 
rejoiced in everything that could add to Hamilton's fame or 
fortune and congratulated him on his appointment as secre- 
tary of the treasury: "Your office is vastly important and 
you are worthy of it and, what is more, equal to its duties, 
but, at the same time, it is extremely hazardous. ' ' McHenry 
still had thoughts of a diplomatic career and added : "I asked 
appointments for some honest but poor federals of this place 
and the President has been very attentive to my recommenda- 
tions. I asked nothing for myself; because, in fact, I am 
very easy in my circumstances. Still, however, I am not wholly 
lost to ambition and would have no objections to a situation, 
where I might indulge and improve, at the same time, my 
literary propensities, with perhaps some advantages to the 
public. Will you, therefore, be good enough to feel (if a 
resident or even charge des affaires is to be appointed to Lon- 
don or France) whether the President has thought of me or 
would, in such a case, nominate me. I wish you to do this for 
me, as a thing springing wholly from yourself and to write me 
freely on the subject at some convenient moment." 

On November 14, McHenry wrote Washington from An- 
napolis: "You have created a new fountain of blessings. 
In your nominations and appointments, you have had respect 
to want and wretchedness, where united with worth and 
capacity, and have thereby drawn upon you more prayers and 

1 October 27, letter partly printed in Hamilton's Works, v, 444. 



124 Life and Correspondence [Chap, viii 

gratitude than has ever fallen to the lot of any dead or living 
sovereign, prince, or first magistrate whatever. ' ' Washington 
had asked McHenry to secure an acceptance of office from 
Judge R. H. Harrison. Harrison returned the commission, 
because he could not keep it longer, but wished more time to 
consider the offer and would probably accept, if his brother- 
in-law should die. The value of Harrison, "his goodness of 
heart, and unalterable attachment" to Washington are praised 
by McHenry. 

On November 30, Washington answered the letter and 
returned the commission, hoping that Harrison would accept. 1 
Thomas Johnson had declined the appointment of district 
judge for Maryland and Washington does not wish to receive 
another declination. He thinks of appointing Alexander 
Contee Hanson and asks McHenry to ascertain whether he 
would accept. Hanson was chancellor at the time and Wash- 
ington was in doubt whether he might prefer his present 
position. If Hanson will not accept, William Paca's name 
has been thought of, "although his sentiments have not been 
altogether in favor of the General Government and a little 
adverse on the score of Paper Emissions." Gustavus Scott 
and Robert Smith have also been mentioned. The latter 
seemed to Washington to be too young. 

On December 10, McHenry replied that he found Hanson 
preferred the chancellorship to the judgeship, but that Paca 
would accept the place. He will "carry much respectability 
and legal dignity into the office. " " He will make every exer- 
tion in his power to execute the trust in the most unexception- 
able manner. I believe also that the appointment will be 
highly gratifying to him and, I think, it may have good polit- 
ical consequences. ' ' 2 

Washington took McHenry 's advice, appointed Paca and 
thus the services of one of the state's most distinguished sons 
were secured for the federal government. 

McHenry was then kept very busy at Annapolis and 
longed "exceedingly to get back to my little garden and little 
wife." 3 The house of delegates was "not very federal" but 
he thought a joint address would be sent to the president. 
Among the many committees on which McHenry served at this 
session was one to consider amendments to the United States 
constitution and another to prepare an address of congratu- 

1 Ford, xi, 447; Sparks, x, 55. 

2 Ford, xi, 449. 

3 He was absent for a few days from November 30. 



1788-1790] of James McHenry 125 

lation to the president. The address was adopted on December 
20. It is interesting to note that he voted for bills to provide 
for the gradual manumission of slaves and for the admission 
of Quakers to office, by permitting affirmation to be substituted 
for oath. 

On May 7, 1790, McHenry 's brother John died, " after a 
long and painful illness, which he bore," according to the 
Maryland Journal, "with uncommon patience and fortitude, 
deeply mourned and regretted by his relatives, friends and 
fellow citizens." He left an only son, an illegitimate child, 
named John, 1 who was brought up in James McHenry 's 
family, at the request of his brother and became a distin- 
guished lawyer. He edited, with Harris, the first series of 
Maryland Law Reports, wrote a text book on ejectments and 
was secretary of legation at the Hague in 1800. He married 
Miss Martha Hall of Harford county in 1813 and later re- 
moved to Allegany county, where he died without issue in 
1856. 

The death of his brother saddened McHenry and its effect 
is to be seen in a letter he wrote "Washington on August 30. 

"My own dear Sir. 

1 ' I am much to blame. I have neither congratulated you 
on your recovery from a dangerous illness nor yet sympathised 
with you in those many and perplexed labors in which you 
have been involved during the late important session of Con- 
gress. I will tell you the truth. Every sorrow and consider- 
ation whatever has been swallowed up, or diminished, in the 
depth of affliction I have felt on the loss of my brother. You 
perhaps have heard that our friendship for each other was 
uncommon and that I am still far from reconciled to this sad 
shipwreck of my tenderest affections. I thought however 
that I ought to venture, before seeing you, to apologise for 
not mingling my congratulations with the many you must have 
received, and request your forgiveness notwithstanding my 
seeming neglect. I wanted besides an opportunity to inform 
you of a revolution in my sentiments that in all probability 
will govern the remainder of my days. 

"Some years since I entertained an aversion to public 
life, and was only an humble actor in it these two years from 
the persuasions of the deceased. This change has been in- 
duced by several causes. I had met with some applause in a 

1 McHenry left him a house in Baltimore in lieu of a payment of 
£1000 currency which his brother had asked him to pay. 



126 Life and Correspondence [Chap, viii 

few instances, but never found it compensated for the sacri- 
fices I submitted to in the discharge of my duty. I grew 
disgusted too at perceiving, as I thought, many of those men, 
who called themselves servants of the people, secretly devoted 
to the promotion of their own purposes and yet continued in 
the public service by the people. 

1 ' I thought also that I beheld him who profaned the name 
of patriotism and country gain by the profanation and him, 
who was directed by the most laudable motives, the frequent 
subject of abuse on suspicion. These discoveries or supposed 
discoveries were so repulsive as not to be counteracted by the 
conduct of the few whom I believe act from most pure and 
honorable principles, and whom I saw boldly risking their all 
for the benefit of others. I hence and henceforth conceived a 
settled disgust to every thing out of the line of private life, 
and cherished a concealed contempt for almost every thing 
save friendship. Such was the situation of my opinions for 
some years before my brothers death, an event which has still 
further confirmed my disrelish of public life and the vanity 
of human enjoyments. I have now no longer a brother to 
gratify. 

' ' I have estimated the value of public applause, and well 
know that neither talents nor merits insure it with posterity. 
The one I do not want, the other I have not talents to attain. 
I am independent in my circumstances. I have retired to the 
vicinity of the Town a little spot from which I can see its 
smoke and hear its noise without being offended with either. 
I resist all solicitations to venture upon the ocean of politics, 
and intend to devote the remainder of my time to my own ease, 
to devotion, the recollections of a dear brother, the happiness 
of a little family and literary amusements. In this retire- 
ment, I feel one misfortune only ; but that I am satisfied will 
always accompany me, I feel too sensibly my loss. Will you, 
after this explanation of my sin of omission, condescend to 
give a sanction to my sorrow and my retreat, and visit a man 
whose professions have ever fallen short of his love and affec- 
tion ; a man who regards and respects you, not for your high 
station but your true patriotism and rare virtues. Mrs. Wash- 
ington has lodged a promise with Mrs. McHenry with which 
I am often reminded. My house is only a mile from Grant's 
Tavern and in your route. So far it can be productive of 
no delay. I engage, moreover, that you shall not be troubled 
with company. The prophet Elisha deigned to favor a Shun- 



1788-1790] 



of James McHenry 127 

amitish stranger with his company, as often as he had occasion 
to pass by her house, and will not my ever respected general 
find it convenient to stay one night on his way to Mount 
Vernon with his sincere and devoted humble friend 

"James McHenry. 
"To the President of the 
United States." 

McHenry 's benevolence led him to give his countenance 
to the negro mathematician, Benjamin Banneker, and to write 
a commendatory letter, on August 20, 1791, to the publishers 
of the Almanac for 1792, which Banneker prepared. This 
letter was printed in the Almanac ; gave a brief sketch of Ban- 
neker with especial reference to his mathematical powers, and 
concluded with the following sentences, noteworthy as showing 
McHenry 's wide sympathies : 1 "I consider this negro as a 
fresh proof that the powers of the mind are disconnected with 
the color of the skin, or, in other words, a striking contradic- 
tion to Mr. Hume's doctrine, that 'the negroes are naturally 
inferior to the whites, and unsusceptible of attainments in arts 
and sciences. ' In every civilized country, we shall find thou- 
sands of whites liberally educated and who have enjoyed great- 
er opportunities for instruction than this negro, his inferiors 
in those intellectual acquirements and capacities that form the 
most characteristic features in the human race. 

"But the system that would assign to these degraded 
blacks an origin different from the whites, if it is not ready 
to be deserted by philosophers, must be relinquished as similar 
instances multiply; and that such must frequently happen, 
cannot well be doubted, should no check impede the progress 
of humanity, which, meliorating the conditions of slavery, 
necessarily leads to its final extinction. Let, however, the 
issue be what it will, I cannot but wish on this occasion to see 
the public patronage keep pace with my black friend's merit." 

1 The letter is reprinted in Carey's American Museum, xii, 186, and in Ty- 
son's Banneker, 48. 



CHAPTER IX 

A YEAR OP RETIREMENT 

McHENRY'S retirement from office lasted only a year 
after which he was chosen again as a member of the 
state senate. During this year of withdrawal from 
public life, McHenry was actively engaged in mercantile busi- 
ness, as is shown by the following letters from Jefferson to him. 

' 'Philadelphia Feb. 5. 1791. 
"Dear Sir 

"An extraordinary press of business, ever since the meet- 
ing of Congress, has obliged me to suspend all my correspon- 
dences, so that it is not till now that I am able to take them 
up, & among the first your favor of Dec. 14. on the subject 
of that I am obliged to ask you to name some person at Paris 
who may, as your agent, attend to all the details of sollicita- 
tion, as it would be impossible for Mr Short to do that, and 
indeed contrary to a fixed rule which has been established of 
necessity to prevent his being used as the factor of individ- 
uals which would be more than he could do, & lead him often 
to that would be improper. I will write to him to support 
your interposition at proper occasions, as far as shall be right, 
and in this he will move in concert with M. de la Fayette, as 
soon as you shall advise me to whom to address your papers, 
I will forward them through Mr Short & with a letter to him 
in the mean time they remain in my hands. I have the honor 
to be with great esteem Dr Sir 

"Your most obedt. humble servt 
"Th: Jefferson 
"P. S. no time is lost as yet 

he being at Amsterdam. ' ' 

"Philadelphia Mar. 28. 1791. 
"Dear Sir 

' ' Having sent your letters to Mr Short with a desire that 
he will, as far as is right, patronize the application which shall 



1790-1791] of James McHenry 129 

be made to the minister on your demand, instead of destroying 
your first letter to Messrs Le Couteulx, I have thought it better 
to return it to you, in proof that your desires have been 
complied with, a murder of some friendly Indians a little 
beyond Fort Pitt is likely to defeat our efforts to make a 
general peace & to render the combination in war against us 
more extensive, this was done by a party of Virginians within 
the limits of Pennsylvania, the only news from Europe in- 
teresting to us is that the Brit. Pari, is about to give free 
storage to American wheat carried to Engld. in British bot- 
toms for re-exportation — in this case we must make British 
bottoms lading with wheat, pay that storage here, in the form 
of a duty, & give it to American bottoms lading with the same 
article, in order not only to keep our vessels on a par as to 
transportation of our own produce, but to shift the meditated 
advantage into their scale, at least so say I. 

"I am with very great esteem Dear Sir 
"Your most obedt. humble servt. 
' ' Tho : Jefferson. ' ' 

On private matters, McHenry writes on January 3, 1791, 
to Hamilton 1 of whose wife he hears that she "has as much 
merit as your treasurer, as you have as treasurer of the wealth 
of the United States." McHenry states that he approves of 
the plan for the United States Bank and adds: "You may 
think I have neglected you, from my long silence, but I can 
assure you I have never forgot you. Having withdrawn my- 
self from everything of a public nature ; this has led me to en- 
deavor to reduce my pleasures as much as possible to a small 
compass and thus to neglect many correspondents, for whom 
I entertain the liveliest affection. 

"That I love and esteem you, I know you will believe, 
without my repeating it. Your career as yet has been glorious. 
I wish sincerely that nothing adverse may interrupt it." 

On April 26, Hamilton wrote McHenry asking him to 
ascertain whether General Otho Holland Williams 2 would 
accept the position of collector of the port of Baltimore. 

McHenry answered on May 3, that he has seen General 
Williams. 



1 Hamilton's "Works, edited by J. C. Hamilton, v, 462. 

2 March 5, 1792, Williams wrote Hamilton on an Indian war and the 
Seneca chiefs and said he had long been ill. Williams finally accepted 
the collectorship. 



130 Life mid Correspondence [Chap, ix 

"You know his ambitious cast and that he thinks he 
could be more serviceable at the head of a great department 
than collector of a district. I mentioned the death of the 
comptroller and the probability, in my opinion, that the Pres- 
ident, from the knowledge he had of the present auditor's 
habits, experience, and capacities for business, would fix upon 
him for a successor, in which case the auditorship, which was 
a very important office, would become vacant. I observed on 
the advantages of a residence at the seat of Congress, if he 
still inclined to mount higher, that he knew your power and 
disposition, and said, I would take upon myself to make the 
necessary suggestions. The idea of the auditor 's office being a 
step to a still more desirable one had its weight, but he, finally, 
declined, alledging his ill state of health and the recent death 
of a brother in law, Col. Stull, which has devolved upon him 
the care of his children and estate. In short, he was not to 
be induced to be auditor, though I thought, could I have said 
comptroller, he might, notwithstanding his present state of 
health would unfit him for discharging the duties of the other. 
I then called on Mr. Wm. Smith, who with his show of talents 
will make a much better auditor. He will have as little to 
learn as the General, is as systematic, a more correct and 
perfect accountant, of great respectability and longer stand- 
ing in society. I found also here that the comptrollership was 
a more darling object. My first conversation was yesterday 
and it was not till about one half an hour ago I got him to 
consent to use my discretion, so you may use yours. I was 
obliged to intimate that, from the opinion you had of him, 
I could entertain no doubt but his appointment would be 
certain, unless the President got entangled to the Southward. 
You judged right. Nay, should even what I once thought of 
take place and my present temper of mind continue, I would 
remain where I am. My mind in the loss of a brother has 
received a severe shock. My wife, like yours, is every thing 
that is kind, good, and excellent and was there only one man 
more in the world I should be the happiest man in it. Adieu 
and believe me yours most sincerely and most affectionately." 

In the autumn, McHenry wrote Hamilton again. The 
letter is dated on October 15, and states that 

"The electors of the Senate of Maryland have chosen 
me one of the Senate of our State legislature and many of my 
friends are urgent that I should accept, as yet I have given 



1790-1791] of James McHenry 131 

no answer. If you still entertain the project you mentioned 
to me, when in Philadelphia, it may somewhat influence my 
determination. Perhaps the complexion of several European 
powers, as it respects France and the claims for succours she 
may bring forward under the 11th. article of the treaty of 
alliance in case of being attacked, may render the presence 
of a ministerial character necessary at the Hague, as a spot 
which can afford a tolerable view of the parties likely to be 
concerned. Perhaps too, it is an eligible situation to forward 
our commerce with the Northern nations, as well as England, 
at least it would seem a position which might enable a qualified 
person to watch the course of trade and improve favorable 
conjunctions. But if the chief object would be your loans or 
financial operations, I think I could give you entire satisfac- 
tion. I have been led thus far into a change of sentiment 
since we spoke together on this subject by an alteration in my 
health, which I flatter myself would be benefited by the 
voyage and the new materials which the employment would 
furnish my mind. Should things take the turn you wish, 
you will readily conceive that I ought to be allowed sometime 
for preparations, as I must take my family with me. But 
whether here or elsewhere, in sickness or health, I shall always, 
my dear Hamilton, be your sincere friend." 

To this letter Hamilton answered on November 2, as 
follows : 
"My Dr. Sir 

"Your letter of the 15. of October came duly to hand and 
an answer has only been delayed through extreme hurry. My 
views on the point you mentioned cannot have changed and I 
am glad to know how you stand. All that confidence or At- 
tachment on my part could dictate will be employed. But 
nothing is certain And nothing ought to be suspended on the 
event. 

"Indeed I cannot perceive how the one thing ought to 
interfere with the other. A change of position upon an un- 
forseen circumstance is as common in politics as in war. 

"Yrs Affect. & sincerely 
"A. Hamilton." 

The diplomatic project having failed, McHenry accepted 
the senatorship to which he had been elected. The session 
of assembly began on the 7th of November and he appeared 
and qualified on the 15th. 



CHAPTER X 

SECOND TERM IN THE SENATE 

McHENRY found a personal matter unsettled on his 
second appearance in the Maryland senate. 1 The" 
attorney general had instituted proceedings against 
him, as survivor of the firm of John and James McHenry, on 
account of a contract made by them with the late intendant, 
Jenifer, for the purchase of final settlements of revolutionary 
pay. The McHenrys sold the certificates and there was some 
deficiency in their returns, for which suit was brought. On 
December 29, the assembly directed the attorney general to 
suspend proceedings until the end of the next session. In 
1792, on November 26, McHenry 's petition for relief was 
finally refused. 

Shortly after taking his seat, McHenry wrote Hamilton, 
on November 19 : 

"Since taking my seat in the Senate, which I have done 
more in conformity with your opinion than my own, I have 
used the opportunity it affords of conversing with Mr. Wm. 
Perry, the gentleman I mentioned to you when in Philadelphia 
as a person well qualified for auditor and have discovered that, 
had he been appointed, he would not have refused. I have 
two reasons for telling you this now. That you may keep 
him in mind, should such a vacancy occur, as one that may be 
fully relied on. That you may also know that, besides his 
being independent or wealthy, he exerted his whole influence 
to establish our government, continues to exert it for its daily 
preservation, and possesses a large share of public confidence, 
especially on the Eastern Shore where he resides and for 
which he is senator, circumstances which might render him 
peculiarly proper for an office in the excise, in case of a new 
arrangement of the system. An opinion prevails in our 
House of Delegates that our constitution wants mending and 
Mercer, Pinkney, and Craik are to lead in the business. They 

1 He was absent from November 29 to December 10, 1791. 



1791-17%] of James McHenry 133 

do not venture, I mean the two first, for the last is rather 
federal to expose their true reason, though they have not 
been able to conceal it. I cannot tell how the project may 
terminate, but I like our constitution as it stands and trust 
the people, having heretofore found it a good one, will not 
easily be brought to any radical alterations." 

At the session of 1791, 1 McHenry pushed an unsuccessful 
project that Maryland should buy a house for Lafayette in 
Washington City. It is impossible to trace his activity, how- 
ever, at this session, or at a short one from April 2 to 6, 1792. 

On July 17, McHenry wrote Washington asking him to 
stop in Baltimore and accept a dinner from the citizens. The 
president replied on August 13. 
"Dear Sir, 

"Your letter of the 17th. of July came duly to hand. I 
could, with pleasure spend a day in Baltimore on my return 
to Philadelphia, if time & circumstances would permit; but 
it is not for me at this moment to say whether either would 
suit me; besides I shall confess to you candidly, I have no 
relish for formal & ceremonious engagements, and only give 
into them when they cannot be avoided — among other rea- 
sons because it oftentimes — if not always — proves incon- 
venient to some of the party bestowing, if it is not to the 
party receiving the compliment of a public dinner — and is a 
tax which I am as unwilling to impose as many are to pay, if 
false delicacy would allow them to express their real senti- 
ments. 

" If it should so happen that I can, conveniently, spend a 
day in Baltimore, as I return, it would give me pleasure to 
dine with yourself & a few other friends in a social way ; — & 
on this footing let the matter rest, as no previous notice of my 
coming is necessary in that case. 

' ' Having begun a letter to you, I will add something to it 
of a public nature 

"Mr. Potts, the District Attorney of Maryland has re- 
signed that office. Who, in general estimation, is best quali- 
fied to fill it? 

"Mr. Robert Smith has been spoken of — Mr. Hollings- 
worth has been mentioned — and Mr. Tilghman and Mr. Ham- 

1 He favored in principle the publication of the proceedings of the 

senate though he voted against a bill to that effect sent from the house 
of delegates. 



134 Life anjl Correspondence [Chap, x 

mond have also been thought of, but the two last living on 
the Eastern shore, and Baltimore being the theatre for the 
Courts, it might be inconvenient to both those Gentlemen to 
attend them; and the appointment no inducement to their 
removal. 

"Which then of the other two would be most eligable? 
Would Mr. Smith, if the preference is given to him, accept? 
— or is there any other person more prominently qualified 
than either of the Gentlemen I have mentioned ? 

"Your sentiments freely given, on these enquiries will 
much oblige 

"Dear Sir — 

"Your Most Obedt & Affect. 
"Go. Washington." 

McHenry's reply was sent on the 16th. Hollingshead, 
he thought, was more of a wit and not less of a lawyer than 
Smith. Marriage has corrected some of his levities and study 
will make him more able than Smith; but the latter is more 
steady, cautious, industrious, and painstaking, and has a char- 
acter of perhaps greater probity in the profession. McHenry 
wished Craik would settle in Baltimore. Tilghman and Ham- 
mond are both good. The former will sooner yield to trans- 
ient circumstances than the latter. Luther Martin is the 
best qualified man in the state; but, through his politics, is 
the last person who merits the appointment. If Washing- 
ton sees Paca or Colonel Lloyd, who possesses ' ' vast property, ' ' 
McHenry wishes he would speak of the necessity of the lead- 
ing men removing misapprehensions concerning the laws. This 
"may lead Paca from Mercer, who is, if possible, more des- 
perately mischievous, than when the open, decided, and de- 
clared enemy of the constitution." 

Washington answered this letter as follows: 

"Mount Vernon Augt. 31st. 1792 
"Dear Sir, 

"The characters given of Messrs. Smith & Hollingsworth 
by you, comports very much with those I have received from 
others, and therefore of the two, the preference is given to the 
former. But as neither stand upon such high ground as Mr. 
Tilghman or Mr. Hammond, and as it is my duty as. well as 
inclination to fill offices with the most suitable characters, I 



1791-1796] of James McHenry 135 

pray you to make all the indirect enquiry you can whether 
either of the last named Gentlemen would accept; and, as 
the nature of the case seems to require, would make Baltimore 
the place of Residence. 

"If the result is unfavourable, be so good as to cause 
the enclosed to be delivered. This case requires a little deli- 
cacy in the management and I am persuaded it will receive 
it from you 

"I am with sincere esteem and regard — 
"Your obed. & affect 

"G. Washington 
"James McHenry Esqr. 

"Baltimore 

' ' The Postmr at that place, will please to cause the deliv- 
ery of this letter President U. S. " 

The matter was not then settled, however, and Washing- 
ton wrote again on September 21 : 

"Dear Sir, 

"Fearing some accident may have prevented my last (en- 
closing a letter for Mr. Robt. Smith) from reaching your 
hands, I take the liberty of giving you the trouble to receive 
this, requesting to be informed if this be the fact — and if 
not, what has been the result of your enquiries in the business 
committed to you 

1 ' I have had many applications in favor of Mr. Hollings- 
worth as a fit character for the attorney, and lately, one from 
the District Judge in his behalf. No answer has been given 
to any of them awaiting to hear from you first. 
"With sincere esteem & regard 
"I am — Dear Sir 

"Yr. affect. & obedt servt 
"G. Washington" 

On the 25th, McHenry wrote that he had been very ill, 
that Hammond had decided not to remove to Baltimore, and 
that the merchants of the city are still anxious to tender Wash- 
ington a banquet. 

Washington writes again on October 3 : 

"Dear Sir 

"If this letter shall have reached your hands before that 
which I addressed to Mr. Robt. Smith (under cover to you) 



136 Life and Correspondence [Chap, x 

has passed from them, I pray you to retain it until you see 
me, which will be, I expect, about the middle of next week on 
my return to Philadelphia (if I am not detained by the con- 
valescent state of two of my servants) — or, if that should 
happen, till you hear further from, 

"Dear Sir, 

"Your obedt. & affect. 
"Go Washington' ' 

The day after Washington's letter, McHenry writes him 
that Tilghman is considering whether he will settle in Balti- 
more. McHenry wishes more Federal lawyers would do so, 
as Hollingshead is neither one nor the other. 

In the congressional election of 1792, McHenry took a 
warm interest. On the Eastern Shore, in the upper district, 
the Federalists of Talbot and Caroline favored William 
Perry 1 of Miles Kiver. He declined and William Hindman 
of Queen Anne 's was nominated. Mercer was thought by the 
Federalists to be at the bottom of Tilghman 's 2 running in 
opposition, after he had said he would not run against Perry 
or Hindman. Perry wrote McHenry on August 4, that the 
Anti-Federalists were closely linked together and kept up 
regular correspondence throughout the state, asserting that 
they are friends of the federal constitution, but opposed to 
Hamilton. They thus wound the constitution through the 
secretary. Perry supports both constitution and the secre- 
tary and after much travel in Talbot and Caroline thinks 
Hindman 's election secure. 

On August 16, McHenry wrote Hamilton of state affairs 
in the approaching congressional election: 

' ' I mentioned Mr. Carroll 3 as proper to be brought for- 
ward to oppose a man whom I suspect the antifederal inter- 
est will unite in supporting, in case of an opportunity. I cal- 
culate that Mr. Carroll will not succeed, but it may produce 
more votes in this State for some man who ought. I mean 
also that it should operate to detach Mr. Carroll from Mr. 
Jefferson, whose politics have in some instances infected him. 
In all this, however, you will understand, should it be an 

1 Perry was Hindman's brother-in-law and had all but one of the 
electoral votes in 1791 when chosen to the senate of Maryland. See George 
Gale's letter to Hamilton, December 20, 1792. 

2 On November 18, McHenry wrote Hamilton that Tilghman was 
connected with good Federalists yet was a disciple of Mercer. The contest 
became a family affair and the heaviest weight fell on Perry. 

3 Charies Carroll of Carrollton. 



1791-1796] of James McHenry 137 

eligible line of politics, that I do not mean to be an actor. 
The interest you feel in it, more than any other considera- 
tion, would induce me to take a little trouble. I still think 
Mercer will carry his election. I have been with Bishop Car- 
roll, whose friendship and intimacy I enjoy. He has much 
greater control over the minds of the German Catholics than 
Charles and I believe that description of men will vote for 
Campbell. Col. Smith has entered for this district. Mr. 
Ridgely, you know, also stands. Ridgely, I am told, is a 
friend to a further assumption [i. e., of state debts]. Samuel 
Smith is not. He is however a good federalist. As a mer- 
chant, he will dislike any increase of duties on dry goods. He 
is, however, concerned in shipping in a sugar house and dis- 
tillery and supplies Williams & Co., contractors, with dry 
goods for the Indian trade. Besides it would give him great 
pleasure to get Col. Hall into office, Mr. Robert Smith his 
brother, a judge, and Robert 's father in law, an office of £1500 
a year. On the other hand, he is largely in the iron works, 
a man of great wealth, without skill in public affairs and from 
habits closely connected with Chase, whom he would wish to 
see noticed. Mr. Jefferson, I suspect, will say in reply to his 
having been against the constitution in France, that you were 
for monarchy in the convention and will take some of the 
features of your systems which correspond the nearest with 
the fiscal systems of England, as a commentary upon your 
principles. The exposition which has been given was wanted. 
God bless and preserve you." 

McHenry wrote again on Sunday, September 30, stating 
that he should support Adams and resist the New York pro- 
ject to set him aside for another. 

The campaign against Mercer * was brisk and the elec- 

1 Of Mercer's conduct William Bayly wrote Hamilton on November 4, 
that Mercer had said at Upper Marlborough that he went to Hamilton's 
office to get money due him and the clerks would not pay him. On his 
return he met Hamilton who said he would pay the money, if Mercer 
would vote for assumption of state debts. When asked whether Hamilton 
had offered him money he exclaimed, "Yes, by God, he had." Walter 
Bowie said, "Hamilton was jocular," and Bayly put the question to Mer- 
cer, 'Was Hamilton serious or jesting?" to which Mercer responded that 
he had a right to take it either way. About this time McHenry wrote 
Hamilton : "Knowing that I was apt to lose letters out of my pocket 
and recollecting that you were a little subject to lose them by not putting 
them into yours, I thought it best that we should burn them," therefore he 
can only say that, in his letter to Hamilton, he opposed Mercer for his 
political principles, but was not influenced thereto by Hamilton. McHenry 
has written an article in behalf of Adams for Goddard's paper, and has 
signed the article Consistent Federalist. It will appear next Tuesday. 



138 Life and Correspondence [Chap, x 

tion was to be held from Monday until Thursday. McHenry 
had written letters for Goddard's paper, the Maryland Jour- 
nal, signed Valerius, while he was "under a depression of 
spirits and great debility," and had employed Major Hopkins 
of Anne Arundel county, who was under obligations to him, 
to circulate handbills with popular charges against Mercer, 
"fixing on him some falsehoods." Mercer's defeat was still 
possible. Ross, whose ability is not equal to his honesty and 
good intention, was in Baltimore to get a reply published for 
the polls, in answer to Mercer, who circulated a report that 
the president wished him elected. Washington denied this 
and "the lie has lodged where it ought." 

McHenry had been ill and now only gets around in his 
garden. General Otho Holland Williams was also very ill. 
If he die, McHenry asks that John Purviance, the naval 
officer of the port, may succeed him, 1 as Purviance is the 
' ' natural heir ' ' of the position, is ' ' one of the first merchants 
in this town, and is qualified to discharge its duties." He has 
"never shrunk from the right cause" and has a "very numer- 
ous and young family to maintain." If Purviance is pro- 
moted, McHenry asks that Hamilton serve him by appointing 
George Salmon in Purviance 's place. The federal government 
can procure no man better qualified than Salmon. "He 
is popular, a man of honor, and a respected judge in our 
criminal and orphan's court." If neither appointment is 
made, McHenry asks that he be informed, before any other 
person is chosen. The office "nets perhaps better than £2000'^ 
a year, possesses "vast influence, and ought not to be given 
lightly." The letter closes with "Farewell, God bless my 
dear Hamilton." 

On October 4, McHenry wrote Washington that Colonel 
Smith would probably defeat Ridgely in the Baltimore dis- 
trict, but that the vote was small. It was the last day of the 
election and only one-half the town and not a fourth of the 
county had voted. 

Later in the month, 2 McHenry wrote Hamilton that he 
had been confined to his bed with fever for seventeen days, 
and had sat up for the first time the day before. " If I should 

1 On August 27, 1793, Samuel Smith wrote Hamilton that Daniel 
Delozier was the best man for surveyor of the port of Baltimore and 
John Purviance second best. The people of Baltimore would not like one 
from elsewhere in the state. On August i28, James Dloyd of Chestertown. 
wrote Hamilton asking to be made surveyor. 

2 October 20, Hamilton's Works, v, 536. 



1791-1796] of James McHenry 139 

get to heaven before you, I shall remember you. I must go 
to bed. Yours affectionately," are the closing sentences. 
Hamilton's letter, missent to Fayetteville, N. C, had just 
reached him and he promised to show it to Bishop Carroll 
on his return to Baltimore. "Your project with regard to 
the President in a certain event, will I believe not have an 
opportunity of being executed. Happily for the public tran- 
quility, the present incumbent, after a serious struggle, in- 
clines, if I mistake not, to submit to another election. If it 
turns out otherwise, I say, unequivocally, I will cooperate in 
running the gentleman 1 you mention, as one of the two who 
are to fill the two great offices. Which of the two may turn 
up first or second must be a matter of some casualty, as the 
constitution stands. My real respect and esteem for the char- 
acter brought into view will ensure him my best wishes in 
any event. ' ' 2 

The Maryland legislature met on November 5, 1792, but 
the senate did not have a quorum until the 12th. On the 
13th, McHenry came and was present about half of the ses- 
sion. 3 From Annapolis, he wrote Hamilton on November 
18: "We have scattered in air the long string of amend- 
ments that has been proposed to be incorporated into our 
constitution, by those who were no friends" to it, so "we re- 
main a free people and a tolerably virtuous people." After 
the session 4 McHenry expects to go to his ' ' little farm with 
my little wife, where, if my health returns, I shall envy no 
man's happiness. " He recommended for an office, Perry, who 
made uncommon exertions in the last election. Washington 
did not appoint Perry to the desired post, as Hamilton ex- 
plained in a letter he sent McHenry. 

1 Who was this man ? 

2 Two days later, Charles Carroll of Carrollton, wrote Hamilton that he could 
not find that the Anti-Federalists, who maintain communication through- 
out the United States, have whispered his (Jefferson's?) name. Carroll 
does not feel sure as to his character and noticed in him a "disposition 
to perplex and puzzle." "He seemed not to want talent but judgment and 
steadiness. I suspect he possesses much ambition." iCarroll hopes the 
"friends of stability and order, i. e., the real friends of liberty and their 
country, will unite to counteract the schemes of men, who have uniformly 
manifested hostile temper to the present government, the adoption of 
which has rescued these States from that debility and confusion and those 
horrors which unhappy France has experienced." 

|j 3 He was away on November 26 and until December 15. Session 
adjourned December 2 0. He was on the conference committee on the 
militia bill. 

4 Rowland's Carroll, ii, 189, Charles Carroll of Carrollton resigned 
from the United States senate, December 3, 1792, and wrote John Henry 
that Potts, McHenry and Stone are the three spoken of to succeed him. 



140 Life and Correspondence [Chap, x 

"Philadelphia 

"April 5, 1793 
"It is a good while my Dear Mac since I have 
either written to or received a line from you. I embrace the 
first moment I have been really able to spare to say some 
things to you which have for some time 'lain heavy on my 
mind' 

"I have been conscious that I owed you an explana- 
tion concerning the issue of a certain Inspectorship and I 
have meditated it ever since that issue took place. 

"In giving it now, I must rely on your discretion and 
delicacy ; for you know I have no occasion to make enemies — 
and I must confide to you what in truth are in the nature of 
official secrets 

"The Supervisor named Perry, Richardson, and Cham- 
berlain ; — laying most stress on Perry. I had a conversa- 
tion with Mr. Coxe (a matter of course in reference to his 
office) and it was agreed to recommend Perry. The three 
names were given in to the President (he always chooses to 
have more than one) with a decided recommendation of Perry. 
I thought his appointment certain. 

"Coxe spoke to Murray or Murray to Coxe about this 
appointment Murray recommended Richardson and Eccles- 
ton, preferring rather the latter. I believe, but I do not 
know it, that he rather spoke lightly of Perry. A gentleman 
from Maryland (I think of the name of Hammersly) said to 
Coxe several things very disadvantageous to Perry. It 
seems he had opposed Mr. Tilghman's election & through dif- 
ferent channels, Tilghman 's Friends had approached Coxe — 
who, from his connection with the family, was not difficult to 
be impressed against him. 

"Coxe came to me with his tone entirely altered on the 
subject of Perry. He was a man not respected by respectable 
men — an intriguing and rather crooked character &c &c. I 
perceived the influence of the election story & no impression 
was made. My byass towards Perry continued & Coxe 
perceived it. 

1 ' The next morning I received a letter from him of which 
the enclosed is a copy. This after the full conversations we 
had had was rather an officious proceeding. The design of 
it was not difficult to be understood. 

"The same morning I had occasion to call on the Presi- 



1791-1796] of James Mc Henry 141 

dent — he had received a letter from Murray recommending 
strongly Richardson and Eccleston and I found he had 
through some channel been approached disadvantageously to 
Mr. Perry. 

1 ' He expressed a wish that I should make further Inquiry 
& particularly of Mr. Henry. 

"I called on Mr. Henry. He was strong in favour of 
Richardson & Eccleston and unusually decided against Mr. 
Perry. 

"Having then no clue to it and having been led from 
former communication to entertain a favourable opinion of 
Henry's Candor I was much struck with his decision against 
Perry & I own a good deal shaken 

' ' It was my duty to state facts to the President. 

"The Argument with him stood thus 'Perry is strongly 
objected to by some; Richardson is recommended by every 
body — Ergo Richardson is the safest appointment' 

"Much could not be said by way of direct opposition. 
My own mind had been put in doubt — I took the course of 
recommending delay for further Inquiry & I understood that 
this idea would be pursued. I therefore wrote to you & I 
believe to Mr. Gale — I received letters from both which threw 
light upon the subject — but to my surprise the nomination 
was put in before either letter came to hand. 

"I flatter myself this detail will give you a correct idea 
of the business and that you will be satisfied that I have 
neither been wanting to you nor to Mr. Perry. 

*■ ' But this explanation is sacredly for your own breast — 
Mr. Henry's communications in particular were made under 
the most precise sanction of Confidence. 

"Nothing but a desire to vindicate the propriety of my 
conduct towards a friend could induce me to disclose it at 
any rate 

"Affecty &c truly Yrs 
"A Hamilton 
""What say your folks as to Peace or War in 
reference to the U. states?" 

On receiving this letter, McHenry wrote Perry as follows : 

"I have had a communication upon a recent subject. Mr. 
Gale actually gave you the preference in his recommendation 
and the head of the treasury handed in your name to the 



142 Life and Correspondence [Chap, x 

President under circumstances which did not seem to leave a 
doubt as to your appointment. The intrigues against you 
began then to appear. Delay was proposed till further in- 
formation could be obtained and it was supposed was ac- 
quiesced in: but it so happened notwithstanding, that before 
my letter Mr. Gale's letter or any other letter arrived, the 
nomination was made to the senate. You see I cannot be 
particular. One day I may be so. In the mean while rest 
assured that every thing was done by my little friend, and 
that his regret and disappointment was not less than mine. 
'Patience and shuffle the cards.' " 

To Hamilton, McHenry wrote on April 14, that he was 
mortified and hurt, exceedingly, that Perry did not win, but 
did not blame Hamilton. The Tilghmans influenced Coxe 
and ' ' you had greater things to attend to. ' ' Richardson, who 
had been treasurer of the Eastern Shore, is no more worthy 
and less active than Perry. McHenry invites Hamilton to 
visit him and says of our foreign relations that "our people 
wish to be able to carry our produce freely to all the parties 
at war who may want it, without having anything further to 
do with the war. ' ' l 

Baltimore was quite excited that summer; a number of 
French refugees arrived from the island of Santo Domingo 
and McHenry served on the committee to solicit subscriptions 
for their relief. 2 The sudden arrival of the refugees caused 
the governor to make a grant of the public arms to the Balti- 

1 An interesting side light on our relation to France is found in a 
letter by William Vans Murray, the member of congress from the lower 
Eastern Shore district then living at Cambridge, written on May 8, 1793 ; 
A British prize, taken by a French privateer, was brought past Cambridge, 
under command of a citizen of the district. There was not a man in 
Dorchester county who could lawfully enter on board the prize, till Colonel 
Banning, an excellent officer, came from Oxford, in Talbot county, across 
the Choptank, a river as wide as the Delaware at Wilmington. "So ex- 
tremely naked is the body of the Federal government, so wanting, not 
only in clothing, but in limbs." Colonel Banning and Murray went aboard 
the prize and the captain showed a commission from the French republic 
authorizing Citizen Hooper to carry the prize to the nearest port. Colonel 
Banning seized the vessel, Murray, the only member of congress on the 
spot hazarding the step, and then writing Paca, the federal district judge. 
•Murray adds that the public are satisfied, as they support the neutrality 
proclamation, though they are friendly to the French revolution. The 
prize was lawfully taken, but unlawfully sent to a neutral country and 
became subject to all the rights of dominion inherent in a neutral. Sam- 
uel Smith wrote Hamilton on June 16, that a neutral should not permit 
the sale of prizes. Hooper is suspected to own a share in the privateer 
which he fitted out in Charleston and sold it to the French who may bring 
up other prizes. He is an ignorant young man and is much alarmed, say- 
ing that the great men and governor at Charleston misled him. 
2 Scharf's Chron., 266. 



1791-1796] of James McHenry 143 

more volunteer companies, which action was ratified by the leg- 
islature in November. On November 29, the assembly voted 
that a committee be appointed in Baltimore, with power to 
draw on the treasurer of the Western Shore, weekly lor $500, 
from December 1 to February 2, "for the subsistence of the 
distressed French citizens now in this State from St. Do- 
mingo," unless congress should make earlier provision. On 
the 30th, John Ganevain and William Du Bourg thanked the 
assembly for the relief, in the name of the refugees. On De- 
cember 23, the house of delegates asked the senate to join in 
an address to Maryland's representatives in congress, to have 
the state recompensed for relief given 1,200 persons from San- 
to Domingo who arrived in Baltimore, "destitute of every ne- 
cessity of life, without money and unskilled in our language." 
Reference is made to the glory England received from rescuing 
such fugitives as the Huguenots and Palatines. On August 
11, McHenry wrote Washington that the French minister had 
made a requisition on the French merchant fleet in Baltimore 
harbor for 600 seamen to rendezvous at Philadelphia and had 
ordered the consul at Baltimore to furnish each volunteer 
with $5. The greatest part had already 1 left town. 

On August 20, Samuel Smith wrote Hamilton, support- 
ing the president 's action in the Genet matter, 2 and saying 
that an Irishman, desirous of custom, hung out the tricolor 
on July 17, but, finding he did not attract French customers, 
pulled it in again. Eobert Smith, Captain Strieker, and two 
magistrates went to Fell's Point and found that there was no 
foundation for the report that there was a French rendezvous 
there. Only one privateer was in the harbor. Kilty seized 
her, but found she had on board only the arms which she 
had brought, and on sailing, her captain promised to take 
off the French that are a burden and one young Irishman. 

Six days later, Colonel John Eager Howard wrote Hamil- 
ton that, while he approved Hamilton's instructions concern- 
ing privateers, there is so much money to be made from them, 

1 On August 27, Samuel Smith wrote Hamilton that there was no 
truth in a report that an expedition against Providence in the Bahamas 
would set forth from Baltimore. 

2 The governor, he writes, is sound in principles, but Annapolis, the 
seat of government, is not the seat of trade and he is not well informed. 
The English at New York hurt their own cause. On the 27th, he wrote 
that Governor Lee has been long opposed to French measures, the mali- 
cious say because the revolutionists seized the priests' property, Lee having 
become a Roman Catholic, "I believe, from principle." He refused to give 
Thornton, the British consul, an exequatur, when in Baltimore, as every- 
thing must be done in council at Annapolis. 



144 Life and Correspondence [Chap, x 

that some persons are discontented, and that the conduct of the 
English privateers makes us wish for peace. 1 

The general assembly met on November 4, but MeHenry 
did not attend until the 30th. On that day, he introduced a 
bill for a health officer in Baltimore, a city then regarded as 
very unhealthy in summer and where "malignant contagious 
fever" had raged that year. On December 3, he was ap- 
pointed one of a committee of five to bring in a bill to erect 
Baltimore into a city. 2 This question of incorporation was 
a very live one in local politics and Fell's Point was anxious 
to be excluded from the city limits. A charter was proposed 
and passed the senate on December 24, but was lost in the 
house, and, when the charter was finally passed in 1796, it 
is said that the representatives from Baltimore had no small 
ado to reconcile the city to it. 3 

The militia bill was also discussed. MeHenry voted with 
the majority to exempt minor apprentices, agricultural la- 
borers, students under twenty-one, and teachers, and that 
volunteer companies be given up, save in Baltimore, where the 
"public interest requires that energy and activity of exer- 
tion which is best produced" by them. The assembly was 
quite strenuous on the desirability of the federal senate's sit- 
ting with open doors and of the enactment of the eleventh 
amendment to the constitution, preventing an individual from 
bringing suit against a state. The house of delegates made at 
this time an assault on the annual gift to the state colleges, but 
the senate refused to join in the repeal. It is interesting to 
note that MeHenry voted in favor of the resolution to grant 
the federal government, with consent of the owner of the land, 
permission to build a fort or arsenal on Whetstone Point, to 
which fort MeHenry 's name was later given. 

MeHenry wrote Washington on March 31, and April 3, 
1794, asking that he be sent to France and Vienna to secure 
the release of Lafayette and his family. 4 This would be like 
the friendship of Achilles for Patroelus and the autumnal 
fevers, from which MeHenry had suffered in 1792 and 1793, 
caused him to wish for a change of air. 

1 On November 29, 1793, the state senate unanimously passed re- 
solves in favor of neutrality. 

2 He was ill on the 10th. 

3 .Scharf's Chron., 280. 

4 Ford, xii, 412; Sparks, x, 397. MeHenry complains of ill health. 
It is interesting to note that on April 8, Monroe wrote Washington pro- 
testing against the appointment of Hamilton as minister to Great Britain, 
which he heard was proposed. 



1791-1796] of James McHenry 145 

Washington answered on April 8, breaking through his 
usual rule of not replying to letters asking for appointments, 
"from motives of esteem and regard and our former con- 
nexion in public life," and said that there would be no ad- 
vantage in sending McHenry, inasmuch as everything that 
could be done, "without committing my public character and 
involving this country in embarrassments, ' ' had already been 
done. McHenry answered on April 10, regretting that the 
president cannot appoint him and thanking Washington for 
news of that "unfortunate person," Lafayette. 

On July 17, 1794, Richard Potts, one of the federal sen- 
ators from Maryland, wrote Hamilton, stating that he in- 
tended to resign his position because of family losses and the 
death of a wife, who left him with a family of small children. 
He asked to be made collector of the port of Baltimore. To 
fill his place in the senate, Uriah Forrest urged McHenry to 
become a candidate as follows: 

' ' I presume you know that Mr. Potts does not mean again 
to attend th3 Senate. I need not I am sure observe to you 
how impor ant is the replacing of his appointment well I 
am a sanguine not a desponding man — and I do in my 
heart believe the time has never been nor perhaps may never 
again happen, when the Choice for that House, from Mary- 
land was of such consequence to the happiness of this Coun- 
try. Presuming on Izard's successor being of Butler's senti- 
ments, you will find in the Senate, exclusive of Maryland, an 
equal number of disorganizing with orderly Members. Then 
on Maryland does every thing Hang. Under these circum- 
stances, fond as I know you are of retirement, I count with 
firm reliance on your agreeing to serve. Should opposition 
arise, You Shall be suported well from this quarter. I have 
not been much in the habit of Pressing men into service — 
but in times of danger, I shall always be ready to act & do 
for common good, & in urging you by a regard for that Com- 
mon good, by a regard to your own & others safety, & by that 
friendship which though for a long time not much professed 
I hope never slept, I think I am doing service, because I think 
it will have some influence in your determination." 

As McHenry was not to be sent to Europe, he went to 
the Sweet Springs again this summer for his health. Some 
of his letters to his wife give interesting pictures of the life 



146 Life and Correspoadence [Chap, x 

at that resort. Thus he wrote on the 8th of August, 1794 : 
"My dear Peggy. 

"My last letter to you was dated at the warm 
springs and sent by a traveller as far as Frederick where it 
was to be put into the post office. 

"I arrived at this place the 4th instant in the forenoon, 
and have got into a good room, near the water and have no 
reason to complain of the table or general accommodations. 
There are about sixty boarders, of which twelve or fourteen 
are ladies. The gentlemen dine at a common table ; the ladies 
in their huts or rooms. 

"There are several consumptive patients at the springs; 
those in the early stages of that disorder seem to receive bene- 
fit, those far advanced according to an observation I made in 
1789, seem on the contrary to fall sooner than they would 
have done by the natural course of the disease under a proper 
regimen. Indeed the latter appears so well established as to 
admit of little or no doubt. There may however be excep- 
tions to the rule arising from the species of consumption. 

"The care of souls is not neglected in this quarter. I 
attended a methodist sermon yesterday and heard card play- 
ing and dancing condemned as damnable sins. The sermon 
was scarcely ended when some of the gentlemen returned to 
the card-table, and others joined the ladies to receive their 
approbation for an assembly. Whether the ladies were con- 
vinced by the arguments of the preacher or the beaux a little 
time will determine. The holy men I find propose to preach 
on sunday and no doubt will resume the subject should they 
hear of these attempts to mislead the fair, and perpetuate the 
practice of gaming. 

"The amusements of this place are neither so numerous 
nor various as to draw off my attention from those affection- 
ate attractions I have left at home. These often make my 
day dream and always my night. Fancy thus removes the 
distance and brings me near to those I love with the most 
tender affection. Shall I not soon receive news to realize my 
hopes and convince me of your health and that of our dear 
little ones? I shall then enjoy a real and solid satisfaction, 
next to that of seeing and embracing you and my children. 

"Did I say amusements? Why there are none here un- 
less card parties are considered of that class. I have heard 
of an assembly it is true, but dancing to no music or 



1791-1796] of James McHenry 147 

music can hardly be called an amusement. One may occupy 
themselves however in various ways. First in drinking the 
water, and next in riding or walking to get quit of it. Then 
comes breakfast about 8 o'clock after having kept the appe- 
tite on the rack for an hour or more before. About eleven 

'clock you renew your potions of water ; make little riding or 
walking excursions, visit Beaver dam, or sit on benches or 
chat till three o'clock when every one is anxious to hear a 
horn blow which is the summons to dinner. From six to 
eight o'clock there is a little more water drinking after which 
those who choose coffee, tea, bread and milk or rye-mush eat 
supper, and in a general way thus begins proceeds and closes 
the diurnal occupations of the Sweet Springs. 

"Mr. Barton has been here a few days and sets out on 
his return tomorrow; so that I expect by Sunday week you 
will have this letter in your possession. But when shall I 
get one fro"n you? It will be ten days at least before our 
post come from Staunton, for the arrangement fell some- 
what short in point of expedition of what I have described it 
to you. Instead of being here once a week it will be once a 
fortnight only. Continue however to write me once a week, 
and let them be put into the post office the evening before the 
mail is closed for Winchester by the way of Alexandria, which 

1 imagine to be the shortest route to Staunton. 

"God bless my dear Peggy and our little one, with our 
dear Jane, to whom remember me. 

"Your affectionate 
"James McHenry" 

"Sweet Springs 18th Augt. 1794. 
"My dear Peggy. 

"My last letter mentioned to you my excursion to Bote- 
tourt, and a hurried account of the aspect of the country 
through which I passed. The town of Botetourt was erected 
about twenty years since; contains about one hundred and 
thirty houses ; has a church without a clergyman ; a court 
house and goal in good order; a tolerable tavern, and four- 
teen stores or shops. It and the neighbourhood furnishes a 
scanty practice for one Doctor, and sufficient employment for 
several lawyers. 

"Two miles on this side of the town is a plantation late 
the property of one Carper, now Mr. Breckenridges, with 
whom I had some business that led me to Botetourt. What 



148 Life and Correspondence [Chap, x 

induces me to notice this plantation is a kind of circular mole 
or monticello which commands a fine view of the whole vale 
below, a meandring stream, and numerous surrounding moun- 
tains. Upon the summit of this hill, which attracts the atten- 
tion from all other objects is Carper's house; but if this 
Dutchman has discovered taste in the choice of ground it 
stands on, it is to be regretted that he has left neither tree 
nor shrub visible from the road that might have afforded 
shade or shelter, or added by their arrangement to the natural 
charms of the place. The road from whence I contemplated 
this beautiful spot lays about one quarter of a mile from the 
house. To arrive here from the Sweet Springs you must ride 
twenty three miles over stupendously high and rugged moun- 
tains, where a horse never trots, by a pathway sometimes bor- 
dering on precipices and sometimes winding on the steep 
banks of rivers, with not more than three or four small pieces 
of cultivated ground to relieve the eye during the whole dis- 
tance. It is more than likely that such a journey prepares 
the mind to reject none of the beauties of Carper's hill, nay, 
may do more, serve to enhance them 

"Seated again at the springs I wish I could find where- 
withal to amuse you. Here everything wears the same face 
as when I left them save some changes the company have 
undergone by departures and arrivals. The preachers have 
all withdrawn except one, and seemingly yielded to the as- 
cendency of loo and whist. Much of the female youth and 
beauty which supported the hopes of future assemblies have 
also disappeared whilst in addition to this stroke the sudden 
conversion of the only fidler in these parts to methodism, has 
effectually destroyed all expectation of their renewal during 
the season. 

"You will be surprised perhaps to hear that I have spent 
a part of this morning and yesterday in the examination of 
ancient and modern inscriptions, or to learn that so remote 
a quarter of the world should contain any food for the an- 
tiquarian. Here the stool you sit on, the table you eat off, 
the walls and door of the room or hut you sleep in present 
you with the names of persons who have visited these waters, 
and in many instances with the place of their abode and dates 
of their arrival and departure, carved, some in Roman and 
some in Italian characters with much apparent labour and 
pen-knife ingenuity. I find that I am acquainted with sev- 






1791-1796] of James McHenry 149 

eral of these candidates for distinction and immortality; but 
it is greatly to be apprehended that the whole group may be 
gradually lost to posterity in proportion as the materials they 
have made the vehicle of their fame shall moulder and decay. 
One thing is very remarkable in these records, that no lover 
should have carved the name of his mistress, nor any mis- 
tress that of her lovers or her own. 

"To you my dear Peggy who loved me early and who 
loves me still I inscribe myself on paper your still fond and 
affectionate lover and husband James McHenry" 

"Sunday — Sweet Springs 24 Augt. 1794. 
' ' My dear Peggy. 

"I have been this morning to hear a very animated ser- 
mon delivered by Bishop Maddison upon the excellency of the 
christian worship ; the superiority of the morality it pre- 
scribes, the hope it inspires, and the means it enjoins to attain 
its end. As the shortest route to persuasion seems to have 
been intended he was no ways sparing in rhetorical figures 
allusions and similes, most of which appeared to be happily 
placed and some of the last perhaps new. On the whole I 
felt pleased as well with the sentiments and turn of expres- 
sion as general texture of the discourse, and could have lis- 
tened to another of the same kind without danger of falling 
asleep. I can further say, that of five sermons by different 
persons which I have heard since my arrival here, the Bishop 's 
notwithstanding Pope's irony is decidedly the best. 

A judge is just a chancellor juster still 

a gownman learn'd, a Bishop what you will, 

"But as Mr Maddison is a philosopher as well as Bishop 
we propose to renew our chemical experiments to-morrow on 
the Sweet Spring water. 

"Your absent and affectionate 
"James McHenry" 
"Sweet Springs Sept. 7th 1794. 
"My dear Peggy. 

' ' The first of this month I used the bath for the first time 
and have repeated it every morning since, but make the exper- 
iment under circumstances which render its utility doubtful. 
I do not know as yet whether I shall continue to use it. One 
thing I can say, that I have as yet perceived no inconvenience 
from the experiment. I get up about 5 o'clock; wrap my 
cloak round me, and in that dress go down to the bath house 



150 Life and Correspondence [Chap, x 

which is within one hundred yards of my room: I stay in 
the bath about five minutes return and dress myself; ride 
three or four miles immediately after, drink about a quart 
of the red-spring water (a mile from the Sweet Springs) and 
return to breakfast which is generally on table between eight 
and nine. About eleven o'clock I ride six miles drink again 
of the red spring water, and dine about 3 o'clock. I ride 
no more during the day, and generally spend the afternoon 
in sauntering or making experiments on the waters. 

' ' Adieu my dear Peggy adieu and God bless you and our 
dear little ones." 

' 'Sweet Springs 16 Sept. 1794. 

"My dear Peggy. 

" Yesterday I visited some thermal waters on the edge 
of Snake-run about five miles from this place and four miles 
nearer to Baltimore. As far as one can judge by the eye taste 
and sensible effects of these waters they possess at least in as 
great a degree the same operative principals as the Sweet and 
Red Spring waters ; of course are no less valuable in a med- 
icinal point of view. The one whose qualities are similar to 
the Red Spring water gushes out of a rock at the base of a 
mountain into a large natural bason with an aperture in it 
like the lip of a jug through which its contents pass into 
Snake-run colouring the stones and sides of the bason with an 
ochry matter such as the Red-spring exhibits. 

"Close by this is another gaseus water from which fixed 
air rises abundantly in bubbles, and which tastes as acidulous 
as the water of the Sweet Spring; while a few yards further 
on there rises from the same mountain a stream of pure com- 
mon spring water devoid of the medicinal qualities of either 
of the others. Thus has bountiful Providence in a small 
compass given to his creature man two invaluable gifts, and at 
the same time placed them in a salubrious climate and fertile 
soil; for altho' the land in the vicinity of these waters is 
chiefly high and mountainous much of it is nevertheless cap- 
able of being converted into fine upland meadow and corn 
and wheat fields. 

' ' Snake-run which is considerably increased by these ther^ 
mal waters, meanders through a narrow vale formed by t^o 
opposite mountains whose sides and summits are covered with 
large trees. After it gets about a quarter of a mile from the 



1791-1796] of James Mc Henry 151 

springs the fixed air of the thermal waters which held in dis- 
solution their saline and calcarious matters, having chiefly 
evaporated, these matters precipitate and adhere to whatever 
obstruction they find to cross the stream, and form by gradual 
and successive accumulations masses of a porous stoney sub- 
stance ranged in order like the seats of a theatre, over which 
the water tumbles and murmurs and whitens into foam, giv- 
ing an image in miniature of the roarings and dashings of 
gigantic Niagara. 

"To this fine spectacle is subjoined another perhaps more 
beautiful, but more concealed from observation and difficult 
of access. Having clambered up about the third part of a 
very high rugged and rocky mountain adjoining the medicinal 
springs, you descend (taking with you lights) a kind of shaft 
about twenty feet in depth, when there opens to the right and 
left several suits of subterranian appartments, repeated and 
extended much further than I chose to penetrate. Some of 
these are very lofty and spacious and all of them adorned 
and incrusted, tho' with unequal elegance, with pillars and 
wainscotting composed of a depositum of a christalline ap- 
pearance. This substance or depositum is in many of the 
compartments of a snowy whiteness and fleecy. Many of the 
pillars which it forms are ornamented with great fancy and 
exhibit, as well as the pitted vaults and sides of the rooms and 
passages various natural and fantastical figures. Over a hor- 
isontal projection seems to hang a young child not badly 
expressed, while at a small distance, a half-pillar, which stands 
as if it had been placed by design to assist you to descend from 
one appartment to another, represents the bald head of an old 
man. Some of these pillars and their plates which fall like 
curtains from the walls are sonorous when struck, and gently 
echo the gurgling of a stream of water (supposed to be Snake- 
run) which takes its dark and devious way through these 
abodes of eternal dampness, darkness and solitude. You know 
my dear, that this subterranean creation so various and inter- 
esting is produced by means apparently the most simple. You 
know that the water which is continually filtering through 
the mountain above into the cave through the crevices of its 
rock brings with it matter that christallises into this assem- 
blage of pillars, white roofs and fleecy wainscotting ; and that 
each new addition of christalline fluid which distills from the 
incumbent rocks changes and varies the size and appearance 



152 Life ajid Correspondence [Chap, x 

of the pillars, the roof, the wainscotting and all the figures 
that adorn and embellish this beautiful assemblage. 

' ' There is another cave in the vicinity of this one, but as 
it exhibits only inferior beauties you will not be displeased 
at me for omitting its description. 

"Would you believe it that the medicinal waters of 
Snake-run and about two hundred and fifty acres of iand con- 
taining all these interesting spectacles could be bought for 
about £250. "Whereas I have no doubt considering the 
probable progress of population and wealth that at no very 
remote period the purchase will require two or three thousand. 

"I have only one intimation to give you should curiosity 
ever lead you to view this cave: do not venture into it when 
heated by the exercise of ascending the mountain, but patiently 
saunter about till you acquire somewhat of the coolness of its 
atmosphere otherwise you may pay too dear for a view of its 
beauties. 

' ' Thus my dear Peggy I have given you a faithful trans- 
cript of my yesterday's excursion and survey. To-morrow 
Mr. Richie who accompanied me from Frederick leaves me and 
will carry this letter; but as he talks of some delays on the 
road, it may not reach you in the usual time by some days. 
Adieu my dear Peggy far dearer than the medicinal waters 
of Snake-run, its caves and their christalline beauties to your 
affectionate 

"McHenry" 

"Sweet Spring 28th Sept. 1794 
"My dear Peggy. 

"Yesterday I received Mr. Jorri's letter of the 9th inst. 
which you may be certain gave me pleasure inasmuch as it 
assured me you and our children were well when he wrote; 
but had it been convenient for you to have said so yourself my 
pleasure would have been much more perfect. 

"How embarrassed with sick servants, and overloaded 
with fatigue for want of assistants since I left you! Under 
such accounts I cannot stay longer here and be at rest in my 
mind; I shall therefore leave this place so as to arrive at 
Staunton Wednesday next which is the post day when I hope 
to find a letter from yourself of a later date than that from 
Mr. Jorri. Why did you not give ten dollars a month rather 
than be without servants? Why subject yourself to fatigues 
in hot weather, which might be injurious to your health? 



1791-17%] of James McHenry 153 

"The waters are at present in their best state and will 
continue so throughout October ; and yet the company have al- 
most all disappeared, even those who found most benefit from 
them, or rather stood most in want of their assistance. It 
would seem that the idea of solitude was more dreadful to 
some than the prospect of disease. The appearance of the 
place it is true is very different from what it was a few weeks 
ago. A village deserted by its inhabitants whose houses are 
falling into ruin gives a faint idea of the deserted and ruinous 
state of the huts at the Sweet Springs. You walk through 
them without seeing any of their late inhabitants and hear 
nothing to disturb the silence that universally reigns save the 
noise of the wood pecker, the falling of the leaves of trees or 
the murmuring of the hollow wind among the neighbouring 
mountains and everlasting forests. 

"Can one find any amusement amid such scenes? Yes 
my Peggy, were I but certain, that you were well, at your 
ease, and our children so also, I should like to remain an in- 
habitant of these solitary places during the month of October. 
The wind should answer to my love murmurs, while echo 
would carry your name through the mountains, and the falling 
leaves speak to my soul most excellent morality. He is poor 
in ideas and barren in resources indeed who sees in solitude 
nothing but frightful chimeras, and in these mountains no 
amusement whatever. 

"But whatever praise may be due to solitude, and what- 
ever entertainment these places may contain, I yield all with 
pleasure for you and Fayetteville. 

"God bless you my Peggy and make our meeting happy 
prays your affectionate 

"James McHenry" 

On November 2, the day before the assembly should meet 
at Annapolis, Chase wrote McHenry on the projected incor- 
poration of Baltimore City as follows: 

"Balto. Sunday Noon. 
"Dear Sir, 

' ' The place of the Clerk of the Senate will be solicited by 
several Gentlemen. Mr. Ninian Pinkney, brother of Mr. 
William Pinkney, my friend, will be one of the applicants, 
and I wish he may meet your Approbation. I have no doubt 
that he is every way qualified to execute the Duties of the 



154 Life and Correspondence [Chap, x 

Office, and therefore I earnestly recommend him to your pa- 
tronage and friendship, — if you should be pleased to honour 
him with your Vote You will confer on Me a personal obli- 
gation. 

"I only returned yesterday afternoon from Annapolis, 
and have no Information of any thing intended by the friends 
of the proposed Bill for the incorporation of Balto Town. I 
have seen the thing proposed by the united Committees, and 
your strictures on it. I imagine it would be proper to draw 
instructions to the Representatives of this place, directing 
them to ratify the Bill and altho I am inclined [ ?] to propose 
to the Senate certain amendments, to agree to such others as 
will effectuate the great object of the original Bill, the estab- 
lishment of an energetic Government for Baltimore founded 
with principles of a Eepublican Government. 

''It appears to Me from the Numbers (500) who last year 
petitioned for a law of Incorporation, a fourth Tiling was 
proposed by the Senators, that all kinds of Citizens agree in 
the Necessity of incorporating the Town, but differ about the 
form of the Government. I return to Annapolis on tomorrow 
Week. I am 

"With great respect 

"Yr. Hble. Obedt Servt. 
"Sam. Chase." 

McHenry did not appear in the senate until the 17th, 
but this delay seems to have been a characterisiic of most of 
the members; for, frequently, two weeks passed before a 
quorum was secured and the body organized at this time, on 
the day when McHenry came. 

On December 3, he introduced a bill to establish a bank 
in Baltimore and on the 16th, with Carroll of Carrollton, he 
voted in the minority against ratifying the eleventh amend- 
ment. 1 

He had but one voting with him, while ten were against 
him, on the adoption of the following resolutions, which he 
offered on the 18th : 

"Resolved that the situation and circumstances of the 
people of this State make it expedient to frame a system of 
county schools, as subsidiary to the colleges and the more 
expensive promulgating of learning. 

l He was absent on December 24. 



1791-1796] of James McHenry 155 

"Resolved that a committee from the Senate should be 
appointed to confer with a committee from the House of Dele- 
gates in order to obtain their sentiments on the subject and 
what taxes might be with propriety laid to support the said 
schools. ' ' 

He stood with nine others against the two who voted to 
take the annual grant from St. John's College, voted with 
four others, against seyen, to destroy the governor's council 
and brought in a bill to permit members of the legislature to 
affirm instead of taking an oath. 

Washington had great trouble with his cabinet in his 
second administration. Hamilton and Knox resigned in the 
winter of 1794-95, and the feeling in Phi]adelphia about 
the secretaryship is clearly shown in two interesting letters 
William Vans Murray, a member of congress, sent McHenry at 
the time. 

"Philad. 16 Dec. 1794. 

"Dear Sir, 

"There has nothing new come forward lately from Eng- 
land. It would appear as though the publication (by Mr. 
R[andolph]) of the two official notes from Mr. Jay & Lord 
Grenville were an untimely gratification of public curiosity. 
It show'd the feebler part, the mere introduction of the busi- 
ness, of a scheme in which vigour appeared necessary, at least 
appeared so to the public mind here which was greatly excited 
by recent injuries. — & a proper regard to silence on an 
uncertain event necessarily prevented a further publication of 
that part. The effect was not happy here as they did not 
see all, they ought perhaps to have seen nothing — and yet 
directions, or rules, might have been given by the Secretary 
of State for the guidance of the sufferers or claimants agree- 
ably to Mr. J's ideas — but the murmur soon subsided The 
impression of the [whiskey] insurrection aided in smoothing 
down every asperity. It has been deep, & effective, it is to 
be hoped. The roots of the cause however are perhaps to be 
looked for if any where existing in the remnant of the Demo- 
cratic clubs. These will I am convinced still go on. They 
assume a ground so plausible in a free country that they will 
still flourish & ocassionally produce convulsions, or rather 
prepare the public mind for them. The present time how- 
ever is certainly propitious to a sober examination of their 
tendency, & perhaps of their Objects. Every thing is to be 



156 Life mid Correspondence [Chap, x 

hoped for from the good sense of the public when so lately 
roused into reflexion. 

"That your old Military comes Col Hamilton should be 
about to retire from office must give you & every friend to the 
country much regret. Knox too talks of resigning. In fact 
the government does not seem to grow better, as to its agents, 
In every part of it — instead of growing more mellow — it 
seems more crude & green. The prospect of the new elections 
too for the next Congress presents no consolation — much I 
fear that the Majority in this house at least if not in the 
Senate will be wrong, to say no more. That is they will be 
composed of a majority who will be composed of two sorts 
of men. A few who were anti in 87 — and are so still — 
and those also were Federal in 87 — and also think themselves 
to be so still — men who do not wish to overturn the govern- 
ment — ■ but who by an undue infusion of new f angled disor- 
ganizing principles are outrageously wild in their theories & 
practice, & who wish to make the constitution the post on 
which they would hang up these new principles — These men 
would ruin this or any other energetic system by their mode 
of administering & working it. They sail down a current — 
and mean to stop at the cataract. They would unintention- 
ally go down the cataract at last. For I can not believe that 
you can find twelve men in the government who would by one 
decisive blow destroy it. But the other description are & 
will be too much guided by these. 

" Between our selves, there is ground to expect that this 
late affair to the "Westward will produce a sort of crisis in the 
parties of the ancient Dominion — where a respect for the 
personal private characters of some pretty eminent men has 
hitherto evaded an open & marked line between the puzzlers 
& disorganizing politicians & the sober, good & firm Federalists. 
I rejoice that my name has not been brought forward agt 
Mr. Henry or to the slightest interruption of his re-election — 
& am much flattered by the kind manner in which you mention 
the circumstance" 

"Philad. 1. Jany 1795. 
"Dear Sir, 

"The stream of time running on silently for ages would 
be a dutch canal, tame & insipid were it not intersected by here 
& there a point of flowers and verdure to enliven its banks. 



1791-1796] of James McHenry 157 

Sundays — months & years — even fasts as well as festivals 
aid the mind & spirits like these resting points. I can easily 
conceive why the ladies & fine gentlemen drop the ceremony 
of gratulation on the birth of the new year & it is for the 
reason you have given — wrinkles — We love the new year 
perhaps because not to have reached it would have been a 
greater evil than to grow old. Like you I had rather enjoy 
it at home in the true Maryland feudal like style of the E. 
Shore. To make the Banjo (in lieu of the Hall's Harp, or 
the Bagpipe) drone away in the Kitchen — to give out brandy 
to the poor slaves & see them eat blood puddings as a luxury. 
But Mrs. Murray is with me & I am consoled. Though the 
beating of the drums near us & the firing of guns & ringing 
of bells at Twelve o'clock last night were not absolutely] 
necessary to that repose which is so necessary before a man 
starts on the long journey of a full year. But I am well to- 
day — & what is better the President is in fine health & seems 
to defy the ravages of time during life as much as his name 
certainly will after death. We all went to see him to day — ■ 
& he so little understands the taste of politicians as to have had 
a treat of siveet cake & wine ready for his 'faithful commons.' 

''The subject which engages the House is a Naturalization 
bill — we would lengthen the time of residence. The flood 
of men & of their opinions is to be feared by all who can trace 
the fitness of the people to their governments, and of those 
to the People — most of this fitness perhaps arises more from 
the peculiar composition of the Society than from any exercise 
of the will of the people. So naturally & essentially do the 
Theories belong to the opinions habits & immemorial practice 
of the citizens of the U. S. that their General and particular 
modes of Government can hardly be said to have been Willed. 
What ever will materially affect or suddenly derange this com- 
position perhaps ought to be guarded against. It is fair to ex- 
pect probably one million of souls here in less than three years, 
let the contest end as it may in France. Ought Ave not to set a 
high price on a participation of citizenship where an easy 
acquisition of it, by those who must have very different ideas 
from those of our citizens, might affect the political complexion 
of the mass & of course be felt in the government. 

"I am so much flattered by an agreement with you in 
former opinions, that you see I venture to go on in giving mine 
freely — indeed this is the line I have taken in the Debate. 



158 Life tind Correspondence [Chap. X 

Giles has made a very frivolous motion relatively to the bill 
wh. you will see in the enclosed paper of Brown's. Wishing 
you & Mrs McHenry a happy new year in a continuance of 
all your own blessings I am with sincere esteem Dear Sir 
"respectfully yrs 

"W. V. Murray. 
"Genl. Knox resigned yesterday — Pickering is talked 
of — a sober man & accurate but not so known on the broad 
scale — we certainly are retrograding as to characters. Jef- 
ferson succeeded by R. — Knox by P. — Hamilton by — any- 
body no — I have no reason to believe that Mr. J. has been 
thought of seriously — once I heard his name out of Doors. ' ' 

In consequence of Hamilton 's retirement, McHenry wrote 
him on February 17, 1795, the first letter he had sent, since 
Perry failed to receive the desired appointment. 1 Though 
not writing "I have not ceased to love you, nor for a moment 
felt any abatement of my friendship." He had not written, 
for he thought thus to free Hamilton from embarrassment and 
that, if Hamilton wished his services, he would write for them. 

"You see how well I have persevered in this determin- 
ation and that it is only now, when I can have nothing to 
expect and you nothing to give, that I recall you to the remem- 
berance of our early union and friendship. It is during this 
period, my dear Hamilton, that you will find unequivocal in- 
stances of the disinterested friendship I feel for you and which 
ought to convince you, how well I am entitled to a full return 
of yours. The tempest weathered and landed on the same 
shore, I may now congratulate you upon having established 
a system of credit and having conducted the affairs of our 
country upon principles and reasoning, which ought to insure 
its immortality, as it undoubtedly will your fame. Few pub- 
lic men have been so eminently fortunate, as voluntarily to 
leave so high a station with such a character and so well 
assured a reputation and still fewer have so well deserved the 
gratitude of their country and the eulogiums of history. Let 
this console you for past toils and pains and reconcile you to 
humble pleasures and a private life. What remains for you, 
having ensured fame, but to ensure felicity? Look for it in 
the moderate pursuit of your profession or, if public life still 
flatters, in that office most congenial to it and which will not 

1 Hamilton, v, 623 ; J. C. Hamilton, Life of Hamilton, v, 194. 



1791-1796] of James McHcnry 159 

withdraw you from those literary objects that require no 
violent waste of spirits and those little plans that involve 
gentler exercise and which you can drop or indulge in without 
injury to your family. I have built houses. I have culti- 
vated fields. I have planned gardens. I have planted trees. 
I have written little essays. I have made poetry once a year 
to please my wife, at times got children and, at all times, 
thought myself happy. Why cannot you do the same? for, 
after all, if a man is only to acquire fame or distinction by 
continued privations and abuse, I would incline to prefer a 
life of privacy and little pleasures. ' ' 

On June 14, McHenry wrote Washington 1 expecting soon 
to start for the Sweet Springs and recommending Samuel 
Chase for a position on the federal bench, without his knowl- 
edge, saying, ' ' Chase and I are on neither good nor bad terms, 
neither friends nor enemies. To profound knowledge, he adds 
a valuable stock of political science and information." 

In that summer, which McHenry spent in Virginia, came 
the scandal about the French dispatches, followed by Ran- 
dolph's resignation/ which led Murray to write McHenry as 
follows: , M Sc j m ^ {Htt". 

"Dear Sir, 

' ' Your letter I answered by Doctor Sulivan who went to 
the Berkley Springs as he had no opportunity of delivering 
it — he brought it back. Since that period you have I hope 
found your old friends the mountains and cascades true to 
their promises of health as well as pleasure & now enjoy in 
the rosy cheeks of your little ones the best evidence the nature 
of such friendship will admit. 

"You are — you must be very solicitous to know some- 
thing of the mysteries of Fauchet's letter. I have seen it's 
copy in english. It is a most curious affair — & highly dis- 
graceful to certain men in this country. He declares that 
Randolph 2 came to him during the critical appearances of 
the Insurrection and made him the offers — referring to No. 6 
wh. I have not seen. This No. 6 must have contained something 
wh. he (F.) deemed infamous — for, after the reference to 
No. 6 — he bursts into an apostrophe. Thus the consciences 
of these pretended patriots have their price (tariff). Thus 

1 He asks information about Lafayette. 

2 On this episode see Conway's "Omitted Chapters of History." 
which is a defense of Randolph's acts. 



160 Life aud Correspondence [Chap, x 

for a few thousand dollars the Republic wd., had she been 
disposed to pay men for doing their duty, have decided on 
peace or a Civil War — (by duty he means from the preceed- 
ing speculations on the degeneracy & aristocracy of the Govt 
— to have supported the Insurrection). (What will be the 
old age of this country if its infancy is thus decrepid!). He 
says R. came to him (in another part of his long letter) and 
told him the Gove, was determined to push these people into 
open violence that a pretext might be obtained for force & 
the establishment of despotic principles. He says the explo- 
sion was too soon. That the excise was the ostensible motion 
& the habits of the W. people gave a fitness for the workings 
of party. That they expected friends in the East & South 
nay even in the bosom of the Govt itself! 

"This letter is a valuable comment upon many appear- 
ances at that period & since & before — to preserve the alli- 
ance of the French Govt. wth. the antis * * * here for the 
purpose of overturning the Govt. — he says to confine the 
actual crisis (of the Insurrection) to the simple question of 
the excise is to reduce it much below its real scale. It is con- 
nected with a general explosion long since prepared in the 
public mind but wth. this local & precipitate eruption ren- 
dered abortive or at least put back for a long time. 

"If Mr R. is innocent he will clear himself at least I 
hope so — but he must have a power over the Science of Con- 
struction more than is conceivable to me if he can hold out 
even a shadow of vindication. His defence is not out. It 
will be an attack on the administration — & a slurring of the 
president. ' ' 1 

1 On December 24, 1795, W. V. Murray wrote McHenry in reference 
to Chase and Randolph as follows : 

"I have several times brought up Mr. Chace to view while the official 
wheel was in motion. I have taken pains to place his & Martins politics 
in the true point of view — as yet no consequence has follow'd except 
perhaps a preparation. Yes — Rutledge was rejected. It is said openly 
that he is in an unhappy State of mind — & often deranged — by gentle- 
men immediately from his own country. 

"I have always been of your opinion with respect to foreign ministers, 
& have constantly avoided any intercourse more than formal visits & 
even those I have not gone into more than two years past. Not having 
been visited by any British minister for two years nor by any French min- 
ister for two years — nor having seen the first at his own house or my 
own for three winters nor the second but once at his own house at dinner 
once Fauchet — nor having dined with the Spanish minister these three 
years though I shall next monday dine with him — in a gala style. 'Hav- 
ing not been of consequence enough to be sought — & being too proud 
unsought to be won. I am but little known to them Genet & Fauchet 
never returned my visit. Nor that of many others of my complexion — 
& last winter not having even paid the visit of ceremony to Hammond of 
course I had no visit from him. I have waited on Adet — but he has not 







DR. JAMES McHENRY 

Reproduced in original size from miniature owned by the heirs of 
Dr. James McHenry 

(Copyright, 1907, The Burrows Brothers Company) 



1791-1796] of James McHenry 161 

Washington offered the place left vacant to Thomas 
Johnson, who declined it in a letter of August 29, shortly after 
returning from a visit to the Old White Sulphur Springs : "I 
am far from being out of humor with the world on my own 
account. It has done me more than justice, in estimating 
my abilities and more justice than common in conjecturing 
my motive. I feel nothing of fear, either, in hazarding again 
the little reputation I may have acquired; for I am not con- 
scious of having sought or despised applause. But, without 
affectation, I do not think I could do credit to the office of 
Secretary, I cannot persuade myself that I possess the neces- 
sary qualities for it and I am sure I am too old to expect 
improvement. My strength declines and so too probably will 
my mental powers soon, my views ig. this world have been for 
sometime bounded chiefly to my children ; they, yet for a little 
while, may have me to lean on, being constantly with them 
adds to their happiness and makes my chief comfort. Most 
sincerely wishing you less alloy in the Keturns of this world 
and the fullness of joy in the next, I remain with truth your 
affectionate and most obedient servant. ' ' * 

While Washington was trying to fill the place, Hamilton 
wrote him, on November 5, making a number of suggestions. 
Among them, he said, not letting his friendship cause him to 
praise over much: "McHenry, you know. He would give 
no strength to the administration, but would not disgrace the 

yet called on me — upon Le Freire I have called and he on me — upon 
Bond as charge des affaires I have called — he not yet on me. You will 
pardon this monstrous egotism, when I tell you that Forrest once told me 
this time two years that a man told him that a baker in this town said 
(to his Son who told F. ) that the british minister & consul were night & 
morning at my lodgings in Union Street. I told F. to tell the baker's Son 
that his Father Lied — from me if he saw him again — & showing Forrest 
a note In which I stated the fact of his (Mr Forrest's report) & that he 
was a liar. F. wd. not let me send it — as a thing perfectly beneath my 
notice. Neither Bond nor Hammond having been once in my lodgings 
that winter & spring. Such stories were industriously circulated I believe 
through the town where Madison's propositions had been a little in dis- 
cussion. 

" 'Randolph's Vindication of his Resignation' is out & much read. In 
vain I looked into F's explanation for an innocent meaning of terms so 
portentous of infamy — not that I think R. received money but that the 
passages still impress the conviction of his duplicity & of some sort of 
corruption. 

"Do you remember anything of a letter on the Secret files of the old 
Congress — written by Marbois & intercepted? a chain of evidence rises 
gradually to view highly illustrative of the old policy of the French 
Court & connects their policy as one & indivisible with that wh. I firmly 
believe actuates the Republican court of Paris. In this the nation has 
little to do. 

"I thank you for your good intentions towards Mr Robertson & can 
only lament that circumstances deprived him of the benefit I intended him" 

1 Hamilton, xi, 63. 



162 Life and Correspondence Chap-x 

office. His views are good. Perhaps his health &c would 
prevent his accepting." 

Three days later, McHenry wrote Washington that he 
was going shortly to Annapolis and would there favor the ap- 
plication to the state for a loan towards public buildings in 
the District of Columbia. He enclosed a prospectus of a new 
bank proposed to be established in Baltimore and had written 
an address which appeared in the Winchester (Va.) papers 
of October 15, on political matters. "Let me add," he con- 
tinues, "my humble intreaty to that of the prayers of all 
good men that the publications pointed at yourself with the 
evident intention to induce you either to resign or withdraw 
from another election may not be permitted to have that effect. 
You know the force and danger of the present crisis and how 
indispensible your remaining at the helm is to subdue it and 
give permanence to our prosperity and government." 

The assembly met at Annapolis on November 2, but Mc- 
Henry did not attend x until the 16th. Shortly afterwards a 
declaration of confidence 2 in Washington was introduced in 
the house of delegates by William Pinkney, "a man of real 
talents and genius and a fascinating speaker" and was sup- 
ported "beautifully and irresistibly" by him, as McHenry 
wrote Washington on December 5. "His influence and conduct 
on the occasion overawed some restless spirits and reached even 
into the Senate," which body passed it with the same unan- 
imity as the house. 

1 He was absent on December 7, 18 and 19. He voted to enlarge 
the state's investment in the Potowmack company. 

2 Ford, xi, 138, 140. Washington thanked Governor John H. Stone 
for this declaration of confidence. 



CHAPTER XI 

Washington's secretary of war 

WASHINGTON 'S difficulties as to his cabinet increased 
towards the end of his second administration. Pick- 
ering was finally transferred from the department 
of war to that of state, leaving the former department vacant, 
General Pinckney of South Carolina, Colonel Edward Carring- 
ton of Virginia, and Governor John Eager Howard of Mary- 
land all declined it. Washington now thought of his old secre- 
tary, McHenry, and, on January 20, 1796, wrote him x "that it 
would now give me sincere pleasure if you will fill the office 
of Secretary of War. ' ' 2 With frank candor and friendliness, 
the president tells of the three previous tenders of the office, 
but states : ' ' Let this letter be received with the same friend- 
ship and frankness with which it is written ; — nothing would 
add more to the satisfaction this would give me than your 
acceptance of the offer. ' ' He pressed McHenry for an ' ' imme- 
diate reply" and, if the reply be favorable, for an immediate 
journey to the seat of government, even though Mrs. McHenry 
and the family be not brought along ' ' in the present State of 
the roads." 

Washington further asked McHenry to ascertain whether 
Samuel Chase will accept a seat on the "Supreme judicial 
bench of the United States. ' ' 

McHenry 's answer was dated 9 P. M., January 21, and 
said : "I have this moment received your favour of the 20th 
and am truly sensible of the sincerity of your wishes that I 
should accept of the war office department. On my part, I beg 
you to believe that nothing could give me more pleasure than 
to be near you for a few years, independent of public motives 
or considerations. I must, however, pray you to allow me till 
Mondav to reflect on the offer and determine whether I can 



1 Ford, xiii, 113; Sparks, xi, 106. 

2 Brown's McHenry, 21. McHenry's nephew, John, wrote that he 
felt Washington's letter was "an injunction that he could not refuse and 
most reluctantly accepted the appointment, leaving his pleasant retire- 
ment to embark in the troubled sea of politics." 



164 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xi 

with propriety and, as it respects my family, venture upon a 
change of position, which, by bringing me into public life, 
must necessarily bring with it much care and trouble and 
uneasiness. My inclination is to accept, but I shall be definite 
by next post. In the meantime, I shall obtain Mr. Chase's 
sentiments, which shall accompany my letter." 

On Monday, January 24, McHenry wrote again, accepting 
the office that was for more than four years to bring him from 
his quiet home into the rush and glare of public life : " I re- 
sume the answer to your letter. I cannot say that I have ever 
experienced so much hesitation between giving way to inclin- 
ation and attachment to you personally and my own interest 
and ease, as has taken place during the two past days. It is 
now, however, all over and it is right I should confess that the 
soothing idea of serving under you, more particularly at this 
crisis, has effectually and irresistibly silenced all opposition. 
Such then as I am and with a heart truly devoted to you and 
the public good, dispose of as you please. 

"I shall commence tomorrow to prepare everything to 
facilitate my departure hence as soon as it is practicable after 
hearing from you and, in the meanwhile, have obtained Mrs. 
M's. consent to remain here, till I can get a house in Philadel- 
phia and the necessary furniture for her reception and accom- 
modation. Chase will accept too. Thus, sir, you see what 
you have done, you have made an old veteran very proud and 
happy and one not very young to approach the station you 
have assigned him with fear and trembling, for who, hereafter, 
may hope to escape without a wound, while there are men to 
be found who could aim poisoned arrows at yourself?" 

On the receipt of McHenry 's letter, his nomination was 
at once sent to the senate and promptly confirmed, as was 
Chase's which was sent in at the same time. Williamson and 
Murray wrote warm letters of congratulation as follows : 

"Philada. 27th Jany 1796. 
"Dear Sir 

"You will probably learn from another Hand by this 
days Post that you are nominated and appointed Secy at War. 
Your friends and many Persons who know you only by Char- 
acter hope that you may serve in this Office although it is 
known that you have generally been averse from public Em- 
ployment. Knox, as you know, was considered to be a Man 
who went on a most expensive Scale. The follies of a gamb- 



1796-1797] of James McHenry 165 

ling wife were passed to the Debit of her Husband, in Addition 
to his own — no great Stock of Talents. Pickering was con- 
sidered to be a firm & frugal Man and the Appointment I 
think gave much satisfaction. Since he had been advanced, 
Terror has siezed the public mind from the apprehension that 
we should be reduced to a State of insolvency by Genl. Wayne 
or Govr. Lee in the Character of Secy, of War. Both of them 
have been spoken of and both are supposed to have been seek- 
ing the Place. And within a few hours I have seen several 
countenances illuminated with the Idea of being again out of 
danger. Nothing is so fervently desired by Eastern men & by 
Southern Men who take the trouble of thinking as that in our 
War Department, the Channel through [which] the greater 
Part of our Treasure goes, we may have a prudent, firm, frugal 
Officer who in private Life having shown that he knows the 
Value of money may be expected to be equally attentive to the 
National Property. When you cast an eye on the two Can- 
didates here named and the ci-devant Secy, you will readily 
discover the former cause of apprehension, a present Cause of 
Satisfaction. 

' ' Believe me to be 

' ' Dr. sir With great sincerity 

"Your obedt Servt. 

"Hu. Williamson." 
"Philadelphia, 
"Thursday Evening January 28 1796. 
"Dear Sir, 

"To day the Senate, I hear, unanimously, concurred in 
the Presidents nomination of you as Secretary at War. I 
know not whether the President had previously obtained your 
consent. This however I can assure you of that he is exceed- 
ingly solicitous that you should come into the administration. 
Many names pretty high in military rank, and some in that of 
Talent too, were in view, & yours among them. You will, I 
know, not misconstrue me when I venture to urge you to ac- 
cept. I do not think, upon my honour, that you will consult 
your own glory in accepting this tribute of confidence from 
the first of men, after an intimate knowledge of you for so 
many years, part of which time, the most trying too, was past 
in his own family. Till the present administration, He has 
always had some of his old family with him. I think he still 
wishes to have his old inmates with him. This is certainly a 
iabit that grows out of time, that no sudden confidence, how- 



166 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xi 

ever solid & merited, comes up to, as it respects the affections. 
Since Hamilton 's days he has not had one of his old set. The 
Two gentlemen, 1 confidentially, though men of honour, and 
capacity and of clear judgement & of very improvable minds, 
are without doubt your inferiors as Cabinet ministers — in 
That & that only is the present admon. weaker than Hamil- 
ton 's — a more various reading & more general knowledge of 
mankind would make them strong in this point for each has 
strength & vigor of mind. 

"The more disagreeable part of official business in the 
"War Department is infinitely lessened by the present & pros- 
pective State of affairs — and yet such is the political ticklish- 
ness of it that a steady policy in the admon. will be essential 
for three or four years. Cabinet business is conducted by 
the Three conjointly — for instance Randolph was directed 
by the P. to address the B. minister in a memorial on the provi- 
sion orders — & was desired to lay it before tfhe other heads 
of Departt & the attorney Genl. — & they thought it too fiery 
& hostile for that season of our negociation & refused their 
consent. 

"You have this consolation, & it ought to be a great one 
to you, certain I am it will be so to your boys when they grow 
up & Washington shall be gone, that your nomination was the 
Presidents own act — & the original conception of it entirely 
his own. After he had determined, he sent for me, & I found 
it was to know if I thought you would accept. I stated to 
him that though you found your own home extremely endeared 
to you, I firmly believed that your affectionate respect for him 
& good wishes to the Fedl. Govt, would supersede every other 
consideration & that you would. He then talked a great deal 
about you &, on the whole, I am convinced has felt no common 
emotion in the nomination. 

; ' Depend on this, that men long known to the public must 
accept these high offices or the Govt, dwindles into insignifi- 
cance — and what public duty is there wh. to a certain degree 
does not demand some sacrifice of predetermined schemes of 
life & personal quiet? Vanity & ambition I know you will 
say will always supply candidates enough. I know that, & 
that is the reason why such candidates shd. not be accepted. 

"Education is here at your door. Mrs. McHenry would 
be happy in her native place — as to the Salary (though it 
will be increased, if not this, the next session) it will maintain. 



1 Timothy Pickering and Oliver Wolcott. 



1796-1797] of James Mc Henry 167 

you in that easy style of elegant but quiet accomodation wh. I 
think you love — at all events it does Wolcott & Pickering. 
The first lives in Fourth South, at the corner of Spruce, in a 
neat house of two rooms, one small, on a floor and must I 
think live wh in his means. He is a very worthy man & quite 
equal to his duty — his wife one of the mildest & most amiable 
women in town — an excellent manager, kind but economical. 
Col. P., Sec. of State, you must have known — a plain, indus- 
trious, well informed man — with a wife & four or five child- 
ren. They see little company. I have never been at his house 
as a visitor — he lives plainly but quietly. Both these men 
are practicable men to deal with to work with — without hu- 
mours or caprice & perfectly agreeable, I think they wd. prove 
to you as associates in business. 

"Another reason for your accepting. You are known as 
an officer connected wt. the Genl. during the war — as a mem- 
ber of our Senate — a member of the old Congress — a mem- 
ber of the convention — at present a Senator. These extrinsic 
circumstances become intrinsic fitnesses, & do more; they 
enable a man to do what is right in his own opinion. This 
a character however intentionally great wh. has been but just 
built up can not always do. 

1 ' Besides you will be gratify 'd with that literary treasure 
Wh though certainly not full is here more copious than in 
Baltimore. You renew that intercourse of mind with Hamil- 
ton Wh. ever must have been a source of consolation. So large 
& changed is the city that a man may be retired if he please. 

"In fact my dear Sir, if you review your life or look 
forward, you belong to that Federal Interest wh. you are called 
on in the most flattering way to support — & you will obey the 
call. 

"AT ALL EVENTS COME UP HERE! if it be only 
for three days. 

"I have been confined to my room since Sunday by an 
inflamation in my jaw that obliges me Literally to hide my 
face. S. Smith's motion will be on next Monday. Strange 
work at such a time to make such a motion ! 

"If the President consulted you — you will laugh at all 
this — if he did not — be contented to be Secretary at War!, 
of the most flourishing and free people on earth. 

"Yours, Dear Sir, Sincerely 
"Wm. V. Murray." 



168 Life qnd Correspondence [Chap, xi 

Washington repeated the urgency of his first letter, when 
the nomination had been confirmed. 

"Philadelphia 28th. Jan 1796 
"Dear Sir, 

"Your letters of the 21st & 24th. instant have been duly- 
received. The last, in time on tuesday, to give in the nomina- 
tions of yourself & Mr. Chase for the offices contemplated. The 
day following they were advised & consented to by the Senate, 
■ — ■ and the commissions will be ready for the reception of you 
both on your arrival in this city — of this be so good as to 
inform Mr. Chase ; and, if he is still at Baltimore, to remind 
him, that monday next is the day appointed for the sitting of 
the Supreme Court, and without him, there is no certainty 
of a sufficient number of Judges to constitute it 

"For the reasons assigned in my last to you, and which 
press more & more every day, I shall look anxiously for your 
arrival. Always & affectly 

' ' I am — Yours 
"Go. Washington" 

McHenry replied, on the 31st, that he expected to leave 
Baltimore on horseback on the following Wednesday and to 
be in -Philadelphia by Friday or Saturday. He had a bad 
cold and so must take lodgings before sundown and start after 
sunrise each day. He perceived the incompatibility of public 
office and private business and told the president that, "hav- 
ing been connected in two mercantile partnerships, I have 
thought it fit to enter into my office totally free from any such 
connection. One of them I have settled yesterday at an 
actual loss of about £3,000. The other, which has netted me 
for five years past £1,000 annually, I expect will be finally 
adjusted tomorrow, after which I shall meet you with a disem- 
barrassed mind and rich enough to require no increase of 
salary and, by no means, displeased at any sacrifice I have 
made that approached me at this moment to your labours and 
cares. ' ' 

On the 8th of February, McHenry took the oath of office 
before Chase and entered upon his duties, which included the 
care of military and naval affairs and of Indian relations.^ — 

It is of Indian affairs that we first have information in 
the following letter from Washington. 

' ' Tuesday Morning — 28th Feb. 
"Dear Sir 

' ' Let me entreat you to attend early this morning to a fit 



1796-1797] of James Mc Henry 169 

character as a Comr. to attend the proposed Treaty with the 
Indians, by Mr. Morris — and, on this head, and on the mes- 
sage proper to accompany the nomination, I wish you would 
advise with Col. Pickering, who has had more to do in Indian 
affairs than any other officer now in the Government, and 
perhaps may more readily think of a proper person to be 
entrusted. 

"As it is several days since the application was made, I 
wish to make the nomination without further delay. If a 
gentleman from New Jersey, Delaware, or Maryland could be 
obtained it wd. be desirable — or from Connecticut, and I 
believe Mr. Lamed is in Town — so is Mr. Dexter both good 
characters. Something must also be done with the Military 
Bill, this day 

' ' Yours always 

' ' Go. Washington ' ' 

It may be convenient to survey McHenry's relations to 
Indian affairs under Washington, at this place. On March 
10, Pickering wrote him to accept the accounts of Chapin, the 
Indian superintendent, without vouchers as the Indians can 
give none. A payment had been made to Captain Joseph 
Brant (Thayendanega) 1 at the treaty of 1794 and was not 
certified to by Jasper Parish, the interpreter, as Brandt under- 
stood English pretty well and his character is too well known to 
Pickering to believe that he would ' ' have received the present, 
but in absolute privacy." The supplies for the Iroquois 
should be gradually reduced to the fixed annuity of $4,500, 
especially since the Western war is over, but we have made too 
many professions of warm friendliness for the six nations, 
suddenly to abandon them and, particularly, to neglect the 
chiefs. A few days later, Pickering wrote again to Wash- 
ington on the affairs 2 of the Iroquois. 

1 ' The Secretary of State respectfully returns to the Pres- 
ident his report on the claims of the Cohnawagos, or Seven 
Nations of Canada, with the draught of a letter which he 
thinks proper to go from the department of war, with the 
report to the Governor of New- York. The Secretary also 
transmits a press copy of the report, to be lodged in the war- 
office, which will enable the Secretary of War to dispatch the 
original this day by post. The Governor may then be pre- 

1 Konondaigua, Pickering' calls him. 

2 A second letter on this subject was sent on April 18. 



170 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xi 

pared to give an answer to the deputation as soon as they reach 
New- York. And it is of consequence to the deputation not to 
be detained in that city ; because the Commissioners of the 
State, at the treaty, told the Cohnawagos that they were not to 
reckon on the State to defray the expenses of any more of their 
deputations. 

"The Secretary supposes it will be necessary to make a 
present of two hundred and fifty or three hundred dollars to 
Colo. Louis and the rest of the deputies, to enable them to 
return to Cohnawaga. And if this be given them to-day, they 
may certainly leave this city to-morrow-morning. Mr. Fran- 
cis, on notice, will have their passages engaged. 

"Timothy Pickering. 
"March 21. 1796." 

On April 25, the Caughnawaga question was still unset- 
tled and Pickering wrote McHenry : 

' ' Finding no such paper as the Cohnawagos now call for, 
I returned from my house to examine once more at my office : 
but no such paper appears : and I am confident I never saw 
any paper purporting to be a power from the Chief to Colo. 
Louis and others; for when by their speeches they declared 
they were impowered to make a final agreement for their 
nation, I recollect that the idea was perfectly new to me. 

"I think however, that the final settlement may be made 
in the way I suggested. I am disposed to believe the present 
deputation to have been empowered, as they declare. The 
negotiation then may be held with them, and the terms agreed 
on. They may then return to their nations, and the State of 
New-York suspend the payments stipulated, until agents duly 
empowered shall come to receive them. To make the transac- 
tion still more satisfactory, New- York might send an agent 
with the deed or treaty which the present deputies shall con- 
clude, and obtain a formal ratification by the signatures of all 
the Chiefs of the Seven Nations." 

It was with the Western Indians that McHenry was 
chiefly concerned however, especially in connection with the 
transfer of the Western military posts from Great Britain to 
the United States as a consequence of the Jay treaty. 1 The 

1 "June 8. 1796. 

"Dear Sir, 

"I have received from a highly respectable source the following ob- 
servations. 

" 'It certainly is desirable that the officers commanding the detach- 






1796-1797] of James McHenry 171 

frontiersmen were, of course, hostile to these Indians and, on 
May 22, Thomas Dillon wrote McHenry from Nashville, urg- 
ing him to invest in Western lands and saying that he had been 
at several forts, at each of which "are stationed about fifteen 
men, altho not under that regular discipline or subordination 
as might be expected, many of them being commonly absent, 
from which a body might be apt to infer, that supporting the 
Garrisons were useless and unnecessary ; but the fact is other- 
wise ; I think them highly necessary, and very proper barriers 
between the whites and Indians. These garrisons are very ill 
supplied with provisions owing in some measure to the econ- 
omical ideas of Col. Henly, the agent for Indian affairs at 
Knoxville. The people murmur very much. These parsimon- 
ious ideas ought not to prevail, so as to injure the public credit. 
Many of the whites are disorderly and licentious and would be 
glad to seek an opportunity of kicking up a dust with the 
Indians, but these are of a class that have nothing to lose or 
that have lands within the Indian boundaries; the more re- 
spectable and thinking part, however, are highly averse to any 
proceedings that might have a tendency to involve the Country 
in a war. In Cumberland, I believe they are possessed of 
these sentiments to a man. Those on Holstein 1 are less or- 
derly" and have recently killed some Indians. 

On Indian relations, we find a very interesting letter writ- 
ten to McHenry by Bishop John Carroll, of the Roman 
Catholic church. 

"Baltimore May 29th 1796. 
"Dear Sir 

"Your kind favour of April 23d. inclosing one from the 
Rev. Mr. Rivet, Missionary on the Ouabache and among the 

ments who are to occupy tl.e posts, should be moderate and discreet men. 
I have heard that a Capt. Bruff is to be one of them — that he is violent 
& precipitate ; and also warm in his resentments to the British. All this 
may not be accurate ; but I mention it as worthy of attention & enquiry ; 
not conceiving myself at liberty to mention whence I had these hints, 
I mention them in confidence, & only as inducements to enquiry.' 

"I am inclined to suspect the character of Capt. B. may warrant the 
above remark: but if he has been designated, as I suppose is the fact, 
for that service, I do not see how any change can be made : But a very 
serious caution may be given to him and to every other officer, to avoid 
every cause of irritation, and on the contrary, to study on all occasions 
to conciliate, and establish a friendly intercourse, so far as any inter- 
course shall arise out of the service: a very familiar intercourse would 
be too expensive for the American officers. 

"Sincerely yours 

"T. Pickering" 

A letter from General Anthony Wayne to McHenry about the equip- 
ment of the Western posts, dated Philadelphia, February 24, 1796, was 
printed in 2nd series Hist. Mag., ii. 

1 Holston River. 



172 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xi 

Illinois and neighbouring Indians, was received some time ago, 
and gave me new reason to regret my absence from Baltimore 
at the time, when you received your appointment ; because I 
should have taken the liberty of making you acquainted with 
his merit, and sollicitude to render important services to the 
United States, by humanising & moralising the Indians; and 
of interesting your sensibility for him and his companion who 
have undergone the greatest hardships, by an unfortunate 
delay of payment, and other disappointments. But that, which 
seems to affect him the most, is, that tho' he is engaged in a 
pursuit so useful and humane, he does not meet with that 
support and consideration from the officers of the United 
States, which, he thinks, it would be proper for them to afford 
to him, whilst he is acting under public authority, & for a 
public purpose, as well as the benefit of those wild savages. 
He says: 'je snis id sans conseil, sans credit, sans moiens 
quelconques pour parvenir aux fins, que le gouvernement 
paroit s'etre propose. Ce n'est pas ainsi, que la France est 
parvenue a, civiliser et reformer entierement plusieurs de ces 
tribus. Ausi ma commission est elle ici dans un discredit 
total. Le commandant du poste ne m'a appelle a aucun 
conseil des Savages tenus au fort, quoiqu'il me I'eut promis 
lors de mon arrivee, et que cela se fut toujonrs pratique sous 
les Francois. J'ai ecrit au General a Greensville pour les 
objects tres essentiels; je n'en ai eu aucune reponse; aussi je 
n'ose presque plus faire un pas, former une demande, ou offrir 
une reflexion &c.' After citing thus his own words, allow me 
to submit to your prudence and discretion the propriety of 
recommending him to the countenance and regard of those, 
who may contribute to the good purposes of his mission: to 
which will greatly contribute some good regulations, faithfully 
executed, with respect to the furnishing of the Indians with 
spirituous liquors. Every person must be sensible of the diffi- 
culty of this measure ; but, as it appears from your letter to 
have engaged your attention, it may be reasonably hoped that 
all will be effected, that is possible under our laws. 

"Mr. Rivet requested, for the sake of greater security to 
letters for him, that they might be sent by the same convey- 
ance if possible as those from your department ; and with your 
recommendation of them. I adopt this method with diffidence, 
and shall not persist in it, if there be the least impropriety. 

"Receive, Dr. Sir, tho' late my cordial congratulation for 
the distinguished testimony of esteem and confidence bestowed 



1796-1797] of James McHenry 173 

on you by him by whom it is so honourable to be esteemed : and 
assure yourself, that I feel the more pleasure at your being 
raised to your present station, not merely because it is a public 
acknowledgement of your merit, but because I believe in my 
heart that you are, in every respect, worthy of it 
' ' I am with great esteem and respect, 
"Dr. Sir, 

"Your most obedt. & humble St. 
"J. Bishop of Baltimore. 
"P. S. I have been addressed to provide Clergymen at- 
tached to the United States, for the stations, which are now 
to be ceded by the British, and I have taken already some 
measures to that effect: and you may rest assured, that the 
persons appointed will make it their endeavour to reconcile 
the inhabitants to our Government and interests. Amongst 
other places requiring such provision there is one, including, I 
believe, the rapids of, the Miami, and called la riviere aux 
raisins. The parish priest residing there, under the British, 
is called Edmund Burke; and I am informed, that he was 
obnoxious to General Wayne & our officers, from a persuasion, 
they were under, that he instigated the Indians to enmity with 
the United States. I have reason to think nevertheless that 
Mr. Burke wishes to become a citizen with us : and in a letter 
to me he denies in the most peremptory manner, the charge 
brought against him ; which, he says, has no other foundation, 
than his having opposed, with success, the machinations of 
inflammatory emisaries from the faction of Genet, who has 
penetrated to Fort Detroit and its neighbourhood, to produce 
anarchy and insurrection. I take the liberty of mentioning 
this, that if there be, in your office, any certain documents of 
Burke's enmity to the United States, you may be pleased to 
advise me thereof. & I may know, how to proceed with him." 

On May 9, "Washington wrote McHenry to facilitate the 
march of troops to Western posts, but to proceed with cau- 
tion. x On June 28, McHenry wrote Washington, describing 
the reception in Quebec of Major Lewis with dispatches con- 
cerning the Western posts. 2 He ' ' was treated with much 
civility by Lord Dorchester 's family ' ' and reported ' ' that the 
people seemed everywhere pleased with the prospect of a 
friendly intercourse with our citizens. ' ' Dorchester was par- 

1 Sparks, xi, 125. 

2 Ford, xiii, 222. Dorchester, formerly Sir Guy Carleton, was gov- 
ernor of Canada. 



174 Life ajid Correspondence [Chap, xi 

ticular in his inquiries as to Washington's health, and, at the 
dinners, which were so numerous that Major Lewis could have 
dined out for a month in Quebec, ' ' the first toast was The King 
of Great Britain, the second, invariably, the President." 
Washington, in his answer on July 1, referred to these ac- 
counts as ' ' very pleasing, ' ' as they point toward the realization 
of "that tranquility and peace with the Indians, which, in 
itself, is so desirable and has been so much wished and sought 
for." In the same letter, he directed McHenry, "by civil 
expressions, to stimulate the present Governor of Tennessee 
to an effectual repression of encroachments on Indian terri- 
tory (secured to them by treaties)." If he will not act, "the 
honor of the government and the peace of the Union require ' ' 
that the laws be "promptly and energetically (with temper 
and prudence) enforced." 

On August 8, Washington informed McHenry 1 of the oc- 
cupation of Fort Ontario and discussed sending supplies to 
that post. The Federalists felt the transfer of the posts re- 
dounded much to their credit and Murray wrote on August 21 : 

"Would it not be a good thing to paragraph & press a 
little the late events in the delivery of the posts. A manner 
pointedly conciliatory & even handsome seems to have char- 
acterised all the several surrenders — as we hear — much 
might be made of this at least as fringe work to the Triumphs 
of the Treaty & its friends. Events strike more powerfully 
than systems. Wayne ! ah could we both have but seen W 's 
Entre into Detroit ! when he pranced over the Barbacon. ' ' 

Troubles with the Creeks 2 and with the Cherokees, 



1 Sparks, xi, 159. 

2 The Secretary of War. 
Sir, 

Tour letter of the 18th instant with its enclosures, came to hand 
by the last Mail. Such of the latter, as are original, I herewith return 
to your Office. 

It would appear from the extract of Mr. Habersham's letter, that 
the Treaty (or rather meeting) between the Georgians and Creek In- 
dians, has terminated unfavourably, and will tend, it is to be feared, to 
hostilities. A favorable result could not have been predicted from the 
speech of the Georgia Commissioners, at their commencement of the 
business with the Indian chiefs ; and it having ended without a cession 
of Land, I shall be agreeably disappointed if there are not other means, 
soon used, to get possession of them. 

By the letters from General Wilkinson and Captn. Bruff, I expect the 
Western Posts will soon be in our possession ; and I hope proper measures 
will be adopted to keep the Garrisons well supplied with provisions and 
Military Stores. 

Mount Vernon 2 2d July 
1796 

Go. Washington 



1796-1797] of James McHenry 175 

also occupied McHenry 's thoughts. 1 As to the former tribe, 
McHenry wrote Washington on August 3, urging him to place 
regulars rather than militia in the Indian country. For the 
latter tribe, McHenry drafted a talk which he sent Washing- 
ton 2 on August 24, recommending instructions to Dinsmore, 
the agent, and adding, "I have consulted him upon the prac- 
ticableness of teaching the women to spin and weave and he 
thinks it may be accomplished." Pickering, in a letter to 
Washington of September 2, criticised the talk as not digni- 
fied. Shortly afterwards McHenry wrote certain instructions 
to Hawkins, 3 which Washington returned with the follow- 
ing note : 

"Wednesday Morning [September 7, 1796.] 
"Private 
"Dear Sir, 

"The principles of the Enclosed Instructions I approve; 
and since they are drawn, I shall not object to the Phraseol- 
ogy ; tho ' considering that it is addressed to our Agent, for his 
Government, part of them, I think is too much in the stile of 
a talk to the Indians. And I think too, as it is intended for 
the general superintendent his attentions seems to be too much 
confined to the Creek Nation 

"Yours always — & sincerely 

"Go. Washington." 

1 Pickering wrote McHenry : 

"Department of State July 8, 1796. 
"Dear Sir 

"The President, in two letters I have received this week, mentions 
these points for consideration — 

"1. 'How soon & in what manner' the Cherokee boundary can and 
ought to be run & marked, agreeably to the treaty of Holston. 

"2. What can be done relative to the appointment of an Indian agent 
(superintendant) in the room of Governor Blount; and of the Agents 
for carrying on the Indian Trade." 

2 Washington wrote McHenry on July 18 (Ford, xiii, 246), regret- 
ting that the boundary of their reservation could not be marked before 
spring, as no commissioners to superintend it could be appointed in the 
recess of the senate. He also stated that he hoped the visit of the 
Cherokee chiefs might be deferred until November. 

A short note from Washington about this time reads thus : 
"Sir, 

"The enclosed Conditions appear proper — but as there are certain 
principles I practice that govern in such cases — it would be too hazard- 
ous to Give an opinion with out consulting them — and it is impossible 
for me to go into such detail. 

"Philadelphia €4th. Sep. 
"1796 

"Go. Washington." 

3 Benjamin Hawkins was born in North Carolina in 1754, gradu- 
ated at Princeton, served in the Revolutionary War, was a delegate in 
the confederation congress, was United States senator from North Caro- 
lina during the years 1789-95, and then became agent for superintending 
all the Indians south of the Ohio River. 



176 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xi 

On September 13 and on October 13, Pickering wrote 
Mellenry about the Oneida and Stockbridge Indians and their 
annuities. Among those tribes, the Quakers had built a grist 
mill and a meeting house. 

McHenry had much at heart the improvement of the In- 
dians ' condition, as is shown by a letter sent him by Murray 
in October. 

"Of the policy which you are now organizing, the civiliza- 
tion of the Savages, great doubts may be entertained without 
an affront to the Czar who attempts so much glory. From 
what is known of the progress of nations from infancy to man- 
hood may it not be ventured as a general proposition that the 
means which have drawn out the social character have been 
such as were congenial to the State in wh. any nation was, to 
whom they were applyd. 

"Every one of the European nations was martial. It is 
thus that of their Savage State we know nothing. We have 
testimonies of their barbarism or second state only, but from 
the data which these furnish, something may be learned of 
that scheme wh. might most probably draw them from the 
savage to the barbarous. One engine of incalculable powers 
is now possest by the civilizing hand that was not known in 
the early ages, the art of printing, yet this affords not a ready 
source of those habits which constitute Society as it stands 
any where. An individual may acquire learning by it — but 
it would teach the indian scholar things applicable to refined 
Society not to his own — were it possible to digest a plan of 
Property for them in Land agreeably to the Feudal earlier 
ideas, the most congenial to their present State, it appears 
probable that it would not last long. The existence of nations 
behind this belt of civilization which you would stretch along 
the Frontier would hold out a tempting asylum for original 
habits & manners & the belt would be gradually depopulated. 
Were there an ocean interior of a Mississippi a plan of coarse 
& improving principles might possibly be formed — as it is, I 
confess, I almost despair — because I can find nothing like it 
elsewhere. I fear that the only way to civilize savages is to 
first enslave them — all nations have so advanced. It is dread- 
ful — but I fear true. Peter & the following Czars, for some 
time, seemed inclined to consider the vast nation they owned 
as capable of any civil impressions they might choose to give. 
They found this not the case — that a half savage nation have 






1796-1797] of James McHenry 177 

habits as inveterate as a refined nation & perhaps the habits 
of such a nation are more so — & that to advance Such a 
nation it was necessary not to consider it as a blank paper 
upon wh. any thing might be written, but to ascertain the last 
step it had taken in its progress & only invite the foot a little 
forward in what was the most natural attitude. I have all 
along imagined it a useless attempt to make the Indians like 
a white nation — my humble (& I own it may be a crude) plan 
is if any attempt is made, to make them as much as possible 
like the Barbarians of Germany — first, still infusing that 
milder tinge into their character that would follow the art of 
printing — one mistake in all the plans I have seen seems to 
me to be that the whole was predicated upon what could be 
done upon one or two individuals educated in a white country. 
"Were it possible to bring a tribe of infants & educate them in 
Philad. it would prove nothing that was not as well known 
before. The difficulty is in rearing a nation from old habits 
by attracting them to higher habits, analogous to those they 
are invited to forsake. But you are fatigued by objections 
without reasoning that points to any alteration — & all must 
[be] jejune to you who have been turning the subject over and 
over for some time. I write for the mere pleasure of having 
conversation with you & always in strict confidence — so it is 
like a fire side chat." 

By the admission of the Southwest territory, on June 1, 
1796, as the state of Tennessee, the office of superintendent of 
Indian affairs there ceased. McHenry 1 wished to appoint 
agents for carrying on commerce with the Indian tribes, in 
accordance with a recent act of congress, but Wolcott said he 
had no money for that purpose. In that case, said Washing- 
ton in his letter of July 18, we can have no agents, but a 
temporary regulation of the trade in the hands of some one 
man may be made. 2 

In his report to congress, 3 McHenry opposed a petition 
favored by Andrew Jackson, to pay a claim for militia called 
out in 1793 to act offensively, but said congress must decide 

1 He estimated the six nations as 3580 in number. A drunken 
smith is complained of. 

2 Ford, xiii, 246. 

3 State Papers, Indian Affairs, i, 585, 621. In November, 1796, 
John D. Chisholm (Am. Hist. Rev., 595) brought with him to Phila- 
delphia about twenty-two Indians and a petition of about twenty^five 
British residing in the territory of the Indian nations asking to be made 
United States citizens. He presented this petition to McHenry, who 
treated it with coldness and said he would refer it to Hawkins. 



178 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xi 

how far the Indian aggressions constituted an imminent dan- 
ger, or whether the expedition was a just and necessary meas- 
ure. 

In relation to appointments to office McHenry appears to 
have had but little trouble under Washington. Only two let- 
ters have been found on this subject and one of them is an 
answer to a tender of an office made by Washington through 
McHenry. 1 



1 Pinkney was offered the position of commissioner under the Jay 
treaty to adjust claims between Great Britain and the United States. 

Another letter respecting an appointment reads thus : 

"New York 11th April 1796. 
"Dear Sir 

"A Letter reed, the 5th inst. intimating that one of my little Boys 
was ill of a Fever occasioned my sudden Departure for the Place. The 
child is happily recovered and runs about as usual. 

"It is high Time that my little Boys went to School and I wish if 
possible to have them under my own Eye but how to effect that Arrange- 
ment is the Question If I was to remove them to Carolina and either 
of them to sink under the Climate I should never forgive myself knowing 
the Climate there to be very unfavourable to Children. To settle in the 
Country might not be agreeable to a person accustomed to converse with 
Men of good Information and my finances on the present Scale of Prices 
are not quite equal to a City Establishment. 8 or 10 hundr. additional 
Dollars per Annum would answer my Purpose but I cannot submit to 
any subordinate Station and higher ones are generally Objects of much 
Competition. There is a Bill now before the Senate for opening a land 
Office It contemplates a Surveyor Genl. I have not heard what Salary 
he is to have. I am informed that Ellicot will be appointed to run the 
Line between Spain & the U. S. viz the boundary of Florida. The Sur- 
veyor Genl. ought to be fully acquainted with Geometry. I think I 
should not greatly overrate my Abilities in supposing that on the meer 
Question of Capacity to execute the Office I should not have many Rivals. 
I should not refuse the Place if it was offered and presume you could 
with a safe Conscience before the President has fixed on any Person, 
intimate that I might be considered capable of executing such an Office. 
I know that if the Salary is respectable Members from the several States 
Will be pressing the Interest of some of their Constituents. The North 
Carolina Members are I believe without exception desirous to do any 
thing that in their Opinion would be profitable or acceptable to me, but as 
they are at present every one in Opposition to the Measures of Govt 
I know they would not willingly ask favours. Wherefore I have never 
intimated to any one of them that I would accept of any Employment. 
If the President, when the Object is simply presented to his View, does 
not make the appointmt. he ought not to be solicited, but as he probably 
may never have heard that Geometrical Calculations had formed part 
of my Study, you probably will have no Objection to mention to him 
what You take to be the general Opinion on this Head. 

"I find people here very anxious concerning the Determination of 
Congress on the Subject of Treaty appropriations. 

"I have no pretentions to Prophecy but believing that things will 
happen as they usually have happened and having read from History to 
be informed how they have evented, I am under strong Impressions that 
if French Obstinacy or Pride of conquest produces another Campaign ths 
Republican Governmt. of that Country will be in great Danger. French 
Arms have uniformly proved unfortunate across the Rhine. 
"I am Dr sir with great Respect 
"Your obedt. hble. Servt. 
"Hu Williamson." 






1796-1797] of James McHenry 179 

' ' Susquehanah Ferry 

"March 21st 1796. 
"Dear Sir. 

"Your friendly letter has found me at Mrs. Rodger's, at 
a distance from my Family, excessively fatigued and somewhat 
indisposed : and you will of course perceive that I ought not 
to determine conclusively on the subject of it until I reach 
Annapolis, for which place I am under the necessity of setting 
out Tomorrow. > 

' ' I will, however, state to you my private Impressions , 
and hope that a definite Answer may be dispensed with for a 
few Days. 

' ' The Veneration and Attachment I have always felt for 
the President of the United States can hardly admit of addi- 
tion; but I confess to you that I have never experienced any 
gratification superior to that which results from this flattering 
Proof of his Confidence. Without Expectations of any Sort 
from the Federal Government I had not for a Moment turned 
my views to any appointment under it; but I have felt an 
uniform Anxiety to obtain the good opinion of the President 
as a valuable Testimony that I have not lived in vain. Your 
Letter affords me this Testimony in a Way so honorable to 
myself that I cannot express to you the pleasure it affords me. 

"My inclinations lead me to avail myself, immediately, 
of the Presidents favourable Intentions — and I believe it to 
be my Interest to do so. If I should decide finally, at this 
Time, I should undoubtedly declare my ready Acquiescence. 
But as the Acceptance of this Trust might, and certainly 
would, materially change my future Prospects, and, during 
a considerable period, suspend my professional pursuits, it 
will be prudent to reflect a little on its Consequences before I 
act definitely. I shall not require more than four or five days 
for this purpose and will communicate the Result by Express. 

' ' I cannot avoid expressing the grateful sense I feel of the 
Interest you are good enough to take in my concerns. 

"You may be assured that I shall not easily lose the Re- 
membrance of it and that I shall seek opportunities of mani- 
festing the Value I place upon your Friendship. 

"I am, Dr Sir, with sincere Esteem 
"V. Obedt Servt. 

"Wm. Pinkney." 



180 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xi 

On the side of his naval duties, 1 McHenry's chief care 
was the superintendence of the disgraceful task of building 
the frigate which the country gave the Dey of Algiers and 
which Pickering, on August 11, recommended to be built at 
Portsmouth, as it could be completed there in twelve months, 
while it would take sixteen months in New York. The "ma- 
terials must be durable, or we shall, in a few years, have to 
build another frigate for the same use. ' ' McHenry was slight- 
ly uncertain at first, whether he or Pickering should built it, 
though he thought it fell in his province and wrote Washing- 
ton who was at Mt. Vernon on July 7, asking 2 about it. 
Twice, on July 8, Pickering wrote McHenry on the general 
plan of the ship : 

"I have conversed with Mr. Wolcott: "We are both of 
opinion that the first step towards building the frigate, is to 
send Mr. Fox to the different Navy Yards, to take an account 
of the timber, and to converse with the principal builders, to 
see on what terms & within what time they will, any of them, 
undertake to have her completed. We think it ineligible and 
fruitless to advertise for a contract. The explanation which 
Mr. Fox can give to the master builders, will enable them 
to state their terms, which he will bring back with him, & then 
a choice may be made. I am convinced that it will be in vain 
to seek a substitute for Mr. Fox : & I beg you to decide thereon 
that his instructions may be prepared to enable him to start, 
by farthest on Monday." 

' ' In answer to your enquiries relative to the dimensions of 
the frigate for the Mediterranean service, I have to inform 
you, that she is to carry 36 guns, of which 24 are to be nine 
pounders, and the other twelve six pounders. On these 
grounds, I desired Mr. Humphreys to calculate the proper 
dimensions of the hulk, and to make a draught of the same. 
The draught I presume Mr. Fox has completed, in which the 
dimensions must be accurately stated. Independently of 
which however, Mr. Humphreys made the inclosed statement : 
but if it varies from the draught (for it was written you will 
see on the 29th of June, when the draught was only begun) 
the latter must be the guide. Her masts, spars, sails and cor- 
dage may be calculated after Mr. Fox's return, as well as the 

1 On February 21, 1797, he suggested to Hamilton the establish- 
ment of a permanent navy yard, and enclosed a draft of his departmental 
report in which he tried not to censure his predecessors. 

2 Wolcott also wrote Washington on the 7th. asking whether he, 
McHenry, or Pickering should superintend the building. Sparks, xi, 147. 



1796-1797] of James McHenry 181 

anchors and all her other equipments. The guns, powder & 
shot, you will perceive by the inclosed letter & estimate of Mr. 
IJadgdon, are on hand. The guns, however, ought to be criti- 
cally examined, and proved: they ought also, I think, to be 
uniform; and if those we have are not so, it may be best to 
cast a new set at Cecil furnace, and to have them turned (to 
take off the most considerable roughness at least) while they 
are boring. ' ' 1 

"Washington answered 2 McHenry 's note on the 13th, 
expressing his surprise and displeasure that the frigate had 
not already been begun, but not answering McHenry 's question 
and saying, ' ' Let me, in a friendly way, impress the following 
maxims upon the Executive Officers. In all important mat- 
ters, to deliberate maturely, but to execute promptly and vig- 
orously, and not to put things off until the morrow which can 
be done and require to be done today. Without an adherence 
to these rules, business will never be well done, or done in an 
easy manner, but will always be in arrear; with one thing 

'treading upon the heels of another." Five days later, 3 he 
wrote again, stating that he approved McHenry 's plans for 
the frigate and directing him to sell all timber and plank 
owned by the government and not needed for the building of 
the Algerine frigate or the three which were to be constructed 

' for our own navy. 4 

On July 12, McHenry ordered Josiah Fox to inspect the 

1 Cecil furnace was probably that at Principle-, in Cecil county, 
Maryland. Another letter of Pickering is as follows : 

"Department of State July 14, 1796. 
"Sir, 

"The following are the articles about the procuring of which it is de- 
sirable that Mr. Fox may make enquiry, as to the places where, and the 
terms on which they can be obtained. 

"60 masts, 90 feet long, 3,2 inches diameter; 110 spars, 80 feet long, 
20 inches diameter; 1500 pine planks) 

1500 oak planks) 44 feet long, 6 inches thick, 200 
pieces of pine scantling. 

"I suppose pine planks should be hard pine. No breadth is mentioned 
in the stipulation for planks, nor any dimensions for the pine scantling. 
The oak planks should doubtless be of white oak. It may be practicable 
to procure some of the spars, plank and scantling without delay ; and 
it is much to be desired that at least one ship load may be obtained to 
be sent to their destination the ensuing autumn. If some of the planks 
were shorter and some longer, so as to average 44 feet in length, I 
should imagine the purpose would be answered. 

"Your obt. servt. 

"T. Pickering" 

-2 Sparks, xi, 146. 

3 Ford, xiii, 246. 

4 Three frigates formerly planned had been discontinued by a re- 
cent act of congress. Six frigates were ordered to be built against th» 
Algerines by act of March 27, 1794. 



182 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xi 

i — 

navy yards and on September 13, tke specifications for can- 
nons for the frigates were issued. 1 

When McHenry came to the department of war he found 
the army organized in a legion composed of the three branches 
of the service. 

McHenry 's first report was made to a senate committee 
on March 14. He advised against reducing the military force 
of the United States, placing the necessity of a military estab- 
lishment on the following grounds: It enables us to repel 
insult and invasion and maintain our dignity, it counteracts 
the influence of the British and Spanish armies in exciting 
Indian hostilities, it serves as a model or school for an army 
and furnishes experienced officers to form one in case of war, 
and it supplements the inadequacy of the militia. The diffi- 
culty is to avoid useless expense and yet secure these advan- 
tages. The British and Spanish forces in North America are 
probably greater than ours and are not likely to be contracted 
on the evacuation of the posts, for England will not wish to 
lessen her influence over the Indians and will try to preserve 
the influence and safety of Canada, where she finds a link in 
the great chain of her dependencies, especially important in 
respect to the West Indies, while Spain has even stronger rea- 
sons, for the new treaty will bring our citizens near her posses- 
sions. He thought there was no need of a judge advocate at 
present and that, probably, there could be no saving in the 
quartermaster's department, for the expenses of transport to 
the Western posts will be great, whether by land or water. 

On May 30, 1796, a law was passed changing the organi- 
zation of the army into one of four regiments of infantry, a 
troop of dragoons, and a battery of artillery. This reorgani- 
zation was clearly a result of McHenry 's suggestion, as Wash- 
ington's letter of July 1st to him shows. 2 The arsenal at 
Harper's Ferry had been begun. 3 

1 State Papers, Milit. Aff., i, 114. Naval Aff., 44, 54. 

2 Sparks, xi, 132 ; Ford, xiii, 222. 

3 Mount Vernon 16th Oct 1797. 
Dear Sir, 

Your favour of the 2d instant, came duly to hand. For the perusal of 
the enclosure I thank you. It is returned. 

We heard with much concern, but long after the thing had hap- 
pened, of the accident which befel your son. we hope he is perfectly re- 
covered from the fall, and you from your bilious attack. 

Having no news to entertain you with, and could only fill a letter 
with the perplexities I experienced daily from workmen, and other oc- 
currences of little moment to any besides myself, 1 shall conclude this 
letter with best respects — in which Mrs. Washington and Nelly Custis 

nons for the frigates were issued. 23 






1796-1797] of James McHenry 183 

During the summer, charges were laid against General 
Wayne, the head of the army, by General James Wilkinson. 
Washington, in his letter of July 1, directed McHenry to 
obtain the opinion of the other heads of departments as to the 
proper course for him to pursue. He doubts whether a court 
martial can be called. In any case, he thinks Wayne should 
have a copy of all the charges made against him, and Wilkin- 
son should be furloughed. For advice as to what should be 
done in reference to these charges, McHenry wrote to Hamil- 
ton, Chase, Murray, and Charles Lee, the attorney general, 
from all of whom he received replies. Hamilton, on July 15, 
answered that the president might order a general court mar- 
tial, but it would be preferable for him to examine into the 
charges as commander in chief and displace Wayne, as holding 
his commission "during pleasure," if he found him guilty, 
Chase, in an extra judicial opinion, on July 22, held that 
Wayne might ask for a court of inquiry, or be tried by a court 
martial. Murray, on August 6, held that there could be no 
court martial of the commanding general and seemed to think 
there was no legal method of action. x Lee, on November 22, 
not yet having seen the charges, wrote that either a court of 
inquiry or a court martial could be held. Before any steps 
could be taken, however, Wayne's death, on December 15, put 
an end to the controversy. 



unite — to Mrs. McHenry and yourself — and with assurances of being 

Dear Sir 

Tour Affecte friend 
Go. Washington. 
P. S. My mind during the last days of my remaining in Philadelphia was 
so much occupied with public & private concerns mat I always forgot, 
when I was in your company, to enquire whether Mr. Lear had accounted 
to the War Office for the money he had received to purchase the site for 
the Arsenal on Potomac. As I was, in some measure the cause of his 
Agency in that business, I wish to know whether it is settled to your 
satisfaction. 

Be so good as to send the letter for Mr. Dandridge to his lodgings 
if he has not sailed, or left the City. 

Private Tuesday 11th. Jan. 1797. 

Dear Sir, 

I shall have occasion to write to Mr. Lear by tomorrow's Post, and 
would thank you to let me know (in a summary way) what money he has 
drawn on acct. of the Arsenal on the Potomack ; and what report he has 
made to the War Office of his proceedings in that business ; for I shall 
take an occasion (as from myself) to ask him what has been done 
therein Yours always 

Go. Washington. 

McHenry answered this letter. 

1 "Upon the point which you told me to write an opinion on (W's 
trial) I can collect nothing but from unaided reflexion for I have no books 
at command in which I could find Precedents — if I had you (know) I 
would search with — pleasure & alacrity." See "Army and Navy Journal,"' 
xlii, 195. 



184 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xi 

_ , 

How well McHenry succeeded in smoothing over difficul- 
ties between officers and how tactful he was in so doing, may 
be seen from the letter he addressed Captain Decius Wads- 
worth, on July 1, in response to a letter from the captain ask- 
ing that papers making charges against him be sent him. 

"I well know, having often witnessed the struggles of 
high minded men in the course of that obedience which mili- 
tary subordination exacts, how difficult it is to bear with the 
neglects and sometimes rude ignorance of superior rank, or 
to suppress the idea of revenge for matters which torture the 
soul without their coming under the description of noticeable 
insult. These are among the incidental evils of a military life, 
which to support, requires magnanimity, joined to patience, 
which looks forward for better things, while it submits to what 
it cannot avoid. It is in the service, we expect to find an 
honor that shrinks from every thing mean and, at the same 
time, a respect to rank and strict conformity to the right 
principles of subordination, without which an army must soon 
become one huge mass of discontent and sedition. If men of 
sense, on such occasions, will not give up every consideration 
but their honor, if they will not make sacrifices of feelings for 
the sake of their country, I must relinquish the idea of being 
useful to the corps, but I trust, without fear of being disap- 
pointed, upon receiving assistance of men of your under- 
standing to calm the spirits which have been excited, to re- 
store the harmony which has been disturbed, and save the 
corps from dissolution. Relying on your cooperation in these 
particulars, you will at once perceive that it will be best that 
the request which you have made me for a copy of Col. Roche- 
f ontaine 's defence should not be urged. It is a writing, com- 
posed when the Colonel's sensibilities were high, and if it 
includes any observation to which you could take exception, 
consider that it is not intended for publication, that it can not 
escape from my keeping, and, above all, that it contains noth- 
ing which has produced any change in the good opinion I had 
formed of your understanding and honor." 

With Washington, the secretary's relations were pleasant 
and even in rebuke the chief was thoughtful and considerate. 
When Lafayette's son came to Philadelphia, Washington wrote 
McHenry on April 11, 1796. 

"Dear Sir 

"Young Fayette and his friend are with me. Come & 



1796-1797] of James Mc Henry 185 

dine with them to day at 3 o'clock if you are not otherwise 
engaged 

''Yours always 
"Go. Washington." 

When Washington 1 wrote his official letter of July 1, 
previously referred to, he also wrote a personal letter which 
follows : 

"By the Post, rather than by the Express, you will re- 
ceive my Official letter, and its Enclosures. For the differ- 
ence of a few hours, in a case that is not urgent, I would have 
you avoid sending an Express to me. The latter does not 
travel faster than the mail; of course there cannot (unless 
Sunday intervenes) be more, in any case (supposing an occa- 
sion to arise in one hour after the mail was closed) than the 
difference of 48 hours in the receipt of the dispatches; as I 
send regularly, every Post day, to Alexandria for my letters. 
Your Express came in yesterday at 5 o 'clock in the afternoon, 
and if you had sent the letters by the mail of Wednesday, they 
would have been here at 9 o'clock this afternoon, a difference 
of 28 hours only. 

1 ' The information brot. by Captn Lewis is very pleasing ; 
and I hope the orders on both sides will go smoothly into 
effect: but the Aurora will have doubts, that all is not well, 
notwithstanding. This, however, is a matter of course; for 
the Executive Acts must be arraigned. 

"I hope you have got perfectly recovered, and that Mrs. 
McHenry and the rest of your family are well also. 

"When I left Philadelphia, it was expected that Mr. & 
Mrs. Liston (and from their own declaration) was to follow, 
on a visit to this place, in ten days ; an interval of a few days 
— and then the Chevr. de Freire & Lady were to follow them ; 
and altho' Mr. Adet gave me (tho' asked) no assurance that 
he would make me a visit, yet to Mr. Fayette he said he should 
set out in ten days — since which I have heard nothing from, 



1 "Return the enclosed as soon as Mr Ross (under strong injunc- 
tions) has read it. Never put papers, improper to he sent, under a cover 
sealed with a wafer — at any time, but especially when wet, the contents 
may be seen and the cover closed again without suspicion, or appearance 
of being opened. 

"G W N" 

This note is thus docketed : 

"This enclosed the information given by Mr Wolcott respecting [Col- 
lot Waren] &c — which I communicated to Mr Ross 

"4 June 1796 

"J McH" 



186 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xi 

or of any of them, which occasions suspence, that impede other 
arrangements. 

' ' If you could, therefore, indirectly, or at least informally, 
ascertain whether and when, I am to receive these visits, I 
should be obliged to you; as it would enable me to regulate 
some other matters which depend thereon. 

"With sincere esteem & regard 
1 ' I am — Dear Sir 
"Yr. Affectionate 
"Go. Washington 
"Friday 

"7 oclock in the morng. 

"Have you allotted any Infantry for the Posts of Oswego & 
Niagara ? How many, & when will they be there ? ' ' 

On July 5, McHenry writes that the Chevalier Le Freire 
and Listen will soon start to visit Washington at Mount Ver- 
non, but that he has no news as to Adet. 1 Two days later, he 
writes that Chevalier Freire will not come, as his wife thinks it 
is too hot for the journey. McHenry himself was somewhat un- 
well at the time and shortly afterwards writes that he has heard 
a rumor that Washington had been thrown from his phaeton, 
and is glad it is false. "I know not what new sacrifices we 
may yet have to require of you. The world grows older and 
republics occupy more and more of its surface but I do not 
find that it becomes better. ' ' Washington seems to have been 
quite offended at the rumor of his injury and replied on July 
18. 

"18th. July 96. 
"Private 
"Dear Sir, 

' ' I have not sagacity enough to discover what end was to 
be answered by reporting — first, that I was to be in Phila- 
delphia on the 4th July and secondly, when that report was 
contradicted by my non-appearance, then to account for it 
by a fall from my Phaeton. 

' ' If any scheme could have originated, or been facilitated 
by these, or any other reports, however unfounded, I should 
not have been surprised at the propagation of them ; for evi- 
dence enough has been given that truth or falsehood is equally 

1 On July 11, Washington wrote (Ford, xiii, 214) that he invited 
Adet, as cordially as he did the others, and trusts that McHenry will re- 
peat to him the invitation. Liston was the British minister. 



1796-179?] of James McHenry 187 

used, and indifferent to that class of men, if their object can 
be obtained. 

' ' I wish you well & am always your 
' ' Affectionate 
' ' Go. Washington. ' ' 1 

As early as August, Washington began to consider the 
framing of his message to congress 2 and wrote McHenry on 
the 8th. 
"Dear Sir, 

"Your private letter of the 3d. instant, accompanying 
the Official one of the same date, came to hand by the last 
Post. The draught of the letter to the Governor of Georgia 
is approved. I have added a word or two to the last para- 
graph but one — by way of hint, where we shall look for the 
cause, if Peace is not preserved on the frontier of that State. 

"I request that you would begin to note the occurrences 
that have happened in the War Department (since the ad- 
journment of Congress) which will require to be communi- 
cated to that body in the Speech, or by messages, at the next 
Session. It is from the materials furnished by each Depart- 
ment, and the Memorandums taken by myself, that the first is 
framed; and it will be an omission, not to commit these to 
writing in the moment they occur; it being much easier to 
select, than to collect matter, for these purposes, when the 
hour arrives for digesting them into form. If other things 
(although they may be extraneous to your department) should 
occur let them be noted also. It is better to have them in all 
than to escape all the Memorandums I shall be furnished with. 

"I am always & sincerely 
"Your Affectionate 

"Go. Washington." 

Relations with France were growing more strained. On 



1 Private Mount Vernon 1st. Augt. 1796. 
Dear Sir, 

This letter will be presented to you by Mr. Dandridge, who has 
rejoined my family and proceeds to Philadelphia in order to facilitate the 
recording of my loose files. 

As he left my family a little suddenly I thought it necessary to men- 
tion this matter to you, lest that circumstance should be ascribed to un- 
worthy motives none of which I have to charge him with ; as I always 
had and still have a high opinion of his honor and integrity. 
I am your sincere friend 
and affectionate Servt. 
Go. Washington. 

2 Mount Vernon 19th. Oct. 1796. 
Dear Sir, 

Tour letter of the 14th. came duly to hand. On the contents of tne 



188 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xi 

— r 

June 1, Hamilton wrote x telling McHenry that he writes to 
him rather than Adams or Pickering, as his information is not 
official, but that he hears that the Directory complain of 
Parish, the American consul at Hamburg, and adds: "We 
must not quarrel with France for pins and needles. 'Tis a 
case for temporizing, reserving our firmness for great and 
necessary occasions." Monroe was not satisfactory as our 
minister at Paris and, on June 15, Hamilton wrote Wolcott: 
"After turning the thing over and over in my mind, I know 
of nothing better that you have in your power than to send 
McHenry. He is not yet obnoxious to the French, and has 
been understood, formerly, to have had some kindness towards 
them. His present office would give a sort of importance to 
the mission. If he should not incline to an absolute relin- 
quishment, his mission might be temporary, and Col. Pickering 
could carry on his office in his absence. He is at hand and 
might depart immediately; and I believe he would explain 
very well and do no foolish thing. ' ' 2 

On July 2, Pickering, Wolcott, and McHenry united in 
recommending to Washington Monroe's recall. Washington 
answered McHenry on the 8th: 

"Dear Sir; 

"Having written a great many letters for this day's Post, 
and being a good deal fatigued thereby and with the heat of 
the weather, I shall do no more at present, than to inform you 
that your letters of the 2d. and 3d. instant with the enclosures 
of the first came perfectly safe, and that my letter to the 
Secretary of State of this date, will inform you confidentially 
of my decision with respect to the recall of Colo. Monroe and 
the measures which I am pursuing to provide a Successor 

"I am sorry to hear you have been [unjwell, and glad to 



enclosure I shall make no comments 'till I see you ; — which, probably, 
will be on, or about, the first part of next month. 

Let me remind you of what I have before requested — namely, — to 
have noted against my arrival, all those things which will be fit and proper 
subjects for my communication to Congress (in the Speech) at the 
opening of the session ; that I may have time to consider and digest such 
of them as are proper for that occasion, before the meeting of it. 
I, am always and sincerely 
Tour affectionate 

George Washington 

1 Hamilton, vi, 127. Lodge's Hamilton, x, 171. 

2 Gibbs, i, 359. 



1796-1797] of James McHenry 189 

hear you are better. Keep so — one well day is worth a dozen 
sick ones 

"I Am 

"Yours always 
"Go. Washington" 

Hamilton wrote McHenry on July 15, "Have you de- 
vised any means of ensuring an explanation to the French 
Government ? If it be not done and anything amiss happens, 
I don 't know what will befall you all. ' ' On news of Monroe 's 
recall, France at once suspended her embassy to the United 
States, summoning Adet to return. 

Murray wrote, on August 29, concerning the recall of 
Monroe : 

"The executive may be abused, as no doubt they will be 
by the Jacobins, on the Recall of Monroe, but the measure is 
perfectly proper. Surely unless there was perfect confidence 
in a co-operation from a foreign minister in the systems & 
designs of his government well known & openly manifested, 
that minister can be no longer a fit instrument of the country 's 
affairs. Now, in this case, there can hardly be a doubt that 
there was no co-operation in the part of the system lately ex- 
hibited, the Treaty. A new minister will be able to conciliate 
this late event, with explanation, with the duties the U. S. owe 
as an ally to France. This, it may be suspected, has not been 
M. inclination & conduct — yet considering the pains taken 
in this country by our precious fellows to misrepresent the 
temper of Govt, towards France & stir up her indignation, 
it wd. appear as a measure of prime consequence to have a 
man who would counteract, not increase these impressions. 
I do rejoice at the measure — one of the Pinkneys is a man 
of capital parts it is said. I only hope it may not be the anti 
Treaty spouter. I doubt not, however, it is the Mr. P. of 
whose genius & learning I have heard much — & who will 
be an ornament to the corps. You will be brilliant as well 
as strong in the foreign corps. I had hoped that Ames would 
have been the man, if a move took place & was yet aware of 
the obstacle in his seat." 

On November 22, 1796, Murray wrote again from Cam- 
bridge, Md. : 

"To day I received yours of the 12th. and, after some 
recollection, have been able to get the paper containing the 



190 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xi 

address of the French Directory, (not embassador, as I be- 
lieve I had it) to the Spanish nation &c. This is better than 
I had imagined. Yes I have seen, & twice or thrice read, 
the answer to Adet — and I & others too believe it to be yours 
— & I can assure you it gives pleasure — concise, clear — firm 
& temperately retortive. It is the first opening of the present 
administration on great ground with foreign nations that has 
been published. I was very much pleased to hear from Ship- 
pen that it was supposed to be yours — as it proved my pen- 
etration. If all the Union were as we are here and for Fifty 
miles on each side, you might utter strong things to the citi- 
zen & his treacherous directory. My fears are unaffected 
about the views of France upon us. Canada, Nova Scotia, 
Newfoundland, & the Floridas Hers, a disorganised public 
mind within the union ! where are we ? Fisheries — posts — 
& a mighty influence more powerful than armies in the very 
bosom of the Union! Yet do I believe that, in a crisis, 
the PEOPLE so well understand her & their own good that 
they would follow their Govt." 

Hugh Williamson wrote on the same subject from Phila- 
delphia on the 21st of November, after the publication of a 
letter from Adet attacking the administration. 

"I have noted with Indignation, I had almost said with 
Surprise, the Manifesto of Mr. Adet published this Morning, 
for there are some Points of extravagance to which the wildest 
Citoyen francais could hardly be expected to attain. I am 
aware that Mr. Pickering cannot return an Answer to a dead 
or sleeping Minister and yet I have Reasons for thinking that 
a solid and speedy answer to this Manifesto would have most 
salutory Effect on the public Mind. Though an official an- 
swer cannot come out, any Citizen has a right, at this Hour, 
to publish his Remarks on that Insult on the rights of an in- 
dependent nation, who ought not, it seems ever to make a 
Treaty with Pirates without consulting France. Clear solid 
and conclusive answers have been given by Jefferson and 
others to most of the acts complained of in this long address 
to the Passions of the People, but those answers are detached 
and in few hands. A clear and general answer, conclusive 
to every mind, as was Mr. Pickering's last Note to the French 
Minister, is now wanted. Such a piece, if published, might 



1796-1797] of James McHenry 191 

soon be circulated with equal speed and universality to that 
with which the Manifesto is now propagated. 

' ' I have strong 1 and some very particular Reasons for say- 
ing that such a Publication as I have been describing is greatly 
needed & cannot fail of having salutory Effects on the Minds 
of People in the southern & Western Part of the Union. I 
confide that some of you who have every necessary Informa- 
tion on the Subject will give dispatch to this, as I believe, 
necessary work." 

On January 25, 1797, Isaac McKim, a Baltimore mer- 
chant, wrote McHenry from Philadelphia regarding the vex- 
atious conduct of the French in the West Indies in seizing 
our merchantmen : 

"Having lately arrived from the city of Cape Francois 
in Saint Domingo, I beg leave to inform you some intelli- 
gence of a private nature which I heard during my stay 
there, viz. that between the 6th & 12th day of December last, 
being in company with a Mr Labigar, a merchant of the Cape, 
he informed me that he had heard the Commissary Sothonax 
declare that, if Mr. Jefferson was elected president of the 
United States, he would annul all those decrees lately passed, 
so injurious to the American Commerce, but if Mr. Adams was 
elected President they should all be continued in force, as 
also on the 23d day of Deer, last, I was informed by Mr 
Carriere that he had heard one of the officers of Government 
say that the French minister Adet wrote out to them that 
they could not possibly treat the Americans too bad, this in- 
telligence I believe was received by a French gentleman who 
came passenger with Captain Decosta from this place, and 
brought dispatches from the French minister here to the Di- 
rectory, Capt. Decosta left Philadelphia about the 20th No- 
vember & arrived in Cape Francois on the 8th of December. 
It was not believed in Cape Francois that the island Directory 
condemned our vessels & property by orders received from 
France, but had done it from seeing the decree issued by 
the National Directory, respecting the treatment of neutral 
powers, and which decree they received by the schooner, Gen- 
eral Green, who arrived from here about the 5th of Novem- 
ber. Previous to this vessel's arrival, we had been assured 
by the Directory that all our vessels should be restored, pro- 
vided we had no contraband articles on board, and a decree 
had been passed forbidding the privateers of the Republic to 



192 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xi 

capture any more of our vessels, and their conduct in other 
respects to the Americans was friendly — the correspondence 
between the Secretary of State and the French Minister here, 
arriving shortly after the schooner Genl. Green by the Brig 
Abigail of New York, there was an immediate change took 
place in the conduct of the Directory towards the Captured 
vessels and those daily arriving from the Continent, by the 
cargos of those vessels arrived, being put in requisition for 
the Republic, and if the owner of them refused selling them 
to the Administration, the cargo was taken by force for the 
use of the Republic. I left Cape Francois on the 24th of 
December, at which time their cruisers was daily sending in 
our vessels, either from or bound to English ports, and there 
had been no instance of any of the vessels under these cir- 
cumstances being cleared." 

On the same subject Pickering wrote McHenry on Feb- 
ruary 2, 1797: 

' ' I showed you Mr. Swan 's letter to Gen. Smith, in which 
the former would have it understood that the conduct of 
Santhonax and the other agents of the French Governments 
have not determined on their late depredations on American 
Commerce in consequence of any orders or letters from M. 
Adet, and that he has no communications from France that 
authorize the conduct now followed there, and that he (M. 
Adet) believes that it can never have entered into the 'Heads 
of power' (by which it must be presumed he means the Direc- 
tory in f ranee) to make such a regulation. 

"Without enquiring whether Mr. Swan's statement is or 
is not correct, I will just remark, that the first captures made 
of American vessels by order of Victor Ungues for having 
Horses and other contraband articles on board, are expressly 
grounded, by that 'Special Agent' of the French Directory, 
on the advices he had received from M. Adet, under the date 
of the Messidor or 2nd. of July last, and that twelve days 
after (July 14th.) M. Adet, in answer to a number of ques- 
tions I had proposed to him relative to any new orders which 
might have been issued by the French Government, or any 
branch of it for capturing American Vessels, professed en- 
tire ignorance on the subject. 

' ' I will further inform you that the capturing of Ameri- 
can Vessels going to or from British ports is not confined (as 



1796-1797] of James McHenry 193 

M. Adet seems inclined to have us believe) to the West Indies; 
the same Game is playing in Europe : and not against Amer- 
icans only: for the French Privateers, beside two of these, 
had captured three Swedes and two Danes and carried them 
into Spain, or the Spanish port of Ceuta on the Barbary 
Coast and the French Consul at Cadiz avowed his determina- 
tion to condemn all neutral vessels going to or coming from 
ports of any of the enemies of France; adding that he had 
authority so to do. Such was the State of things agreeable to 
my latest information from Spain. 

"Thusmuch I thought it would be agreeable to you to 
know after Swan 's letter to General Smith. ' ' 

Meanwhile Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, who had been 
appointed to succeed Monroe, arrived in Paris on December 
3, and presented his credentials on the 12th. He was soon 
notified that no minister could be received from the United 
States. Monroe was still in Paris, of which place he took 
public leave on December 30. Pinckney remained over a 
month longer, but, in February, was told to leave France. 
News of this insult did not come to the United States until 
after the close of Washington's presidency. 

Washington had made up his mind to decline a third 
term and on this matter McHenry wrote him from Phila- 
delphia on September 25 : "I thought best to wait till I could 
ascertain the full expression of the public sentiment, before 
I should comply with your request, to tell you all and conceal 
nothing from you. Your address, on the first day of its pub- 
lication, drew from the friends of the government through 
every part of the city, the strongest expressions of sensibility. 
I am well assured that many tears were shed on the occasion 
and propositions made, in various companies, for soliciting your 
consent to serve another term, which were afterwards dropped, 
on reflecting that nothing short of a very solemn crisis could 
possibly lead to a change of your determination. The ene- 
mies of the government, upon their part, discovered a sullen- 
ness, silence, and uneasiness that marked a considerable por- 
tion of chagreen and alarm, at the impression which it was cal- 
culated to make on the public mind. 

"Such have been the 1st. effects of an address which still 
continues to be a subject of melancholy conversation and re- 
gret, and I think I may safely add that, what has been ex- 
hibited here, will be found to be a transcript of the general 



194 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xi 

expression of the people of the United States. I sincerely 
believe that no nation ever felt a more ardent attachment to 
its chief and 'tis certain that history cannot furnish an ex- 
ample, such as you have given. The men who have relin- 
quished sovereign power have done it under circumstances 
which tarnished more or less the glory of the act, but in the 
present case, there is no circumstance which does not serve 
to augment it." 

There had been much interest in the question as to who 
would be president, if Washington should refuse a third term. 
The bitter opposition aroused to him by the Jay treaty had 
not shaken his position with the mass of the people. From 
Baltimore, James Winchester wrote 1 McHenry on April 22, 
1796. He had thought the treaty a "bad one," but has no 
doubt that "the Legislature possesses, neither expressly or in- 
cidentally, any authority to give effect to or oppose the opera- 
tion of treaties." In the city, great alarm had been occa- 
sioned by the "disorganizing system" of the opposition and 
General Samuel Smith, who had opposed the treaty in the 
house of representatives and who represented the Baltimore 
district, was made conscious that his conduct opposed the 
sense of his constituents and that his popularity received a 
severe blow. Instructions to him to vote for the treaty were 
circulated, which instructions contained "strong indirect cen- 
sure of his past conduct. ' ' He came to Baltimore and exerted 
himself to have them suppressed. Failing in this, he "set 
on foot a counter instruction (if I may so call it) expressing 
approbation of his conduct and reliance on his prudence, 
judgement, and integrity." It would not have done to have 
proposed an address against carrying the treaty into effect. 
Twenty signers could not have been obtained. "Washington 
and peace ' ' was ' ' the exclamation in every Circle and in every 
street of the Town." The prospect of defeating Smith, if 
he should stand for re-election, was a good one. Winchester 
or Howard was talked of for his opponent and, as Winchester 
found his professional engagements rendered it impossible to 
engage in any representative office, Howard would probably 
be chosen. 

After congress had ratified the treaty, made the neces- 
sary appropriations, and adjourned on June 24, Murray wrote 

1 In a second letter dated May 1, Winchester stated that public 
feeling ran still higher against Smith. 



1796-1797] of James McHenry 195 

from Cambridge that he longed for news, would retire from 
congress at the end of the term and found that the Eastern 
Shore of Maryland "had been more agitated on the late crisis 
than I expected." "Delaware was in a perfect ferment and 
are yet so at their member, Mr. Patton. Young Bayard, a 
fine young man of parts, and the right sort of parts well 
directed, will succeed him. ' ' 

Three days later, Murray wrote again of his own pros- 
pects, of his wife's health, and of the capture of a merchant- 
man by a French privateer. 

"27. June 96. Cambridge. 
"My dear Sir, 

"My best friend is better and, to keep her so, I have in- 
dulged her not in a sea voyage, wh. she declines, but in bar- 
i gaining for the most beautiful farm in this shore. It is about 
i a mile from the village lower down & upon the river — it 
|i stands with an elevation & boldness & variety of view worthy 
of a better country — & will be, I am certain, healthy. It 
contains 150 acres — '40 of wh. are woods — in these woods 
I shall soon give the raccoons & squirrel 'notice to quit,' 
that I may burn brick to advantage on the spot for the foun- 
dation of a small neat house. The lady who owns it is at 
George Town &, by the Packet of this morning, Col. Harrison, 
who is her friend here, writes that he has accepted my terms 
of purchase — which is 800 £ at two equal payments by quar- 
terly instalments. By next April, I shall be there — I should 
have been mortify 'd, had you not missed me very much — 
yet well do I know soon the water closes upon the oar — how 
soon in such a city so throng elegant and various a man 's space 
is occupy 'd. I have felt that myself in London & without 
blame — for I was acted upon naturally by the genius of the 
place — & when I left it the thought struck upon my heart, as 
if it had been new, that in that great place where I had never 
missed any one, in two weeks' time, I too should not be 
missed — but so it is. A large city is a bad scene to illustrate 
any state of Constancy in. 

"We had heard of the capture — at first that it was a 
clear violation — that the captn went out of the city to take 
the ship, knowing her destination & that she was genuine 
American property — but since we heard that the captors 
knew that she belonged to Mr Dunkinson, a british subject, 
— my remark to others is that it is to be expected that the 



196 Life and Correspondence [Chap. XI 

French Jacobin faction in this country will, if possible, induce 
the french government to wink at such acts, as some indemni- 
fication for our having adopted our real independence in the 
Treaty — wh. is my real fear. This idea struck me too in 
hearing of this capture. The U. S. will not vindicate the 
rights of citizenship acquired by british subjects, since the 
peace by their acts of naturalizn — because the british say these 
persons are still british subjects, now if the French take the 
vessels or property of such trading firms residing in this coun- 
try, & we should complain of this as a wrong done to our citi- 
zens, they will say, no — we take the property of british sub- 
jects, not of American citizens — not regarding their rights 
as neutral burghers as is done by every nation, as last war 
those of ostend — St Thomas 's &c. What could you say in 
such a case ? could you allow the british to treat these persons 
as subjects & yet insist on the French treating them as Amer- 
ican citizens ? I should not be surprised, if our patriots were 
to adopt some mode of treating this case like that wh. I have 
mentioned. ' ' 

Several times during the summer, Murray wrote. On 
August 8, he said, "My declaration is public that I decline 
to serve their majesties the people longer," and on the 21st 
he answered one of McHenry's letters: 

"I was so fortunate as to receive yours of the 13th to 
day, inclosing a Minerva whom Jupiter serve in all her attri- 
butes. Except Fox's speech, the Minerva show'd herself to 
be as dull as wise; for She attended to little more than that 
lucrative walk of Literature vulgarly called advertisements. 

"You know me too well not to give me credit for all due 
sensibility towards you & Mr. Wolcott for your kind wishes 
respecting my future views & opinions on my past life. If 
personal good falls on my shoulders I shall rejoice. If it 
do not, I am only in the situation of an hundred worthier 
men & I know that there are a great many who expect — & 
not an abundance from which to gratify. I will confess my 
weakness to you when I express a fear that, though I can not, 
with any convenience, continue in Congress, my habits may 
not have exactly fitted me to enjoy much in a very retired 
life, without mental enjoyment of a masculine & energetic 
Kind. Of this, however, & other things, we will hold a con- 
versation in Deer., when you shall philosophise me into as 



1796-1797] of James McHenry 197 

real a love of Retirement as his worship Gil Bias felt when 
Liberated from the Tower of Segovia & exiled from court. 
Pray remember me cordially to Mr. Wolcott. 

' ' Some time since I sent down an address to their majes- 
ties the people of Somerset & Worcester, on my declining to 
serve — no candidate has yet been mentioned. We shall have 
excellent & trusty Electors of a Presdt., the worst come to the 
worst. It is said that the great Hindman has lately divided 
a regiment in Queen Anne's & left his opponent in a small 
minority. H. addressed them — he is an excellent man. 

' ' I need not say that the people here are right & are deep- 
ly affected by the idea of the President 's declining or even the 
chance of it. I wish he would terminate his great career by 
handing the government to its permanent seat — it would be 
a fine finish." 

When the news of Washington 's declination of re-election 
reached Murray, he wrote on September 9 : 

"Of the President in future — It is in vain to lament 
that the President will not longer serve at least till the war 
is over. The timing of the exertions of the Fedd party seems 
to me very important. This will come from you & Mr W. 
& Col. P., for a party dispersed act without concert, unless 
a rallying point is understood among them. I know the deli- 
cacy of such a proceeding, but a hint might I suppose be con- 
fidentially dropt to fit persons. However you will be the best 
judge. I have mentioned Mr A [dams] as the man. our elec- 
tors from this shore, at least for three counties, will be good 
men. Done, Eccleston, & Hemsley." 

Later in the month, * he wrote again on the election, 
stating that the Maryland senate was Federal. 

"24. Sep 1796. 
"My dear Sir. 

' ' The address of the President I have seen from Annapo- 
lis. Though this important event had been familiarized to my 
mind, Yet its actual happening affected me with a fear some- 
thing like that produced by an unlooked for evil. It is an 
epocha in the affairs of America & will be a point for future 
dates to be graduated by. Venerable man. The effect of his 
piece has been immense, considering the tranquility of Vil- 
lage understandings. The men, who can think at all, feel & 

1 September 24. 



198 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xi 

acknowledge the force of his advice & maxims. Could this 
effect be rendered general, his retiring might prove a new 
good to his country, as it has produced the public adoption 
of those important truths that are essential to the U. S. 
Truths which are felt with the strength of conviction of en- 
thusiasm, because they are delivered by that man in the situa- 
tion most affecting to his country & which I hope will pro- 
duce a death bed effect upon all. He may yet live to recall 
us all to their value, perhaps in some day of distraction. This 
is the only consolation the public mind can feel at such a 
loss. 

"Forrest writes me that if this Shore is right, Mr. A. 
will lose not more than two, if those — an elector just from 
Annapolis however tells me that a great many talk of Mr. J. 
A man just from the Delaware says they talk of three there. 
Mr A. Mr Jeff & Mr Jay. The first or last would do here. 
But I understood that Mr A. was the man, if they divide 
the friends of the Govt., the State of Virginia will again have 
a President. ' ' 

In October, Murray writes twice, telling the good news 
of Hindman's election to congress by the Federalists from 
the upper district of the Eastern Shore, complaining of lack 
of news and speaking of Jefferson's weakness in Dorchester 
county. 

"2d day of Election 
"We just hear from Talbot that Hindman goes a head of 
Wright 3 to 1. — fair speed the worthy member of the red 
rose. 

' ' Jefferson will be pushed in this State on the W. S. par- 
ticularly — but Mr. A. will, undoubtedly, have greatly the 
majority — but J. ought not to get more than two, or he will 
be elected. No Vice is yet mentioned here. 

"Christie I hear certainly goes out & Matthews comes 
in — a better member all hollow. Smith & Young Sprigg are 
not opposed. T. S. declines & Bear runs against Ringold — 
Crabb resigned & W. Dorsey a good man succeeds him. So 
F. writes me from the City." 

"9. Oct. 96. Cambridge. 
"Hindman is elected — considering the State of parties, 
this is an important thing. W. beat him 45. in Q. A. H. 



1796-1797] of James McHenry 199 

above him in Caroline 27. In Talbot 697. so we beat him 
hollow. Christie I hear will be ousted too. This will be pleas- 
ant to you and Mr Wolcott I know. One gentleman & only- 
one in this county is for Mr Jeffn. I know not how the re- 
port got about, but the answer is common, when his name 
is mentioned, that he is in debt to the English largely. Of 
the State of parties Eastd. or Southwd. I hear nothing — no 
one hears of such things except at Philad. &, as I have no 
correspondent there who ought to trust to a letter by post, I 
am in the dark — indeed light would be of no service to me 
nor to any one else if I had it — more than it could be to a 
man confined in a hogshead. — the hogshead, for a hogshead, 
might be light enough, but it could not extend its light far. ' ' 

All the Federalists rejoiced that Gabriel Christie was de- 
feated in Baltimore and succeeded by Matthews, "a better 
member all hollow. ' ' Hindman himself wrote McHenry after 
the election: 



"Bellfield Oct. 13th. 1796. 
"My dear McHenry 

"That I have been remiss in not writing you before, 
I do admit, I have frequently determined it, & have been as 
often prevented. I presume You have heard tne Issue of the 
Election between Mr. Wright and Myself, I had a Majority 
in the District of 672, & a Majority in Talbot & Caroline. 
He was 45 Votes a Head in Queen Annes, where I am con- 
vinced He was fairly beaten, as one of his Men had the Ef- 
frontery to declare, that He had voted five times for Mr. 
Wright under different Names. My Friend Mr. Edwd. 
Wright voted for Me, the only One of that Name; this has 
increased my Sollicitude for his obtaining some satisfactory 
Office, & I must beg You not to forget Him. I am afraid 
Messrs. Sedgwick & Goodhue's Successors are not Sound men 
— & I Find We are on the Point of loosing that best of Men, 
our amiable President, a Loss never to be repaired. I wish 
not to anticipate Evil, I cannot however help dreading the 
Consequence — God send us a Federal Successor. I sincerely 
pray that little Swanwick may be overthrown. I lament much 
that Murray declined; it is however said that almost every 
Man in his District is Federal, if s», We must have a good 
Man. Mr. Dennis, who was in the House of Delegates, I hear 



200 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xi 

— .** ... ... . — — _ 

in his Successor. I have not heard whether Christie 1 is re- 
elected, I have been unwell for nearly four Weeks with the 
bilious & Ague & Fever." 

Yet the result of the presidential election was far from 
certain and, practically, there was no unanimous decision as 
to whom the members of each party should support for vice 
president. Williamson wrote from New York on October 20 : 

"Yesterday I returned from the Eastern States, having 
been about 200 miles beyond Boston. Nothing was talked 
of six weeks ago, but the measures of placing federal Members 
in the Place of those who voted against supporting the Treaty. 
The New Englanders seem, on that head, to be nearly unani- 
mous. 

' ' Who is to be our next President ? has been the universal 
Question, ever since the President's Resolution was published 
of not serving again. I have, uniformly, ventured to predict 
& have been ready to support my Opinion, in the true Eng- 
lish mode, by a bet — that John Adams will out poll Mr. Jef- 
ferson as 7 to 5 nearly and that he will be chosen by the Elec- 
tors. Great Pleasure has been expressed by many People on 
hearing so clear & positive a prediction, and they have given, 
as a Reason for the Pleasure they felt, that they conceived that 
my very extensive acquaintance through the Country gave me 
good means of forming a well founded Opinion. But there 
are People who think different from me on the head of Ma- 
jorities. Col. Burr was in Boston when I left it & his In- 
formants, it seems, had induced him to conclude that the votes 
would be nearly equal — and yet we both converse with the 
World. How is it that, from the same Informant, we draw 
different Conclusions? I have just heard of a strange Dis- 
pute between Greenleaf and Nicholson, but what is doing in 
Philada., or in the Seat of American Govt., I have heard as 
little as concerning the Govt, of Persia. I have only heard 
of and seen the Presdts. Address." 

Shortly afterwards, 2 Murray wrote that a Federal elector 
would be chosen from his district. "In this county, I think 
I never knew an election so much of 'principles. General 

1 Theodore Sedgwick of Connecticut and Benjamin Goodhue of Mas- 
sachusetts were elected to the federal senate. From Pennsylvania John 
Swanwick was reelected. Gabriel Christie was representative from Mary- 
land from 1793 to 1797 and 1799 to 1801. 

2 November 2. 



1796-1797] of James McHenry 201 

Eccleston (the Federal candidate) is obnoxious to about one 
half the county and is to be opposed next year by them in a 
sheriff's election, yet the language is, our choice is a party 
question, not a personal matter — this, for a Southern election, 
is a pleasing feature of the People's goodness." Murray 
feared French aggression on neutral trade and asked, "Who 
is thought of for a Vice President?" 

On the ninth, when the election was over, Murray wrote 
again : 

"I inclose you a Herald — our election closed this eve- 
ning The Jefferson candidate got one vote. The Adams can- 
didate 582 — no riots — noise or seduction. The farmers came 
in without leaders to support government, they said, by vot- 
ing for a Fedl. man as Presdt. I assure you I never saw an 
election before, in which real good sense appeared unmixed. 
We do not know how the polls go in the other counties — 
Eccleston wt. out doubt is elected. 

"A foolish report circulates that the F. minister is or- 
dered by his govt, to leave U. S. instantly & that they offer 
us the alternative of fighting them or the british. A wheat 
job I suppose. Adet's letter to Col. Pickering is a curious 
circumstance in diplomatic business I shd. think — pretty 
much the Spargere Voces inter vulgus, in Genet's way of 
appeal. I hope no answer will be given to it — public or pri- 
vate — whatever may be done on the subject of it. He wd. 
love a newspaper dispute — so wd. Dallas, his counsel. 

"I dare say I am very very troublesome to you — but 
I ease myself — & must say or write — & I have more to say 
to & you only to write to — & this is the season of fires wherein 
my scrawl can be most conveniently deposited. ' ' 

As late as the 15th, however, Murray was uncertain of 
the general result, and felt that no effort ought to be omitted. 
Winchester wrote, a day later, that he believed Jefferson would 
have but three electoral votes in Maryland and that he was 
anxious for news from outside of the state. He was too 
sanguine; on the 22nd, Murray wrote: "We shall be, to my 
mortification, half and half, a punster would say quite drunk, 
as we .shall be 5 for A. and 5 for J." 

Murray had been writing articles, signed Union, in the 
newspapers in Adams's behalf and, in answer to McHenry 's 



202 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xi 

information in reference to the vice presidential candidate, 
wrote : 

" If it is thought best, Smith & others in Philad. ought to 
take care & write to every seat of Govt, where the Electors 
meet, to run Pinckney as Vice, that we may have two strings. 
His christian name too would be necessary — though I could 
find it, yet I forget it. 

"If you like unions & get a Georgetown paper & Ed- 
wards's of B. you will find them there. I sent several — one 
in E's (I think signed Union) particularly on Mr. A's Dutch 
Services & a little upon his book — the first I had an oppor- 
tunity in Holland of getting some ideas of that probably else 
had not reached us — & I thought it important, in Speaking 
of the man, to associate him with Revolution Services as most 
unquestioned & most splendid & long past." 

When the state legislature met at Annapolis, McHenry 
sent Philip Key letters "covering the communications made 
by Mr. Adet to our government" and Key answered from 
Annapolis on November 28th, 1796 : 

"I am obliged to you for your two letters covering the 
communications made by Mr. Adet to our Government. Vio- 
lent men think them improper — and indeed all agree that 
they contain untruths — & evidently shew a meddling — that 
ought to be frowned out of countenance. He has lost all 
character and irretrievably diminished that good will felt for 
his Government & the people of France by most people here 
— fortunately, however, his appeal is made at a time when 
public opinion is too well matured for any injury to result 
from such conduct. The answer of our Senate & the House 
of Delegates to Govt. Stone's address (which I inclose you) has 
an indirect alusion to Mr Adet's communication. Our Legis- 
lature has been very much employed in local matters — Colo. 
Howard is appointed a successor to Mr. Potts resigned — in 
the Senate of the U. States ; it 's probable his place in our State 
Senate will be filled by some character from Baltimore — &. 
McMechen is talked of. ' ' 

Carroll of Carrollton on the 28th, still uncertain of th»; 
result of the presidential election, echoed the same sentiments 
from Annapolis: 

"I need not therefore tell you that Adet's note, assign- 



1796-1797] of James McHenry 203 

ing the reasons for suspending his functions, is not at all 
relished with us. If Adet has reed, orders to resume his 
functions, why not notify the orders to our Government? 
does he wait for a reply to his last note, before he gives o/- 
ficial notice of those orders? does our Govt mean to answer 
his last note, wh Includes an appeal from The Governt. to the 
People? We suspect that ye enemies of ye present admin- 
istration have Stimulated Adet to this measure, to have an 
influence on the elections of electors of a Presdt. & Vice Presdt. 
the timing of this note gives room for the conjecture. 

''I hope the Legislature, in imitation of the Jersey As- 
sembly, will pass some resolves highly approving the Presdt 's. 
address to the People, & perhaps some occasion may be taken, 
besides the one already mentioned, of reprobating the interfer- 
ence of foreign Ministers with our Govt. 

"I fear Jefferson will be elected Presdt. if left to him- 
self he may act wisely: but, as he will be elected by a fac- 
tion, it is apprehended he will consider him self rather as 
the head of that faction, than the first magistrate of the 
American People: may the good Genius of America avert 
from us so great an evil & may ye event prove these conjec- 
tures groundless. If you have a little -leisure, do answer the 
queries in this letter, if you are at liberty to answer them." 

Chase, too, in a letter sent from Baltimore on December 
4, warmly supported the administration against Adet. 

"I thank you for the Aurora, but my absence prevents 
Me from any knowledge of the sentiments of the People here, 
respecting Mr. Adet's abuse of our whole Administration, and 
Appeal to the People. I think the Printer ought to be in- 
dicted for a false & base Libel on our Government. A free 
Press is the Support of Liberty and a Republican Govt., but 
a licentious press is the bane of freedom, and the peril of So- 
ciety, and will do more to destroy real liberty than any other 
Instrument in the Hands of knaves & fools. I see no Differ- 
ence between Genet and Adet. For the opinion of our Leg- 
islature, I refer you to the Resolution of both Bouses for per- 
petuating the presidents Address, but more particularly to 
the joint Answer of the Senate & House of Delegates to the 
Governor's Address, which I enclose you. You may be as- 
sured there is but one opinion in Maryland out of this Town. ' ' 

He added that there would be seven electors from the 



204 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xi 

-« ■ 

state who would vote for Adams and four for Jefferson, one 
of the electors voting for both men. 

On December 2, Carroll wrote again: 

"Notwithstanding the Pen 'a ticket is gone in favor of Jef- 
ferson, those who pretend to have good information say that 
Adams will be elected by a majority of 6 votes. I rather 
think the probability is that no election of President will be 
made by the electors, as, probably, several of the electors may 
not be able to attend at the seats of Gov 't, many of them being 
at a great distance from those seats, sickness and badness of 
the roads may prevent their attendance. 

"We are anxious here to know what notice, if any, our 
Gov 't will take of Adet 's last note, assigning reasons for your 
suspension of his functions." 

So strong a Federalist as Carroll was anxious that the leg- 
islature should not go too far in passing resolutions against 
Adet and wrote, on December 5, when he thought the chances 
for Adams's election were brighter: 

"I reed, the 4th instant, your letter of the 2d. I per- 
fectly approve the determination of the executive not to deign 
to answer Adet's last note. I have not heard myself a single 
person speak of him with out expressing great disapprobation ; 
yet I am told these are who excuse it, alleging he has Said 
nothing but the truth. You may readily guess what sort of 
men these are. 

"Mr Key I believe means to move some resolutions re- 
specting the President's address, expressive of the same Sen- 
timents with those in our answer to the Governor's address. 

"I do not see how the Legislature can with propriety go 
far there. The Individual States, as Such are not known to 
foreign powers; We have nothing to do with them, nor they 
with us. Should we pointedly notice & disapprove of Adet's 
proceeding, might we not be accused of reaching in upon the 
boundary & province of another Legislature Solely entrusted 
with the management of our external relations. 8th Decem- 
ber Yesterday all the Electors met. Mr. Adams got 7 votes 
Mr. Jefferson 4, Mr. Pinkney 4, Mr. Burr 3 votes; & Mr. 
Jno. Henry 2. Three eastern shore electors voted for Mr. 
Adams; one (Gilpin) for Jefferson; Deakins, Murdock, & 
Lynn voted for Adams, Duvall, Archer for Jefferson ; Plater 



1796-1797] of James McHenry 205 

for both. It is said, but upon what foundation I know not, 
how neither Adams or Jefferson will get any votes in S. Caro- 
lina. It is confidently asserted that Mr. Adams will be elected 
by a majority of at least 3 votes. I have my fears, Should 
Jefferson be elected, or, if no election takes place by the Elec- 
tors, I suppose he will be elected by present house of Repre- 
sentatives. Great anxiety prevails, generally, respecting the 
future President, the friends of the Government, dread the 
election of Jefferson ; they fear he will pursue a very different 
line of conduct from the present President. You intimate 
that the Secretary of State 's communications to Mr. Pinckney 
relative to Adet's proceedings will be laid before Congress. 
the french party, it is probable, will not approve the Secre- 
tary's communications: however, I flatter myself the real 
friends of their country are the strongest party in Congress ; 
You may be assured that, among the People, they are much 
the strongest: there are, no doubt, many in all the States 
wishing for a revolution & war, but I am confident the great 
body of the people are attached to the Govern!, approve its 
measures, & wish to remain at peace with the nation. 

"9th Deer. We have this day reelected Col. Howard into 
the Senate of the U. S. to serve 6 years from the 4th of next 
March, he may be said to have been unanimously elected : there 
were 5 blanks & 4 votes for Mr. Richd. Sprigg, altho' no other 
person was in nomination but Col. Howard. I am with much 
respect & regard." 

Resolutions, however, were adopted by the assembly and 
forwarded from Baltimore by Chase on December 10. In the 
letter conveying them, Chase said: 

"I believe the enclosed conveys the Real Sentiments of 
the People of Maryland, the Resolutions were adopted, moved 
and carried by Mr. Key of Annapolis. I expect the Senate 
will accede, with some few amendments which will improve 
them — when our assembly first met there were 8 or 10 Dele* 
gates who objected to that Part of the answer to the Gov- 
ernor's address which spoke of the Conduct of foreign agents 
— but even they are now convinced or Silent, the Charge of 
a fraudulent Neutrality, the indecent language to the Execu- 
tive, and the appeal to the People agt. their whole Govern- 
ment is such a breach of truth & good manners, and such an 
inter-meddling in our Government as wound the feelings & 
ruins the Dignity of our People. I am greatly pleased with 



206 Life qnd Correspondence [Chap, xi 

the answer of our National Senate. I wait with Impatience 
for that of our Representatives. I hope they will feel as 
their Constituents. I believe and expect the assemblies of a 
great majority of the States will concur with the President. 
I still think my old friend the Vice President will be elected 
president." 

Even yet the election was uncertain, and on December 
12, Carroll of Carrollton answered, as follows, McHenry's let- 
ter; in which was sent a copy of Washington 's address at the 
opening of congress : 

' ' I rec 'd, by this day 's post, yr letter of the 9th, covering 
the Presidents speech, with wh I am much pleased, particu- 
larly the part relating to Adet's conduct, it contains a due 
mixture of temper & firmness. May I hope the Congress will 
be unanimous in expressing their disapprobation of the min- 
ister's proceedings? surely they must be offensive to every 
good American. 

"The resolution you speak of was brought in by Mr. 
Robt. Smith, when in the house of delegates ; it will make way 
for one drawn up by Mr. Key, & which will be discussed to- 
morrow, & I expect will pass unanimously — I think you will 
prefer it to the one brought in by Mr. Smith. 

"Wednesday, the application of the commissioners for 
the loan 140,000 of 6 p. ct. stock will be taken up by the 
house of Delegates. Mr. Scott the attending commissioner 
says a majority of 10 will be in favor of the loan — you know 
I mix little with the members, & am therefore less able to 
judge whether Scott's calculation is to be relied on. It is 
conjectured with us that Mr. Pinkney will be elected Presi- 
dent; if the eastern electors have generally voted for him, 
the conjecture may be realized. Some think this event would 
be a fortunate one, as his administration would be less op- 
posed than that of Mr. Adam's: however, not so much the 
man as measures occasioned opposition : It was not Washing- 
ton, but his measures that were opposed; his great sin was 
the preventing his country from becoming a party in the war 
with France, and being involved in the same calamities which 
afflict that country. A man must be blind indeed not to see 
thro' the designs of the party. I hope, yet do not expect it, 
that peace will save us from serious discussions with the Di- 
rectory. I am with respect" 



1796-1797] of James McHenry 207 

Key also acknowledged Washington's address thus: 

"Annapolis 13th Deer. 96. 
"Dear Sir 

"I thank you for your favor of the 9th. The President's 
speech is extremely satisfactory — and an additional evidence 
of his Paternal regard for the welfare & prosperity of our 
Country — the enclosed Resolutions passed our House this day 
& tomorrow will certainly pass the Senate unanimously. The 
House of Delegates — have voted 100,000 dollars 6 pet. for 
the use of the F [ederal] City — this aid could only be obtained 
in our House, by the Commissioners making themselves an- 
swerable, in their individual capacity, for the repay 't — in 
case the funds pledged under the act of Congress should prove 
inadequate — so powerfully does Potomack & this City com- 
bine against Baltimore that I very much suspect no money 
will be invested in the New Bank. ' ' 1 



1 This city is Annapolis. Potomac refers to the Potomac company 
whose plans for improving the navigation of that river were then much 
discussed. 



CHAPTER XII 

A YEAR IN THE WAR DEPARTMENT UNDER ADAMS 

ADAMS kept in office all of his predecessor's secretaries : 
Pickering, "Wolcott, MeHenry and Lee. Almost at 
the opening of the administration, came news which 
made the difficulty with France acute. Shortly after the 
inauguration, there arrived a letter sent Pickering from Lon- 
don on February 6, by Rufus King, our minister to Great 
Britain : 

''Dear Sir 

"Mr Sands of New York has this morning shown me a 
letter that he had just received from Mr. Pitcairn, dated 
Paris, Jany. 28. which states, that General Pinckney has been 
ordered by the Directory to leave Paris, and that he would 
depart for Amsterdam on Tuesday the 31. ult. 

"Knowing that it was the General's intention (in case 
he received such an order) to go to Amsterdam, and being 
apprehensive, that such an order might be issued in the mo- 
ment of elevation that followed the news of Buonaparte 's late 
victories, I entertain no doubt of the authenticity of this very 
unpleasant intelligence. 

"With perfect respect and esteem 
' ' I have the honor to be, Dear Sir, 
"Yr. ob. sert. 
"Rufus King." 

This news was soon confirmed and created a great ex- 
citement throughout the United States. 

From Murray, MeHenry heard by note sent from Cam- 
bridge on March 10: 

"Our Packet just brought us the news, Norfolk news, 
that Pinckney is refused! I do not credit it. The people 
from one end to the other of this Shore Are right as to France. 
Some even think a war would do well. 

Hindman wrote MeHenry twice from the Eastern Shore 



1797-1798] of James McHenry 209 

The first letter was written at Bellfield on March 21st, 1797, 
and is as follows: 

''I reach 'd Home on the Tuesday after I left Philadel- 
phia, having had a very tempestuous and rather a cold Ride. 
Since my Return I have dispatched Burke 's two Letters & Mr : 
Pickering's to Mr: Pinckney, the last is most highly thought 
of by both parties & will have a most excellent Effect as it 
must & will open the Eyes of the People towards the French, 
from what I can hear it has already made a good Impression. 
I find that Burke's Letters are not approv'd, particularly by 
those who are tinged with Jacobinism, they say it is a low 
dirty Performance & very unworthy of the Author, it will not 
be prudent to distribute Them here. As I fear 'd, Phocion will 
not be read, being too lengthy, tho' of high & acknowledged 
Merit. 

"The last papers received here say, that Mr: Pinckney 
was denied an Audience by the French Directory & was on 
his way back to this Country, if this should be true, Congress 
I suppose will be called before the Time to which They Stand 
adjourned. Surely We shall be unfrenchified & as becomes 
Us, feel ourselves as Americans only." 

The second letter written from Bellfield on April 1st, 
1797, stated that 

"I see by the last Papers, that the President has decided 
Congress to meet on the 15th. May, so that my Suspicions are 
verified. What will the high toned Jacobins now Say of their 
good Friends the French, they will not surely have the Ef- 
frontery still to justify them, there is scarcely any Calamity 
so bad, but what some good may be drawn from it, I take 
it for granted, that the unwarrantable, shameless Conduct of 
the French towards Us, must & will alienate the Regards which 
the Americans have heretofore had For that Nation. As far 
as I can hear the Sentiments of the People here, they say War 
must be the Consequence, & some I find are extremely anxious 
for it, viewing Us in a worse Situation, than if We were actu- 
ally at War, as, in that Event, We could afford some protec- 
tion to our Commerce." 

To Washington, on March 24, McHenry wrote of the re- 
fusal to receive Pinckney. It was the first letter he had sent 
his former chief since Washington's return to Mount Vernon, 



210 Life and Cot^respondence [Chap, xn 

and McHenry mentioned that : ' ' You have witnessed on your 
route the great affection and attachment of the people and 
the sound part of the community, which is still visible in 
every company I go into and which, I am persuaded, will not 
diminish, though the external marks of it may, gradually, 
be less strongly expressed. This is the last reward you would 
have received, or the country could have given you. It is, 
nevertheless, a precious one." Turning to foreign affairs, he 
writes : ' ' Every step on the part of the Directorial minister 
is insulting and the form of the rejection, passing through 
Mr. Munroe, not the least so." 

"I presume Congress must be called and that immedi- 
ately and that it may also be expedient in the mean time to 
direct Mr. Pinckney to make another effort, such as may not 
commit the dignity of the United States and, if unsuccessful, 
retire to Hamburg, or some other place, to wait events, or 
a better disposition on the part of France." 

Washington answered McHenry 's letter on April 3, J 
thanking him for the news and asking his former secretary : 
"to communicate to me, occasionally, such matters as are in- 
teresting and not contrary to the rules of your official duty 
to disclose. We get so many details in the Gazettes, and of 
such different complexions that it is impossible to know what 
credence to give to any of them." Washington has arrived 
home safely, avoiding all the "parades or escorts" he could, 
and is very busy, preparing a place for the security of his 
papers and making needed repairs. He has workmen of all 
kinds at Mount Vernon and has "scarcely a room to put a 
friend into, or to sit in myself, without the music of hammers, 
or the odoriferous smell of paint." 

"The conduct of the French government" appeared to 
Washington "beyond calculation" and "unaccountable, upon 

1 Sparks, xi, 196. Ford, xiii, 381. The following paragraphs are 
omitted in both collections : 

"I will make no apology for putting the enclosed under cover to you, 
If General Lee should have left Philadelphia, let me request the favor of 
you to open the letter to him and cause the one under that cover to be 
delivered to Messrs Reed & Ford by a person you can inform me with 
certainty, has done so; that I may know to what cause to ascribe (should 
it happen) any delay in their answer; and add, if you please, whether 
there be any cause to suspect a failure of the Gentlemen. 

"You will readily perceive that what is said of them, and what I 
write to Genl. Lee is of a private nature, and not to be mentioned unless 
the reports respecting Reed & Ford are facts of notoriety. . . . Dear 
Sir, 

"Your sincere friend & affectionate 
"Go. Washington." 



1797-1798] of James Mc Henry 211 

any principle of justice, or even of that sort of policy which 
is familiar to sound understanding." 

On the 6th, McHenry replied that he found having noth- 
ing to do a great enemy to happiness. "I very well remem- 
ber that, before you brought me back into public life, I always 
experienced somewhat of restlessness in the interval between 
dropping one pursuit and finding out another." 

Strong words came to McHenry from the Federalist 
leader, James Koss, at Pittsburg, in a letter written on April 3 : 

"Not a word of news here, & from the public papers it 
would seem that even at the seat of Government, you must be 
in Considerable uncertainty respecting our European power. 
Will an envoy extraordinary of the tribe of Virginia, satisfy 
the Jacobins of France & this country ! — or must the Direc- 
tory have a negative upon our laws ? I will agree to the first 
for peace Sake, but I cannot go further." 

Samuel Smith, however, whose sympathies were always 
more with the French, wrote from Baltimore on April 5, still 
in doubt as to the truth of the refusal to receive Pinckney: 

"Your Letter to Mr Oliver has tended to Increase the 
present Alarm. It says positively that Mr. Pinckney was 
Ordered from Paris by the Directory; Have you this from 
himself? or only from London. If the latter I shall still 
doubt, — because the Inclosed Extract from Mr Jas Calhoun 's 
Letter seems fully to explain the report which had at first 
prevail 'd. 

"I am deeply interested & might Solicit your Immediate 
Answer — that is — Are your Accts. from Mr. Pinckney, if 
not, from whom 1 & what London Dates." 

Adams summoned an extra session of congress to meet 
on May 15 and discuss the question on which subject Ham- 
ilton wrote McHenry 2 a most important letter. 

1 The enclosure in Smith's letter is as follows : 

"Extract of a Letter from James Calhoun dated Liverpool 

16 Feby 1797 

" 'Premiums of Insurance at Lloyds have been very fluctuating, a 
report was circulated that an Embargo was laid in France on all Ameri- 
can Vessels, & Insurance rose to ten Guineas from hence to America, 
on Goods by American Vessels, this being contradicted, they had fallen 
to six Guineas ; when Mr. Pinckney, who had never yet been acknowl- 
edged by the Directory ; finding the situation at Paris unpleasant, asked 
Passport to go to Amsterdam, & set out on the 7th Inst; his request for 
a Passport, was imm'y stated at Lloyds to have risen from an order 
of the Directory that he should quit Paris ; & the alarm threw every 
thing again into confusion — the Underwriters for a day or two refused 
to write, they then asked ten Guineas & within a few days some Policies 
have been done at six' " 

2 Lodge's Hamilton, x, 241, prints a different and briefer text of this 
letter. 



212 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xii 

"My dear friend, 

"Take my ideas and weigh them, of a proper course of 
conduct for our administration on the present juncture. You 
have called Congress, 'tis well. When the Senate meets 
(which I should be glad to see anticipated) send a Commis- 
sion extraordinary to France. Let it consist of Jefferson or 
Madison, Pinckney, and a third very safe man, say Cabot. 
Proclaim a Religious Solemnity, to take place at the meet- 
ing of Congress. "When Congress meets, get them to lay an 
embargo, with liberty to the executive to grant license to de- 
part to vessels armed and sailing with Convoys. Increase 
the Revenue vigorously and provide naval force for Convoys. 
Purchase a number of vessels now built, the most fit for sloops 
of war and cutters, and arm and commission them to serve 
as Convoys. Grant qualified letters of mark to your Mer- 
chantmen to arm, defend themselves, and capture those who 
attack, but not to cruise or attack. Form a provisional army 
of 25,000 men to be engaged eventually and have certain 
emoluments. Increase your cavalry and artillery in imme- 
diate service. 

"Or do as much of all this as you can. Make a last 
effort for peace, but be prepared for the worst. 

' ' The Emperor Paul is at best equivocal. A successor is 
apt to differ from a predecessor. He seems to be a Reformer 
too. Who can say into what scale his weight may be finally 
thrown ? If things shall so turn that Austria is driven to 
make peace and England left to contend alone? Who can i 
guarantee us that France may not sport in this country a 
proseliting army? Even to get rid of the troops if it fails, 
may be no bad thing to the Government of that Country. 
There is a possible course of things which may subject us 
even to an internal invasion by France. Our calculations, 
to be solid, should contemplate this possibility. 

"I know, in your administration, there is a doubt about 
a Commission or Envoy Extraordinary. I am very sorry for 
it, because I am sure it is an expedient measure. But, per- 
haps, France has said she will receive no Minister, till her 
grievances shall be redressed. 'Tis hardly possible this can 
refer to any but a Minister who is to reside. A special extra- 
ordinary mission cannot be intended to be excluded, because 
it is at least necessary to know what measure of redress will 
satisfy, if any is due. But grant she will refuse to hear. 
Still the great advantage results of showing in the most glar- 



(1797-1798] of James McHenry 213 

ing light to our people her unreasonableness, of disarming a 
party of the plea that all has not been done which might be 
| done, of refuting completely the charge that the actual admin- 
istration desires war with France. 

"But the enemies of the Government desire the measure. 
'Tis the strongest reason for adopting it. This will meet them 
on their own ground and shut their mouths. 

"But to answer the end, a man who will have their con- 
fidence must be sent, Jefferson or Madison. To do this and 
to be safe others must be united, say Pinckney and Cabot. 
.Thence the idea of a commission. 

' ' I am, really, my friend, anxious that this should be your 
plan. Depend on it it will unite the double advantage of 
silencing enemies and satisfying friends. 

' ' I write you this letter on your fidelity. No mortal must 
see it or know its contents. Yours A. Hamilton. ' ' 

On April 14, Adams called together the heads of depart- 
ments and asked them a series of questions on relations with 
France. 1 McHenry sent the queries to Hamilton, asking his 
opinion upon them and received the following answer, written 
on April 29 : 

"I now send you a cursory answer to certain questions 
.They are imperfect &, probably, may come too late. But court 
i avocations and distress in the family have prevented any 
i thing better — General Schuyler has been critically ill, though 
i now, as I hope, out of danger. My brother in law, Mr. Rens- 
selaer, has just lost a favourite Daughter, one and the eldest 
of two children, without a prospect of more. The whole has 
thrown a gloom upon the family & my health is not the stout- 
est. I shall answer your last by the next post 

"Ade 
| "A H" 

"Dr Sir 

"Situated as I am at this moment I am obliged to con- 
fine myself to very general hints respecting the paper of the 
15 of April. 

"As to the first head — I think it will be adviseable that 
the speech should be confined to the foreign affairs of the 
Country, giving the primary & prominent place to those with 

1 J. Adams, viii, 340. 



214 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xii 

__ _ 

France. This will make the main business the more striking. 
Domestic matters may follow in messages &c 

"As to the second head — Announcing his intention to 
have recourse to the measure of an extraordinary mission — to 
endeavour, by an earnest and amicable appeal to the justice, 
candour, and friendship of the French government, to rectify 
misapprehensions, to satisfy them of the good faith and 
friendly sentiments which have alwaj^s directed the U. States, 
to endeavour, by a revision and readjustment of the Treaties 
between the two Nations, as far as shall consist with the en- 
gagements of the U. States towards other nations and the 
duties which their neutral position enjoins, to obviate causes 
of discontent and restore and confirm cordial harmony, to 
dismiss and settle amicably the topics of the mutual com- 
plaints and thereby to obtain a revocation of those acts on the 
part of France and of her Agents in her colonies which have 
oppressed our Trade and injured our Citizens and with it 
retribution for the losses which they have suffered from depre- 
dations, contrary alike to the laws of Nations and the faith 
of Treaties. 

"The speech should proceed to say that inasmuch as 
depredations by the cruisers of France continue to go on, of 
a nature to destroy the mercantile capital, ruin the commerce 
of the country and depress its agriculture & industry gen- 
erally, and, inasmuch, as it is impossible to foresee the issue 
of the attempt, by negotiation, to avert the consequences of 
the serious misunderstandings which exist — it is matter of 
necessity, with regard to the interest, honor, present and 
future security of the XL States, to adopt and carry into exe- 
cution, without delay, vigorous measures of defensive pre- 
caution. 

"These measures to consist of the prompt equipment of 
a naval force, sufficient to serve as convoys to our Trade and 
protect it against the spoliations of petty cruisers. 

"Permission to our vessels to arm for their own defence 
under proper guard and restrictions to prevent their cruising 
and acting offensively. 

' ' The intermediate passing of an embargo till these meas- 
ures can be matured — with a discretion vested somewhere to 
grant licenses to sail to such ports & under such circum- 
stances as may be deemed safe. 

"Arrangements which, in case of emergency, will give 
the Government the prompt command of an efficacious force 



1797-1798] of James McHenry 215 

with a particular view to Artillery and Cavalry ; corps which 
require considerable time for forming them and which in case 
of need will be of the most peculiar and essential utility 

"The more complete & effectual fortification of our sea- 
ports, especially the principal ones. 

"The increase of our Revenue, as far as shall be prac- 
ticable without overburthening our Citizens, to an extent 
which shall be equal to the additional expense of these pro- 
visions, avoid an increase of the National debt, and prepare 
the Country for the exigencies which may arise. 

"Whether it will be expedient for the President to go 
into detail, or deal with energy in generals embracing the 
great points, is a serious question. The inclination of my 
opinion is towards the fence, dealing in generals in Speeches 
& having reports from departments either to be communicated 
afterwards, or to be transmitted with the Speech by a gen- 
eral reference. 

"As to Instructions to the extraordinary Minister or 
Ministers, they should embrace the following objects — 

"I. Explanation of the real views & intentions of the 
Government of the U. States during the present war, so as 
to satisfy France that they have aimed at a sincere neutrality 
and have been influenced by no spirit partial to her enemies 
or inimical to her. 

"II. The Discussion, if necessary, of the constructions 
of the Treaties between the two countries in the points which 
have been litigated, insisting upon our own, but not refusing 
to agree to any measures consistent with our constitution, for 
avoiding an inconvenient or abusive application of them. 

1 ' III. The remodification of the Guarantee in our Treaty 
of alliance into a stipulation of specific succours having ref- 
erence to future wars and defining the casus foederis to be, 
that where the war has begun by the commission upon the ally 
of some actual military hostility, by sea or land. The suc- 
cour on our part may, in the next fifteen years, be five sail 
of the line to be furnished once for all, or an equivalent sum 
of money to be defined (with option to pay in provision or 
military stores) — after the fifteen years, ten sail of the line, 
or an equivalent sum of money — The remaining vessels to 
return at the conclusion of the war. 

"IV The remodification of our Treaty of Commerce, so 
as to accommodate it to that with G. Britain, having regard 
to duration as well as other things 



216 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xii 

— . 

' ' V Reparation for spoliations & payment of sum due by 
Contract and other damages. A Commission or Commissions 
may be agreed to but carefully restricted to compensation to 
Individuals on either side. For 

"VI There should in no event be admitted the idea of 
compensation or contribution from the Government of the U. 
States to that of France, Nor 

"VII. Any admission, secretly or indirectly, that they 
are Aggressors with regard to France 

"VIII To avoid every stipulation in any shape incon- 
sistent with our other Treaties, or that may compromit our 
neutrality in the present war 

' ' IX To Steer clear of particular or exclusive privileges 
or preferences in Trade which are always precarious, & em- 
barrassing; occasioning dissatisfaction at home & jealousy 
abroad 

"X To consent, if desired by France, to the annulling 
of the Treaties between the two Countries — altogether 

"This last idea is a delicate one & it is only, if at all, 
to be so suggested as that our Minister may, in no case, appear 
to contend for the continuance of these Treaties as a favour 
to the U. States — as France may consider her guarantee of 
our sovereignty and independence as a thing of importance 
to us. 

"Yrs truly 
"AH" 

Hamilton later elaborated his views in a second paper, 
which he sent McHenry: 

"Answer to questions proposed by the 
Prest of the U. States. 
"To the first. It is difficult to fix the precise point 
at which indignity or affront from one State to another ceases 
to be negotiable without absolute humiliation and disgrace. 
It is for the most part a relative question — relative to the 
comparative strength of the parties — the motives for peace 
or war — the antecedent relations — the circumstances of the 
moment, as well with regard to the nations as to those be- 
tween whom the question arises. The conduct of France, ex- 
clusive of the refusal of Mr. Pinckney, is no doubt very vio- 
lent, insulting, and injurious. The treatment of Mr. Pinck- 
ney, if it does not pass, certainly touches upon the utmost 



1797-1798] of James McHenry 217 

limit of what is tolerable. Yet it is conceived that, under 
all the singular and very extraordinary circumstances of the 
case, further negotiation may be admitted, without that ab- 
solute humiliation and disgrace which ought perhaps never 
to be incurred — to avoid which it is, probably, always wise 
to put even the political existence of a Nation upon the hazard 
of the die. 

' ' The triumphs of France have been such as to confound 
and astonish mankind. Several of the principal powers of 
Europe, even England herself, have found it necessary, or 
expedient, in greater or less degrees, to submit to some humili- 
ation from France. At the present juncture, the course of 
her affairs and the Situation of her enemies, more than ever, 
admonishes those who are in danger of becoming so and who 
are not able to oppose barriers to her progress, to temporise. 
The mind of mankind, tired with the suffering, or spectacle, 
of a war, fatal beyond example, is prepared to see more than 
usual forbearance in powers not yet parties to it, who may 
be in danger of being involved. It is prepared to view, as 
only prudent, what, in other circumstances, would be deemed 
dishonorable submission. 

"The U. States have the strongest motives to avoid war. 
They may lose a great deal; they can gain nothing. They 
may be annoyed much and can annoy comparatively little. 
Tis even a possible event that they may be left alone to con- 
tend with the Conquerors of Europe. When interests so 
great invite and dangers so great menace, delicacy is called 
upon to yield a great deal to prudence. And a considerable 
degree of humiliation may, without ignominy, be encountered 
to avoid the possibility of much greater and a train of in- 
calculable evils. 

' ' The former relations of the U. States to France — the 
agency of that power in promoting our revolution — are rea- 
sons, in the nature of things, for not lightly running into a 
quarrel with — even for bearing and forbearing to a consid- 
erable extent. There is perhaps in such a case peculiar dig- 
nity in moderation. 

"France, in declining to receive Mr Pinckney, has not 
gone to the ne plus ultra. She has declined to receive a min- 
ister till grievances, of which she complains, are redressed. 
She has not absolutely ordered away a minister as the prelim- 



218 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xii 

inary to war. She has mingled some qualifications. It is not 
even clear that she means to say she will not receive an extra- 
ordinary minister. This leaves some vacant ground between 
her act and rupture. The U. States may occupy it by a 
further attempt at negotiation. This further attempt seems 
to be that which must carry us to the point beyond which we 
cannot go. 

"Besides the object of explanation to satisfy France, we 
have the most serious grievances to complain of and of which 
to seek redress. This last will be a principal object of an ex- 
traordinary mission. It will not be to make submissions but 
to explain and to demand reparation. This double object con- 
tains a great salvo for the national honor. 

"We have just seen, in the case of Sweden, the negotia- 
tion, in some way or other, of a similar insult. Though the 
refusal of our minister, as being mere pretext, is more offen- 
sive — Yet the forbearance of Sweden is a precedent of some 
force for us. 

" As to our own Country — There is a general and strong 
desire for peace — and, with a considerable party, still a par- 
ticular repugnance to war with France. The state of public 
opinion is not likely to consider a further attempt at negotia- 
tion as too humiliating. It may be safely taken for granted 
that it will approve such an attempt as prudent — & that at 
home it will have no other effect than to lay the foundation 
for greater Union, and Constancy in case of failure. 

' ' But to preserve character abroad — and esteem for the 
Government at home, it is essential that the idea of further 
negotiation be accompanied by measures that shall demon- 
strate a spirit of resistance in case of failure — that shall 
yield present protection — and promote future security. 

"With this adjunct, it is believed that the Government, 
in pursuing the plan of further negotiation, will raise rather 
than depress the character of the Nation & will preserve the 
dignity of the American mind & the esteem of the American 
people. 

' ' The enunciation of one measure by the Executive ought, 
therefore, tG be accompanied with a decisive recommendation 
of the other course. In doing this, however, it will be wise 



1797-1798] 



of James McHenry 



219 



"*in reference 
to the actual 
& ruinous depre- 
dations 
of our Trade. 



to avoid all expressions that may look like menacing France 
with what we intend to do. The attempt to negotiate must 
be put upon the foot of an appeal to her justice and friend- 
ship. The recommendation of preparatory & defensive pre- 
cautions be put on the foot of present necessity &* the possi- 
bility of future dangers which it may not be in our power 
to avert 

' ' To the second — It will be expedi- 
ent to declare to France that if there 
be any thing in the Treaty with G. 
Britain which France is desirous of 
incorporating in the Treaty with her 

— The U. States are ready to do so 

— having no wish to give any other 
power privileges which France may 
not equally enjoy on the same terms. 
This general offer seems the most un- 
exceptionable & will stop as well the 
mouths of France as of her partisans 
among ourselves. The duration of 
privileges should also be in both cases 
the same. 

"To the third It does not occur 
that it will be expedient to propose the 
abolition of any of the articles of our 
Treaties with France further than 
may be implied in the above general 
offer. To propose the abolition of 
things inconvenient to us would con- 
firm the suspicion that we were dis- 
posed to narrow the privileges of 
France and would do harm there and 
here* The only thing that can be done 
with advantage is to propose to liquidate 
the meaning and effect of the mutual 
guarantee in the Treaty of Alliance. 

"That Guarantee is now general. 
The obligation it impresses on France 
towards us is essentially nominal in 
future, because our sovereignty and 
independence can hardly again come 
in question. That which it lays upon 
us would expose us to a general war 



"* The desiring 
of some of the stip- 
ulations, accord- 
ing to our practice 
upon them, would 
be desirable if 
obtainable, but 
it is better to 
leave them as they 
are, than desire 
the other way. 
And the probability 
is that the def- 
inition would end 
in the last way 
which might com- 
promit us with other 
powers 



220 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xii 

with the enemy of France, as often as, 
in a purely defensive war, her West 
India possessions should be attacked. 
This is a great evil. The alternative, 
in such a case, is to chicane our en- 
gagements and risk war with France 
for not performing them — or to per- 
"*A definite succour form them, if called upon, and en- 
is not a cause of war, counter war with her enemies. It 
if previously would be a great point gained to re- 

stinulated. duce this general guarantee to a treaty 

of mutual, Specific, definite, Succour* 
excluding the present war and defin- 
ing the casus foederis to be that ease, 
in which the first act of actual hos- 
tility by Sea or land is committed 
against the ally — without reference 
to antecedent motives and causes, 
which are ever vague & complicated. 
''To the fourth — If an amicable course of negotiation 
should take place, modifications in the Convention may be 
proposed. Not having it by me, the desireable alterations do 
not occur further than the restraining the mutual right of 
jurisdiction in questions between the citizens of either power 
to cases between the Officers & Crews of Vessels. Beyond 
this it works ill — establishes an imperium in imperio — ex- 
tends foreign influence &, indirectly, injures our own Citizens 
& preventing efficacious justice between French Citizens who 
are often their Debtors &c. Particularly, it is ill to insert 
foreign jurisdiction in our Country. 

"To the fifth — It does not appear expedient to propose 
or agree to such new articles. In general it is wisest neither 
to give nor take peculiar privileges — but equalize our com- 
mercial system with all nations. Indeed, it will be very dif- 
ficult to adjust new articles without interference with other 
Treaties. The only method of favouring France is to stipu- 
late that certain articles of her production or manufacture, 
not common to Great Britain, which enter largely into our 
possessions should be admited without duty, or on light duties 
to be specified. This applies principally to her orandies and 
wines; but even there they must be on the same footing, if 
coming through G. Britain, as if coming directly from France. 
Yet the essential & utimate benefit would accrue to France, a3 



1797-1798] of James McHenry 221 

favouring the vent & consumption in our Country of her pe- 
culiar commodities. But all this is far better avoided. The 
diminution of our Revenue and jealousies in other powers 
will be certain evils, for which France will & can give no real 
equivalent. 

' ' To the 6th. What was done in the case of Great Britain 
will be a good precedent for this case. 

' ' To the seventh. The terms of the remonstrances against 
spoliations should be mild and calm without offensive epi- 
thets, but serious and depicting strongly the extent of the 
evil. They should suppose the West India constructions to 
be abuses of the Orders of the directory; but they should 
notice that these were so vague and indefinite in themselves 
as to be naturally liable to abuse. They should urge a revo- 
cation of these orders and compensation for the injuries they 
have produced, as due from good will, Justice, and Friendship 
of France to the violated rights of the U. States and their 
Citizens — and to restoration of cordial harmony between 
the two nations, which might otherwise suffer a deep and per- 
haps incurable wound. 

"To the 8th. This is answered in the answer to the 
seventh. To the 9th. This claim of our Citizens ought to be 
noticed and urged as a great and serious one, having, from 
the motives of the individuals in the greatest number of cases, 
a title to peculiar attention. Yet the whole ought to be so 
managed, as not to compromise the Government for the ulti- 
mate vindication of the claim. It is very questionable wheth- 
er it be not such a one (as far as credit was voluntary) as 
that those who gave it ought finally to be left to the honor of 
the Government to which they trusted. 

"To the 10th. This is answered in the Affirmative in 
the answer to the seventh question. There is no solid dis- 
tinction between captures and seizures by private vessels or 
public vessels. The Government which gave the Commission 
to cruise is liable in both cases. This observation has reference 
to those depredations which result from vague orders of the 
Government, or the abusive constructions of its Agents entrust- 
ed with local jurisdiction, as Governors, Commissioners &c. 

"To the 11th. A Commission, like that with England, 
ought to be agreed to, as a very happy issue out of the embar- 
rassment. 

"To the 12th. This is answered in the answer to the 
second question. The equivalent privileges in the French 



222 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xii 

East India Trade will be the analogous compensation, though 
not of equal extent. But situated as we are with France, it 
seems proper to be content with less. If privileges on her 
West India Trade could be obtained, it would be desireable 
But this ought not to be a sine qua non. A limitation of the 
duration of a new Treaty, if made is a great desideratum. 1 

"To the 13th. It scarcely seems adviseable to offer the 
project of such a new Treaty. It opens at once all the cards. 
It is better to deal in generals. This will leave less in the 
power of France or her partisans. 

"To the 14. It is conceived most adviseable to follow 
former precedent in this respect, which may avoid much de- 
lay and embarrassment. In the exercise of this branch of 
Executive Power, it will be found the best course to reduce 
the Cooperation of the Senate to the appointment of the Ne- 
gotiator and the ultimate fiat or negative. Much has been 
done to this end & it will not be expedient to relinquish the 
ground which has been gained. ' ' 

McHenry's opinion, filed with the president, is interest- 
ing to compare with the preceding letter, as showing the 
measure of the secretary's reliance upon Hamilton. McHenry 
decidedly favored further negotiations and proposed that we 
offer to modify every commercial inequality between France 
and England. He was averse to changes in old treaties with 
France, save the mutual guarantees, and opposed saying any- 
thing concerning a consular convention. He proposed the 
same course with reference to evidences of insult and injuries 
against American commerce by France, as was pursued in 
case of Great Britain; a remonstrance against French out- 
rages to be made in mild and calm terms. Payment of claims 
for property purchased by the French government in Europe, 
East or West Indies should be urged but not demanded. 
France should be asked to pay for vessels and cargoes cap- 
tured and seized by ships of war or private ships and a com- 
mission of inquiry, like that with England, should be agreed 
to. No project of a new treaty, abolishing the old one, 
should be proposed to France nor laid before the senate. In 
many sentences McHenry quoted Hamilton's exact words. 

The perturbed condition of the public mind, when the 
extra session was called, is clearly shown by the letter John 
Henry, one of the senators from Maryland, wrote: 

1 "Bridge for both," in McHenry's handwriting, is written on the 
letter here. 



1797-1798] of James Mc Henry 223 

"3 Apr. 1797 
"My dear Sir, 

"Can you inform me what is the immediate object of 
the meeting of Congress. Is it probable that the session will 
be long. The attendance of the southern gentlemen, who are 
engaged in agricultural pursuits is very inconvenient, at this 
season of the year ; and if the session is to be of any continu- 
ance, it will be oppressive. 

"As you are in possession of the grounds of issuing the 
proclamation, you will oblige me by giving such information 
as you are at liberty to state. 

"Is the object an embargo, or does the state of our for- 
eign concerns, call for other measures, more injurious to our 
tranquility. Will the folly and madness of France force us 
into offensive acts. Altho' in my apprehension their ves- 
sels in some instance, have been hardly treated, and detained 
on grounds not satisfactory to my understanding of the treaty, 
yet these trifles will never be seriously stated as the cause of 
war; nor I trust will the treaty with Britain, be urged in 
the face of the world, as grounds of offensive operations 
against this country. 

"If your leisure will permit, do drop me a line, my 
solicitude is great & in the present state of imperfect health, 
not a little injurious to me. t 

"In the warmth of ancient friendship, I am sincerely 

"Yrs. Jno. Henry." 

On May 14, McHenry wrote Hamilton that he had added 
to, but changed naught of the latter 's draft. The president's 
speech, to be read to congress at the special session, 1 "exten- 
uates nothing, recommends proper measures, promises a fresh 
attempt at negotiation and declares the principles by which 
administration mean to be governed, in other words that the 
President will follow the principles of the late administration. 
It is not, perhaps, precisely such a speech as you would have 
written — a little too plain. It may, however, be better fitted 
on that account for the occasion." On the next day he wrote 
again 2 that a quorum was expected on the morrow. The em- 
peror has not made peace, had he done so, "it ought to have 
augmented our endeavours to meet hostility. As it is, proba- 
bly a new character will be given Pinekney with a secretary. ' ' 
On the 14th, McHenry had written Washington of the 

1 Hamilton, vi, 250. 

2 Hamilton, vi, 250. 



224 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xii 

• . 

speech and added: "Mr. Craik says you look well, God send 
that you may long look well and enjoy good health and that 
nothing that is to happen may be of such a nature as to disturb 
your consoling privacy and retirement. France, however, is 
playing a great game and has views perhaps little less exten- 
sive than those which opened upon the Roman Republic and 
deluged so great a portion of the world with blood. She does 
not appoint consuls over the countries she conquers, but she 
does* what is as effectual, permits them to erect themselves 
into republics and governs them by their own passions, or 
she annexes them to her own territory and governs them in 
Paris." 

Washington answered on the 29th, describing the daily 
routine of his life at Mount Vernon and apologizing for not 
answering several of McHenry's letters. * 

Adams now called together the cabinet and suggested 
sending a mission of three ambassadors to France, adding to 
Pinckney, Marshall of Virginia, and Gerry of Massachusetts. 
Fifteen years later, McHenry thus recalled the occasion in a 
letter to Pickering: "I well remember the meeting, for I 
have often thought of it since. It was composed of Mr. Wol- 
cott, yourself [Pickering], Mr. Lee, and myself. Mr. Adams, 
in a familiar way, said 'Gentlemen, what think you of Mr. 
Gerry for the mission?' None of the gentlemen offering to 
speak, I observed: 'I have served in the old Congress with 
Mr. Gerry. If, sir, it was a desirable thing to distract the 
mission, a fitter person could not perhaps, be found. It is ten 
to one against his agreeing with his colleagues.' Mr. Wol- 
cott made some remark. Mr. Lee and you were silent. Mr. 
Adams replied: 'Mr. Gerry was an honest and firm man 
on whom French acts could have no effect. He had known 
him long and knew him well. ' Nothing more was said on the 
letter to Pickering : 2 "I well remember the meeting, for I 
was next to incurring his enmity." 

A fortnight 3 after the letters to Hamilton and Washing- 
ton, McHenry wrote Pickering, after failing to find him at 
home when he called: "The more I weigh the measure of 
adding to the mission, instead of clothing Mr. Pinckney with 
a new character, the more I am inclined to distrust its policy 
and utility. 

1 Sparks, xi, 203. Ford, xiii, 391. 

2 February 23, 1811. Lodge's Cabot, 204. 

3 May 28, 1797. 



1797-1798] of James McHenry 225 

"The mere addition, in the first place, will convey an 
idea to Mr. Pinckney's friends that the President does not 
(for some reason or other) like to trust him alone; or that 
he thinks him incompetent to so important a transaction. 
This suspicion will operate mischievously on the relations of 
Mr. Pinckney: on the whole of the Rutleges and generally 
to the Southward, where they have great influence. In this 
point of view, it will certainly do no good. In the second 
place, the addition will serve to conciliate no person, or de- 
scription of men in the United States. The friends of the 
government have full confidence in Mr. Pinckney; and the 
enemies of it have acknowledged in the House of Representa- 
tives their reliance upon his integrity and honour; and have 
not suggested an idea that they wish for any other. On what 
ground then, it will be asked, and for what purpose, are two 
negotiators added to his mission, when both parties are satis- 
fied with the same man ? It will be remembered also that the 
idea of a commission of three took its rise from the supposed 
policy of incorporating into it a man of the opposition. In 
the third place, both parties in the House of Representatives 
have conceded and expressed in their speeches, in my hear- 
ing, that should Mr. Pinckney be clothed with new and extra- 
ordinary powers and be refused, that it would be sufficient 
cause of war. Having no expectation of getting an envoy of 
their own cast, they appear to have given up all idea of any 
addition to the mission. Both parties, therefore, seem to have 
relinquished the project of a plurality of negotiators for the 
present occasion. In the fourth place, the mission will be con- 
sidered defective, in as much as it will possess no merchantile 
character, being composed of lawyers only, neither of which 
have as yet acquired much continental reputation. Fifthly, 
it will be charged, as being expensive to the United States 
without apparent necessity, or advantage to countervail the 
expense. Sixth, it will be charged with being calculated to 
delay the negotiation, inasmuch as Mr. Pinckney must wait at 
Amsterdam, till the arrival of his coadjutors, by their refusal 
to serve, or by their requiring time, should they accept, to 
arrange themselves for the voyage. On the whole, I wish 
you to consider, whether it might not be expedient to have the 
nomination suspended till the President can review the sub- 
ject. For my own part, I have not been able to discover any 
advantage attending a trio. It will please nobody, not even 
those that may be nominated and will not ensure the United 



226 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xii 

States against a single possible evil, nor create to government 
one additional friend." 

This letter shows that McHenry did not always follow 
Hamilton as has been alleged, for Hamilton favored a com- 
mission, as we have seen. 

Adams later charged 1 that the secretaries, spurred on by 
Hamilton, showed inveterate prejudice against Gerry. This 
is clearly incorrect, as is shown by McHenry 's letter. Lodge, 
in his life of Cabot, 2 says McHenry 's account of the trans- 
action is at least perfectly natural and does not require a 
strong effort of the imagination from the reader. Either 
McHenry, a perfectly honorable man, has wilfully and know- 
ingly lied, or the inveterate prejudice against Gerry is greatly 
exaggerated by Adams. 

One of McHenry 's intimate friends and correspondents, 
Murray, was not allowed to remain long in retirement. His 
congressional term ended on March 4, and on April 10, Mc- 
Henry wrote Washington of his embarkation for Amsterdam. 
Later in the same month, Adams 3 wrote to his son, John 
Quincy Adams, from Philadelphia: "Mr. Murray of Mary- 
land, your old friend, with whom you formed your first ac- 
quaintance at the Hague is to succeed you," as minister to 
Holland, as Adams had been appointed minister to Portu- 
gal. "That gentleman [Murray] has been so long a mem- 
ber of Congress and has given such proofs of talents, amiable 
dispositions, and patriotic sentiments, as qualify him to do 
honor to the mission, as well as to his predecessor. ' ' 

This sending of Murray to Holland was destined to be 
of considerable importance to the United States government 
and gave rise to a series of long news letters from him to Mc- 
Henry, describing with great frankness the passing events, 
as they appeared to an observer at the Hague. The letters 
are of importance because they were written, not merely from 
one friend to another, but by the United States minister to 
a member of the president's cabinet. As soon as Murray 
landed he began writing and continued to send letters of 
great length with considerable frequency. 

The first of these letters is written at Helder (Texel), 
on June 9, 1797 : 

1 J. Adams, i, 287. Adams also mistakenly speaks of five heads of 
departments ; there were but four. 

2 Pages 104, 204. McHenry to Pickering, February 23, 1811. 

3 J. Adams, viii, 537. March 31. 



1797-1798] of James McHenry 227 

"My dear Friend, 

"After two months precisely it pleased god that we 
should land safely — & we are this moment come on Shore 
Finding a ship to N. York that sails this night & it is now 
seven — I seize the moment to drop a line to the Sec. of State 

— one to you & one to my brother, a british officer, who 
hoarded us about two hours, since told us that it was re- 
ported the Emperor had made peace — That G. B. was treat- 
ing through Hammond — & the King of Prussia dead — but 
as this is not authentic enough for Col. P 's office I said noth- 
ing of it. Mrs. M. sends her love to Mrs. McH. We were ter- 
ribly sick all the way. Dfandridge] is well. In real haste 
I pray god to bless you. always & 

"most affectionately yrs. 
"Wm. V. M." 

A week later, in the first of his news letters, he thus ex- 
pressed himself on our relations with France: 

"The Hague 22d. June 1797. 

"My dear Sir, 

"I just informed you from the Helder on the 9th. that 
on that day we arrived. Fortunately Mr. Adams was not gone 

— & I had the pleasure of meeting him at Amsterdam. This 
was lucky for me both because to meet so amiable and intelli- 
gent a man at all is desirable, & that the conversations I have 
had with him are to prove the only chance & resource of 
know [ledge] upon any of the foreign affairs connected with 
the U. S. that I am to enjoy & draw from independent of my 
own apprenticeship & experience — for the U. S. have never 
had a single book, paper — register or archive kept at this 
court that I can hear of and each successor is to take up 
business wh. may have been left unfinished — unless he has 
a copy of a memorial or two — either at the right or wrong 
end, or according to the light which doubtful intelligence on 
the spot may enable him. 

"From all I can collect however the government here 
is as well disposed as they durst appear to be towards the 
U. S. — & of course there will not be many occasions of great 
delicacy with them. They say nothing lately of a renewal 
of our treaty. Did I not hear that from the manner in which 
my appointment was taken up in the national assembly I 
should suppose they meant to have their American ministers 



228 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xii 

_ . 

at the Hague with out business — for Mr. Adams has deliv- 
ered his letter of Recall. I hear that the Delay of two days 
in my case arises from some papers that they have to make 
out — this is but report. 

"The french still preserve their piratical practices agt. 
our trade and probably will continue to do so until a spirit of 
Union shall display itself against them in America. This, 
united with the growing disposition in France for Peace, & 
a necessity of regenerating their navy, to wh. their West In- 
dia colonies are essential, would produce an opportunity for 
reflexion that would be embraced by parties agt. the Direc- 
tory and by the more worthy men of the new delegations, 
many of whom, as Marbois & Barthelemi & others, are doubt- 
less, not friends to America, but have sense enough to see the 
real policy of a good understanding with the U. S. But de- 
pend upon it their object, is not now to injure Great Britain 
by crippling her trade at present, than to dissolve the Union 
for the purpose of directing its affairs. They dread the 
growth of what they call the Anglo Americans. The tempta- 
tion of immediate plunder — the policy of wounding mortally 
a future rival to their marine greatness and those two ideas, 
coupled with a third, perhaps more precious to them, the giv- 
ing of a totally new direction to the commercial affairs of a 
country to whose commerce & consumption they think G. 
Britain must principally look for resuscitation after the war, 
will & must, to a set of beings inconceivably corrupt, prove 
a cause of war upon us, unless we remove the only founda- 
tion on wh. they can possibly expect success — internal dis^ 
cord. They certainly govern Europe at present & are plan- 
ning immense schemes of grandeur. One of their means at 
present, & for some time, in use is the getting possession of 
the Diplomatic corps of Europe — Sweden, Portugal (at 
this place), the U. S., & the Batavian Republic have all felt 
the determination. Even from the republic, they have re- 
jected a minister who belonged to the more worthy men & 

party here, because they a M already whom they 

approved — & I shall not be at all surprised if they reject 
every british mission till a man who suits them shall appear. 

"The british again endeavour to open negociation — 
through Mr. Trevor (brother of Ld. Hamden) whom Gibbon, 
in his miscellanies, talks well of. my own speculation is that 
they will not make peace wt. G. B. till they shall have try'd 
an invasion — from France — & This country. Here they 



1797-1798] of James McHenry 229 

have a larger collection of transports & about 25,000 more 
ready — with 13 sail of the line besides 16 from 50 to 20 
guns with in the Texel. They must know that England is 
more ripe than ever for a revolution — that an invasion, if 
even partially successful, would probably bring things to a 
crisis. France too, in peace with the continent, may con- 
centrate that immense force & those ardent spirits against 
Engd with a greater advantage of ground, having Batavia & 
Belgium & all France in her co-operation, than she ever had. 
Could she set in motion the revolutionary wheel in Engd. — 
& then, leaving her to her fate, turn all her attention to 
her marine & manufactures, she would have accomplished 
every thing. Of the Fate of Venice, you have heard no doubt. 
The plan, it seems, is to give Friuli Bergamo & some other 
districts of the Venetian territories to the Emperor — & in- 
demnify Venice out of the Papal territories wh. are to be 
divided with a ceremony as cold as the holiness used to exert 
over the division of kingdoms. The Idea of an Italian Re- 
public will not be abandoned by France, it is necessary to 
break the actual & family influence of the Emperor from the 
Southern side of his German dominions through all Italy. 
Genoa will probably go to or merge in the Sardinian Domin- 
ions. These are crude speculations, my dear friend — but I 
cd. not help the desire I had to converse mentally with you 
— & as yet I have no arranged correspondence & am not en 
train. 

"I find that the idea that the P. & V. P. are cordially 
united gives alarm to the enemies of our country & stability 
to our prospects in the eyes of European politicians. I am 
excessively anxious to hear of the proceedings of Congress — 
The Speech — the answers & how far your military business 
has answered. 

"Pray send me a list of your library (of the office) & I 
will select what is not there, if you please, & send what I get. 

"I am hammering away upon French. Mrs. M. writes 
to Mrs. McHenry to whom remember me with respectful 
kindness — not forgetting my young friend Mr. John Mc- 
Henry. 

' ' In writing to Col. Pickering, I have not thought myself 
at liberty to indulge much in Speculation — & of facts of 
authority I could not be master of them. D'Estade, I ob- 
serve, in his official letters reserves himself — & as short — 
simple, & generally confined to what has been done — give 



230 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xii 

me your opinion on this will you. God bless you & yours, 
my dear friend & believe me always 

"Affectionately 
"W. V. M." 

President Adams wrote to Pickering from East Chester, 
October 26, 1797 : "Mr. Murray x arrived in season to renew 
his old friendship with his predecessor [J. Q. Adams]. They 
had spent some weeks together at the Hague, more than a 
dozen years ago. Mr. Adams had an opportunity to intro- 
duce Mr. Murray to his friends and to communicate to him 
the train of affairs ; an advantage which Mr. Murray earnestly 
wished before he sailed from Philadelphia." 2 

McHenry forwarded Murray Adams's speech to congress 
on May 23 and on July 14, the latter answered as follows : 

"My dear Sir, 

"Your favour of the 23d May was truly a cordial to 
me — as it evinced a friendship of which I never doubted 
& consoled my jaded mind with the prospects of better opin- 
ions in my own country & of a better State of public affairs. 
The Speech, we had seen through the kindness of the Bank- 
ers, who always get intelligence very early so propitious are 
the winds from America to the views of these exceedingly 
money loving politicians & financiers of private wealth — & 
so very unpropitious are they to the conveyance of ministers 
& dispatches to them. Genl Pinckney, who is here, immedi- 
ately, with his accustomed vigilance sent a copy (manuscript) 
off to Paris that the Directory might be anticipated & the pub- 
lic get an ungarbled edition of it, neat as imported — for they 
stick not at altering, omitting &c — if they get the first blow, 
immediately after, I sent off to Paris through Genl. P. — (as 
a friend of mine used to send to Fenno & as I used to give to 
that manifest friend of brilliant paragraphs & pointed hits) 
attempting to point out to the public a line of conduct which 
a profound policy would dictate to the Directory, — viz — a 
generous & elevated course towards the U. S. ; — pointing out 
to them the egregious mistakes of G. B., both during the rev- 
olution & since, in not seizing upon moments favourable to 
great impressions, by wh. the amity of the country might 
have been secured, that this was the critical moment, in wh. 

1 J. Q. Adams was almost at once transferred to Berlin. 

2 On August 7. 



1797-1798] of James McHenry 231 

France should defeat the views of G. B. upon our affections, 
by acting a handsome part ; that in such a state of things the 
people & Govt. U. S. would probably receive even common 
justice, as an act of grace &c — that there was no ground 
of war; & that being the case, the true policy of France was 
to show so handsome a conduct towards U. S. as would place 
her at least upon a footing with her rival in our opinions at 
the peace : that, if the peace found us in our present irritated 
State, G. B. wd. reap much more of our good opinion & of our 
commerce, than she was entitled to — and that the present 
state of things, being friendly between U. S. & G. B. she 
wd. have some ascendancy, upon that ground, in the nego- 
ciation for Peace, if France continued to have a quarrel with 
a nation so vigorous & unbroken by taxes as the U. S. are & 
in the vicinity of the islands wh. wd. be in a very helpless 
State on the peace & need american supplies & friendly inter- 
course — this & much more of similar sort of prosing went 
to be drest in French & to a confidential person — but wt. 
out name known to any at Paris. I have not seen it since. 
My anxiety is exceedingly great, indeed, upon the present 
state of the question between France & the U. S. Depend 
upon it that, from all I can hear of the public opinions at 
paris, they have not one single sound opinion upon our sub- 
jects — none of them. They all, in their heart, consider us as 
proper for ally'd dependants & under eternal obligations to 
them and that the PEOPLE U. S. are with them, merely be- 
cause the great mass of the people there dislike G. Britain & 
have manifested some marks of esteem for the French revolu- 
tion. I have seen a letter from a member of the council of 
ancients explicitly upon the various questions. He thought 
the Directory wrong in their rough treatment of Mr. Pinck- 
ney — but through his whole letter insisted upon vague un- 
defined injuries wh. the U. S. had done France by the Treaty 
of 19. Nov. '94 — That we must give satisfaction for these 
injuries — & took it for granted that we owed our national 
existence to France & a gratitude wh. rendered our late eon- 
duct monstrous — outwardly he is a violent party man agt. 
the Directory upon these points — writes against them & 
speaks against them — but it is merely he hates the Directory. 
If any thing is to be done, it is through the passions of such 
men who would do right from spleen & to inculpate their own 
executive. If, however, no language of concession is held by 
0-sngress — (& there was in debate something like it, on or 



232 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xn 

about the 3d. June on the word "indignation") & you arm, 
provide a navy for the country & hold up, I would risk my 
head that they would feel the importance of amity with the 
U. S., particularly as her force thus brought upon the parade, 
ought be most surely felt by the West Indies, if carry 'd into 
use. Her vast maritime possessions in Europe add new im- 
portance to the West India Islands. She must be the rival 
of England in marine — to this the islands have been & will 
again be considered as necessary — I see no hold upon France 
at present but our relationship to those islands. 

"What can the new commission do except gain time? 
I speak entirely to you. The object of France is to make 
you break your treaty with G. B., or to dissolve the union, 
that we may be her dependents. Her efforts will be in Amer- 
ica through this very negotiation to bring the Govt, of our 
country & the People too to this point — a war, or an abandon- 
ment of the british treaty, in a proposal of such a nature, 
the chances are not absolute evil to her — but merely that 
negative one of disappointment. It will be success if she 
breaks the Treaty, wh. I do not expect; for that wd. be Sov- 
ereignty over us. If she produced civil commotion (wh. I 
do not expect) She Succeeds amply in her diabolical scheme. 
This I do not expect — for the conduct of France to all the 
Italian States, but especially to Venice demonstrates, & by 
this time it must be acknowledged in all America, that she 
revolutionises exclusively with a view to her own aggrandise- 
ment — & that, after having destroy 'd a Govt., to render the 
nation impotent, she parcels out, & sells to a crowned Head! & 
her bitter enemy & the enemy of the State thus sold, just what 
parts and parcels of the revolutionised & subverted States may 
suit her interests. Istria and all Venetian Dalmatia, and, 
Friuli, on the Italian side — and some other small districts, 
were Sold to the Emperor, in lieu of Belgium, at the peace 
of the Emperor & Buonaparte, this is, by this time, known 
among you — it is not deny'd even in France that all the 
north of Italy has been plundered of immense value in silver 
& gold & jewels, part of which goes, & it is but a drop for 
a good brother to give, from Buonaparte to his sister on her 
marriage to one of his Generals, viz 500,000 Liveres in silver. 
From the poor wretched Venetians, he has exacted Five 
hundd. thousand Ducats & they are to maintain the French 
army till it leaves them! To pay in naval stores 3,000,000 — 
Six ships of the line — To say nothing of 40 of the best paint- 



1797-1798] of James McHenrij 233 

ings — three bronze Lions & Horses of St. Marc's &e. This 
after having sent in an order, during a time of Neutrality, to 
the Senate to change the Govt. — and this order sent to a 
Govt., wh. though certainly wretched, was the favourite of the 
people, which is a Fact. In that awful moment, it will grati- 
fy you to know, that in such a Senatorial Herd as that which 
abandoned the Government upon a Vote — Five Senators were 
found to dissent — these are probably the descendants of the 
Five houses Whom I have heard of still living — in a right 
line from the original Senate of 700 years since. This coun- 
try also, as an instance, must be familiar to the just fears of 
our country. The French have literally plundered the pock- 
ets, though not the houses of Batavia. The maintenance of 
an army of 25,000 men now quartered & shifted about from 
town to Town — in small bodies of 1000 — or 1500 men — ■ 
must be added. These are at the expence of Batavia. They 
are Fed, & enormously fed; clothed, & elegantly clad; paid & 
generously & excessively paid, in a thousand secret [ways] 
at the expence of this unhappy country. And the expence of 
these over expensive men, exceeds that of an army of 35,000 
during the war, of national troops. Nine million Stirling is 
daily paying into the French pockets — agreeably to their 
treaty, as a sort of ransom. To raise this in a country, where 
taxation had reached almost every mode & article of life, be- 
fore their treaty wh. France, the people are literally prest to 
earth. A prodigious fever is visible even among all ranks — 
but the muzzle is placed Upon their lips — partly by their 
own act — & partly, it is true, by such a train of events as 
was not long since coming upon the U. S. — & which scarcely 
anything short of the present rupture could have arrested. 
After these two terrible instances, america will never lend an 
ear to the wiles & the hypocrisy of France — and while her 
just & correctly national opinions are Set in open day against 
the influence of great Britain, she will be taught to guard that 
subtle Tyger which has ravaged the liberties & wealth of ev- 
ery nation that has been fool enough to trust her causes, & 
doctrines; & wavering enough not to Arm & be ready. Half 
measures ruined Venice — they will any nation with whom 
France, Monarchy or Republic, moderates or Jacobins shall 
come into unequal contact of friendship or confidence. The 
passions of the people in America must be set completely 
against the French or our independence will fall & they ought 
to be excited not by Govt, as that is negociating — but by a 



234 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xii 

display of every part that illustrates the terrible consequences 
of admitting them into confidence or permitting approval. 
To gain time is a great deal — & I know nothing better that 
could have been done, indeed it was essential, as during 
this, we aim & continually put them ever in the wrong — find- 
ing the negociation, I expect they will attempt to show to the 
people U. S. that it would be an easy thing to gain their friend- 
ship & support, wh. they will hold out as valuable in some 
tempting shape or other ; — & they will do it for the purpose 
of convulsion, if they can not drive the negociation from their 
rock of right, — & probably still keep the negociation open. 
If however we arm & the people are united, as I am sure from 
your letter & my recollection they are, & the congress speak a 
united language of support to the issue of the negociation & 
particularly of the President (whom they the French hate or 
late hated) their plans will fail; & though we shall never 
get redress, we shall get out of this quarrel honourably, & the 
national mind will become truly National. As to the negocia- 
tion you are very strong both in men & matter — for vindica- 
tion & for assertion. Genl. P. is a very clever man, shrewd & 
vigilant — a good scholar & a good lawyer. I dare say — of 
Judge Dana, I know nothing personally — but he of course 
is skillful in the use of argument, fact &c — and as to Mr. 
Marshall, they have no mettal equal to him. In fact, they are 
able men & good ones. But what can they do ? can they con- 
vince"! "Were the point, for reasoning & for Justice, they 
could convince — but the dispute on their side will assume the 
air of wounded Sensibility — they will not reason, but expect 
a flood of Sentiment to heal this wound — &, in that healing, 
no Sentiment short of an affection veryfied by concessions that 
thwart our true Sovereignty, & that retrospectively disgraces 
every principle of Neutral Justice for four years back will 
satisfy them — as to reasoning, there could be no doubt, if 
your Corps of generals, Sanctify 'd by the ermin of Justice, 
would once bring them into a pitched battle — but depend 
upon it they will be all nerve — all sensibility — & unless 
your commissioners are prepared upon that tangled track, 
they will not be attentively heard. What are the 'concessions' 
which in one day's debate I saw alluded to by my excellent & 
orthodox friend Mr. Sitgreaves, wh. he said all were agreed 
upon, I can not divine certain that the term can neither mean 
the sacrifice of our Domestic honour in points of Sovereignty, 
nor of our existing engagements, I can imagine but one thing 



1797-1798] of James McHenry 235 

which it may mean. A determination, in revising the Treaty 
of Feb. 1778, to place France on the same footing with G. 
Britain & Spain — or to give np, in the new treaty, those 
provisions which at the time we considered as benefits to us 
when Neutral — & which France may consider the surrender 
of, as a concession — as Free bottoms — the list of contraband 

— & the provision article &c — to give her such in the re- 
vised old, or the new Treaty or as in that of G. Britain — but 
else what can we have to concede, as we are the grossly injured 
& insulted nation. But my dear friend, I know we think 
alike. "We know that this noise about the British Treaty is 
but rank Pretence. I have assured Genl. P. that the note 
taken had not fully stated or had misrepresented the Debate 

— as Mr. Sitgreaves is undoubtedly as orthodox a man as is 
in the Union — & we know 7 him to be able & sincere, and also 
Firm and dignify 'd in his purposes. Dana also, a good man, 
seemed to take it for granted that some concessions were to be 
made — but the cursed note takers spoil every thing — yet I 
would not for a million of dollars, that the paper which we 
read here Should be read at Paris by the Directoire. Genl. 
Smith's statement of the few vessels captured by France as- 
tonished us. 

"Genl. P., daily almost, received letters from consuls in 
France & from Paris exhibiting lists of captures — & this 
sort of grievance is of so old an origin, that it is impossible 
that the information shd. not have reached congress — even 
the American traitors in France whose privateers, fitted out 
under french commissioners from france & in France, which 
weekly bring in vessels (American) from our ports, some 
bound to France other to Dutch ports & some to Ostend, and 
plunder them & get them condemned — on the most frivolous 
pretences — even these must laugh in their sleeves at the prop- 
osition that few are taken. It is notorious here. I have been 
apply 'd to by the house of Salomons, Amsterdam, to whom our 
ship, the good friends, was consigned, to give my opinion 
whether it was safe to send her, agreeably to Mr. Girard's 
discretionary power to them, to Bourdeaux — on enquiry I 
answered they must judge & stated these facts. ' The Mineral 
Springs, Capt. Boylton, stopped at Estaples by the Commis- 
sary of the Navy. The Romulus of Charles Town S. C, com- 
ing to ostend (since released by orders of the minister of ma- 
rine). The William of N. P., Rhode Island, Capt. Baker, 
going to Bourdeaux, Captured & sent into L 'Orient by the 



236 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xii 

■ " ■■'■■'■■■ ■ ' ■ '^ ■ — — « 

Privateer Eagle, said to belong to an American of Boston, now 
in Paris, the cargo of the Win., coffee & sugar. The Briseis 
of N. York bound to Rotterdam, coffee & sugar all belonging 
to Messr. Seaman Rutgers & Ogden of N. Yrk, taken — carry 'd 
into Nantz. Catharina of Newbury port, owned by Messr. 
Anthony & Moses Davenport from Dumfries with Tobacco 
shipped by Furguson, Henderson, & Gilson bound for Rotter- 
dam, taken & carry 'd in. ' They take our ships, they say, be- 
cause they have no Bole D' Equipage &, by bribing part of the 
crew, & if bribing will not do, condemn without the slightest 
reason. The practice, it is true, varies in different ports — 
but this variance, though sometimes productive of appearances 
of Justice, is treacherous, for it is part of a scheme to distract 
— to excite hope & attachment in some & general dread of this 
power in all. It rests on the assumed position of France, that 
she acts by her own rules, & liberates herself from the tyranny 
of all nations, by disavowing the obligations of the law of 
Nations, or of adopting its rules, according to her convenience. 
Nothing can be said to such a nation, but that we wish cordial- 
ly for Peace with you, but we can & will injure you, if you 
will injure us — & show the power to support this self-defen- 
sive language. Nothing else can stop that career towards gen- 
eral & Rome-like Dominion, but a species of universal police 
and armed one too, among the nations, who shall for many 
years to come have an acquaintance and a connection with 
her. In fact the tendency of things flowing from this infernal 
war is certainly to form all nations who are not her dependents 
to introduce a greater degree of the military spirit than was 
formerly necessary; to force all independent governments to 
be more or less military in their character & unhappily to ren- 
der' all her dependent friends, unmilitary. In every thing, she 
preserves Roman maxims ; — & the execrable corruption & 
slavishness of Europe have, it seems to me, prepared them 
for a fate similar to that which overwhelmed Europe, Asia, & 
Africa with the stagnating & bitter waters of Roman alliance, 
conquest, & subjugation — for instance, the Roman Republic 
took upon herself, generously, to defend & protect her con- 
quered or influenced allies. In every spot, when a French 
army, or her influence, has got or become from circumstances 
complete, She does the same — & even, in her own country, 
the people were disarmed. Paris is at this moment disarmed. 
These consequences, instead of producing what the real phil- 
anthropists imagined, & what till three years since, I believed 



1797-1798] of James McHcnry 237 

would arise, a greater portion of civil liberty to Europe, will 
tend, more than even the Feudal System, to enslave mankind 
— for it must produce military Despotism, acting over people 
who have lost the elevated tone & taste of the Feudal times — 
nothing but the fear of a greater influence has prevented 
Spain from calling in French troops to join in her meditated 
attack upon Portugal — this fear, however, will Save Portu- 
gal, as Spain is unequal to its conquest. 

" It is a fact that almost the whole of the Diplomatic corps 
of Europe in its inferior orders, I mean as to rank, as Secre- 
taries, Charge Des affaires & men who are even higher, but 
who were lately in that grade, are Jacobinical Philosophers — - 
all clerks, servants, & the efficient men employ 'd to work the 
business of affairs are so — this is the case, whether they be- 
long to Republics or to Monarchies. Every man of reflexion 
seems to be endeavouring to acquire an apathy against all pos- 
sible contingences & changes — & a vague uncertain sort of 
fear has taken possession of all men that some vast change in 
human affairs is not far distant — they see that all the old 
sources of power are drying up — that authority is stripped 
of its weight by reasoning scepticism. That though ignor- 
ance & superstition seem removed by the complete diffusion 
of books which reaches all sorts of people, yet real & whole- 
some knowledge is not increased, when it ought to be — & 
that though superstition be extinguished in appearance, mor- 
als, instead of gaining, have lost ground by the convulsions & 
habitual strokes of that violence which removed it — a gen- 
eral scepticism upon all things exists — and men of specula- 
tion are lost in the magnitude of that crisis which they think 
they deserve — almost all this depends upon France. If she 
got into order. If she restored the christian religion & could 
possibly restore her morals, the tide of insubordination might 
stop. If she continue, as she has gone on, a great crisis must 
come upon Europe, in which nothing but military despotism 
will at all hold society in a tolerable state of combination. In 
that country, there is nothing like a settled opinion. They 
love, all of them, as they ought, France above anything imag- 
inable. But their love is connected with ten thousand various 
directions of self interest & party views. From exceedingly 
good information, it is probable, that the majority of that 
nation are tired with their Theory of Republicanism, & wish 
for a King — & it would not be wonderful if the Prince de 
Conde or the Duke of Orleans, according to party force, were 



238 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xii 

brought into administration. The Jacobins would support 
the last. Clubs are now getting head once more, though con- 
trary to the constitution, & are endeavouring to rouse the peo- 
ple of Paris, for the nation has little or nothing to do with 
politics, on the score of danger arising from the royalists. 
This charge is partly true, & partly owing to party hatred, 
which affixes to its adversary all sorts of opprobrious names. 

"The embarkation of 15,000 french & Dutch on board the 
transports at the Texel & the appearance of a movement of 
the dutch fleet, wh. has been kept within the Texel a long time 
by a very few british ships at anchor, have excited much spec- 
ulation — 500,000 Guilders went to it the other day from, 
this place for contingent service. The real object is a secret 
that I am not master of. Hoche was here some days very 
lately & a few, Then, of the Dutch public men, were admitted 
into his councils at the French minister 's — he has returned. 
Some say this armament is against the Elbe — to block that 
up — others agt. Hanover — but that can not be, as the King 
of Prussia would preserve its neutrality & it has an army of 
30,000 very fine troops, my own conjecture is that it is an 
alarm to G. Britain — probably intending also to try the 
Dutch sailors in an engagement with Duncan's squadron — 
French troops are put on board the new man of war, also. 

"Lord Malmsbury & his suite and a splendid one it is, 
are at Lisle with the French commissioners — Belgium, which 
was a principal obstacle, is removed by its cession to the Em- 
peror, in Bonaparte's Peace. 

"Genl. Pinckney & family — Maj. Rutledge who ought to 
be secretary of Legation, as he is a very fine young man & has 
had the rough of the business — & the Genl's. nephew Mr. 
Hory are in lodgings near us — this Mr. Mountfiorance is a 
great acquisition — as he is alert & intelligent. The Genl. is 
much pleased with his commissioners. I do as you tell me, 
try to please the Dutch — but I must tell you entre nous (you 
see I progress in french & I read nothing else) that as yet I 
have, perhaps, received as little active politeness here from 
any one, as ever minister or traveller did. They (the com- 
mittee) have, it is true, returned my visit wh. I made as is 
usual — but I saw none of them, as they either sent cards, 
or I was actually out when they called. They seem to me 
very distant. 

"We are yet in lodgings at an hotel — one subject I wish 
to speak to you upon particularly. The American Hotel — 



1797-1798] of James McHenry 239 

as a minister I am to live in it — I so informed the Bankers 
who, Mr. Adams told me, had the care of it & there were in it 
two or three poor families. I, at the same time, wrote to them 
to know, if they had a prospect of selling it to advantage. 
They answered they had never had orders to sell it — & had 
not heard a sylable upon the subject. I had heard of some 
intention of selling. Mr Van Staphorst told me they meant to 
repair it, so as to preserve it from the weather, for the win- 
dows were rotten & the roof excessively out of repair — that 
they had an original authority that extended to common re- 
pairs for the keeping up of the house & to prevent its abso- 
lute decay & they wished to put it into repair. I had prev- 
iously told them that I intended to repair the rooms wh. I 
should use, at my own expence — & that all wh. I could expect 
of them was such a repair as they wd. have given it merely to 
preserve the house. He said he would do as I wished but that 
they had been in the habit of giving it occasional repairs & 
charged them to Govt. We got a workman & I made him 
note down every repair & its place or part of the house — 
that I might divide the expence with the Govt, upon the prin- 
ciple, that I would pay for all repairs, except such as they 
considered essential to the preservation of the building — 
these points are in this country particularly the windows, — 
the out doors — painting of these — & mending the outside 
— my part I considered to be painting in side, white washing 
& papering — parts of the carpenters work inside wh. little I 
considered as the Bankers affair. They said they would 
charge the whole to Govt. & if they did not authorise it, I 
should pay it. I agreed to this, so it stands — in fact, noth- 
ing will be done to it by this repair (for I intend to give it 
one myself when I get in & have more time) which is not in 
a degree essential to the House, either as a tenement — or a 
subject of Sale. If the Govt, will sell it — It will sell best in 
other times — for now it would not sell for a 20th part of its 
value — as it is very large and has a garden back of it would 
sell, after — even this repair, probably, for twice as much as 
it would have done without it. All the ministers here have 
houses belonging to the Govt. wt. the Arms over the door — 
as ours has. It will be more respectable to live in it than, in 
lodgings, or a hired small house in a bye part of the Town, 
for a marry 'd man. I do not wish you to speak to the Secre- 
tary of State, on it — but to give me your opinion upon my 
proceedings. If you think there will be the least emotion — 



240 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xw 

* ■ 

pray tell me & I will prevent the Bankers from making the 
charge and pay the bill which will be about 150£ Sterl, myself. 
If I am here two years, it will just be about the rent of a small 
house. Though the size of it will render it to one, in my small 
way, a much less comfortable residence than a small & well 
finished house. 

"As to Lisbon! ! — my dear friend, if it comes or not, 
I feel as I ought so as you know I do with a sincere sense of 
your constant kindness to me. It would be excellent — the 
climate fine &c — but my humble merits have been already 
over valued. I am sincere — to know myself has been a pur- 
suit of some standing with me. I am only astonished, some- 
times, when I find myself forsooth here as I am — dear me ! 
how this world is carry 'd on ! 

"As to these commissioners — believe me, I have been 
relieved from great terrors. I dreaded, lest the news of the 
mutiny in the british fleet & the appearance of peace general- 
ly — the existing peace & triumphant one of France wt. the 
Emperor all coming upon you might have damped that manly 
ardour that became us & led to a concession in the appoint- 
ment of at least the middle commissioner whom France has 
as far as she could do Dictated. I mean him who tells what 
the greatest philosophers have said upon all subjects. He 
could not have sustained that plan wt. out making a sacrifice 
of all he has said & done for six years. His duty wd. have 
led him to justify our Govt, how could he have done that! 
I do rejoice — & I can see the administration all unite firmly 
against a pressure of party address or influence exceedingly 
powerful for his nomination. 

' ' How ardently I wish to hear from you, you can not con- 
ceive, as you are not in a distant country — in a scene that 
every moment affords visible proof of the danger we run, if 
preparation, union, & especially a firm appearance are not the 
result by this very day of our councils — god almighty direct 
them ! 

"To write with more freedom you need not sign your 
name. I also do not — you can put my name on the endorse- 
ment &c. I wrote a few days after I got here. Tell me, in 
perfect confidence, if I go too much in to speculation & opinion 
in my letters to Col. Pickering, my means yet are extremely 
small — not that I ever expect to equal the comprehensive 
digestion of my predecessor — who is really a very learned 
and able man & was exceedingly cordial in his communica- 



1797-1798] of James McHenry 241 

tions to me — he was here but a very short time after my ar- 
rival. I got your letter just time to tell him, then wind: 
bound at Maas-Sluys (12 miles off) of his appointment — he 
sailed seven days since for London — in excellent health & 
good spirits & I hope by this time marry 'd to his beautiful & 
I hear very charming Miss Louisa Johnson. A young Baron 
de Bielfeld is here charge des affairs from Prussia, as soon as 
I saw the nomination mentioned in the paper wh. you sent me 
I wrote to him a note in confidence ! ! Stating it. He wishes 
to know if it be a steady & permanent appointment. I told 
him I did not know, but it probably was. There my dear Sir 

— is not that political & diplomatical intelligence ! you see I 
have secrets & tell them in confidence. Baron B. is a very 
clever youngish man — speaks english well — & I wanted to 
give him with a proper air of mystery the opportunity of 
making the earliest dispatch upon this subject — as I wish 
much to gain his information &c. 

' ' I wrote to Col. Pickering on the 30. June & shall write 
to day, or rather to night, as this letter has cramped my fingers 

— it is egregiously long — but I can not now fall in & greet & 
be greeted by you & Mrs McHenry — set down to a hot supper 
& preach up an austere abstinence — so I must write. 

"Mr V. Polanan's memorial was not among the papers 
wh. you enclosed. Don or Chevalier Yonge's was literally a 
curious thing. Col. Pickering completely discomfited the Sec- 
retary of the council of State & the member of the distinguish- 
ed order of Carlos the 3d. &c &c &c Genl. P. is much pleased 
with it. He laughs at 'the wheels of his carriage' which broke 
down & which appear to travel throughout the U. S. as among 
the most interesting parts of the detail. I wish the wheels 
had been omitted in publication — unless it was intended to 
show the crippled situation of his equipage & of course their 
brutality in driving from France a minister whose wheels were 
destroyd by their own roads. 

"A few days after I received yours of the 23 May — I 
heard that a ship had run ashore at the Texel from Philad. 
got 3 feet water in her hold — & that dispatches for Genl P. 
& myself were lost — two days after I got a letter from Mr. 
"Wolcott which was open at the end, appeared to have been 
wet — but of the others I can hear nothing. I subscribed to 
Fenno & paid him for one year. It would be a most pleasant 
thing if you would make him send them papered in strong pa- 
per in small bundles by ships going to any port in Holland. 



242 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xn 

I — _ — 

"The part of your letter respecting Genl. P. & young 
Rutledge gave both Genl. P. & his Secretary very great pleas- 
ure — as I took the liberty of reading that part to them. 

' ' Pecquet & some others you shall have with pleasure — 
there is not one at this place but at Ley den I shall get one. I 
shall send you Mably's Droit Public de 1' Europe with notes 
by Rousset — & Callier. I can not hear of the letters pub- 
lished at Amsterdam on Neutrality but will still seek for them. 

1 ' The excessive moisture of this country has affected me a 
little but, thank god, I enjoy good health compared to any- 
thing I have tasted these two years. 

"I am my dear friend with sincere 
and affectionate esteem yrs always 

"Genl. P. comes in and knowing that I had just written 
requests his respects & compl. to you & that he will get the 
books you spoke to him about — & will write in a fortnight 
to you. 

"The inclosed letter to the president (Mr. Adams) I will 
thank you to have delivered to him — on the day when you 
receive it." 

On the wrapper of the letter Murray wrote urging firm- 
ness: 

"In sending this large wrapper, its white surface tempted 
me, as it is to go so very far to my friend, again to speak upon 
the wish nearest my heart & to which all my reflexions tend 
from what I can hear & know. That you shall put the peace 
of the country into a good attitude. Arm the Executive with 
means to sustain a certain port & carriage with the Directory — 
repress every thing in Congress that the French might mistake 
for two opinions upon their conduct — you actually raise an 
army & put the keels down for the Large Frigates and for 
the small ones, and enable the negociators to agree as well as 
to explain — then my dear Sir we shall have peace with 
France — of Half measures, I mean as to preparation against 
* * * & a certain decided & well supported purpose sufficiently 
manifested, though accompany 'd by a sincere disposition at 
the same time to settle & adjust amicably — of half measures, 
my dear Sir, look at Venice ! It will be said this will be useless 
expense and you will want an armed neutrality against that 
state of things which will take place after the peace. I sin- 
cerely hope that, if the old treaty of 1778 is to be revived — 






1797-1798] of James McHenry 243 

the Free ships free goods may be omitted. The internal code 
of France has always contravened it & always will — & no 
nation will observe it, unless the neutrality be armed. If we 
can arm & enforce, it wd. be great for us — but that can not 
be expected. In 20 years, we shall be equal to its enforcement 
Were we to give to France a severe lesson for this break of 
that provision, we might hope to see it gratify 'd in the next 
war she has — but that is not intended. She & Gr. Britain 
must be at war in two or three years after this peace, shd. one 
take place — & then we should only go through a course of 
similar usage and have fresh cause of complaint & of complain- 
ing — ■ again good night. 

"Russia & G. B. in the month of Feb. made a commercial 
Treaty, in may it was ratify 'd — upon liberal terms — but 
nothing new in it." 

McHenry had .asked Murray to procure and forward him 
some text books on the art of war. On July 18, the minister 
writes, forwarding one of them. He also gives news as to 
France's position with reference to the United States. 

"My dear Sir, 

"Since I wrote the other day I have got you a second 
hand Pecquet — and enclose it with a paper or two from 
England wh. Mr Ross of Philad. brought over to this place. 

"Nothing yet transpired as to the actual propositions of 
the Negociaters at Lisle. What is singularly severe is though 
this Republic has provisionally appointed them commission- 
ers to treat in conjunction wh France, yet they wait for an 
invitation before they venture to send them ! There is much 
secret sensibility to this humiliating situation. I really do 
wish to see my friends the Dutch, happy, independant & 
strong. Spain also has, it is said, been checked on her sending 
on another minister, Cabarrus, to join. Her ordinary minis- 
ter, Marquis del Campo, I believe is not yet admitted to the 
negociation. Probably France will make more money out 
of both. If she chuses, she can say to them, when the negocia- 
tion has advanced, you are both to take care of your selves, 
unless you will do so and so for me — & force them, the Dutch 
particularly, into further sacrifices. The extent of the means 
of France is in her inventions — when once She has a people 's 
affairs in her power. Since I wrote some days since we have 
the Philad. papers with the answer as carry 'd — & have been 
extremely exhilirated by both the answer & the Speeches of 



244 Life qnd Correspondence [Chap, xii 

our fine fellows — would you think it — but I panted to be in 
the midst of them & to increase the dust of the race, if I could 
not run as fast & well as they. Mr. Dennis's I did not see. 
I am rejoiced in my successor. I knew he would be found 
worthy of the District & of public confidence. 

' ' I am getting more and more into the circles here. With- 
in these few days, means have been taken to impress me with 
the persuasion that the Directory mean to conciliate towards 
the U. States. A member of the national assembly visited me 
the other morning and assured me that as Batavia & France 
were so connected that what ever affected the last also would 
be felt by the first, it became important to ascertain exactly, 
the intentions of France respecting the U. States — that they 
had ascertained them decidedly to be not to have a rupture. 
I remarked that France had taken a singular way of manifest- 
ing such an intention — that the U. States would seek the 
means of continuing Peace & amity with sincerety — but that 
she was also united & prepared for the worst, if her means 
failed — & then spoke of the high animation that united all 
men, in a band as strong in union, & greater in means, than 
was seen in 76. That parties lost their distinctions in what 
they considered as a second question of Independence & that 
the Government was stronger than ever &c. He said he was 
convinced that there would be no war. This gentleman is a 
warm but honest revolutionary — Is with the French — & a 
confidential man with them. I wished this channel to carry 
an impression to the French minister, who is of a conciliatory 
disposition, agreeably to the principles of French conciliation 
& is considered as among the most moderate men among them. 
Since, I saw him — He exprest a wish that matters might be 
made up — & his decided expectation that they would be ; 
that he could say so, because he had the day before (this was 
yesterday) received dispatches from the Governt. to that ef- 
fect. I assured him that, while the United States sought 
Justice, He would find that they did it in a spirit so perfectty 
conciliatory that it would not be their fault, if every senti- 
ment of amity were not only revived, but very much encreas- 
ed. God forbid that the very same sentiment of amity should 
even revive, much less be encr eased! All this, however, on 
the part of the French or their friends here I consider, as you 
certainly will — as used for the purpose of abating our exer- 
tions — of diminishing, in our eyes, the appearances that lead 
to preparation on our side — all this flummery is meted out 



1797-1798] of James McHenry 245 

too at a moment when they go on, with encreased vivacity, in 
both taking and condemning our vessels — & when they pub- 
lish in the Redacteur (the official paper) the intelligence of 
the petition of the owners of privateers at Nantz, in support 
of the hostile proceedings of the Directory, as A Complete 
Answer to Pastorets arguments against the Directory on our 
relations. Were it not monstrous, it would be ridiculous, to 
hear this language of conciliation under such circumstances 
of extreme insult & provocation. But they will come down 
in their language, because they see we rise in ours — they 
will do this, though they do not alter their conduct — & if 
they find it politic to do justice, they will then say, we always 
held this language, since we heard of their new negociation 
that was intended & wh. show'd that the U. S. meant to ex- 
plain. The expense of preparation, though hard upon us all, 
will be a tax upon them, as it will be in the account of national 
sentiment against them & will lead to that glorious independ- 
ence of all European states which will make us a nation. If 
it save us honourably from a war — and nothing but that can, 
it will be a trifle. If it do not, it will have made us ready to 
meet it. 

"I write in great haste. Doubts are entertained of the 
new constitution of this country. M. Noel, the French Min- 
ister, yesterday, wrote a note to the National assembly, in- 
forming them that the Directory of France felt the most earn- 
est wish that the new constitution may be adopted. This is 
Internal Sovereignty for the national assembly. I hear that, 
while they were upon the constitution, he used to send to them 
to hasten the work. This was & is kind. But not essential to 
their exercise of Sovereignty. 

"A westerly wind actually came up to save appearances 
— & prevent the Fleet from getting out of the Texel. But 
they can not attempt it. I wish they were as independent & 
as strong in marine as in the great days of Tromp ! 

"I shall write soon — very soon — if my dispatch for 
the Secretary of State wh I have kept open should not arrive, 
when this does, you need not say ought of this. 
''Yours always my dear Sir 
& most affectionately" 

Some weeks later, he writes again, urging that a firm 
position be taken by the United States, but saying that if 
America does not take a sufficiently strong position, he, never- 



246 Life qnd Correspondence [Chap, xii 

theless, will try to explain a weaker attitude to his country's 
advantage. 

''The Hague 7. Augt. 1797. 
"My dear Sir, 

"At length, in an auction of old books, I picked up a 
Pecquet 's Le Esprit de maxims for you & now send it. I am 
looking out for Lempredi on the rights of neutral nations, wh., 
when I get, I will send also to you. I was so lucky as to get 
your No. 1. — but none since & expect a line from Mr. Wolcott 
& two letters from Col. Pickering. I have not received any 
thing from America. If Penno would seal up his Week's 
papers, for wh. I have paid him in advance & send each packet 
to Mr. Girard, in whose ship I came — Mr. G., I am sure, would 
put them in a way to some port in Holland — & I am so ex- 
tremely anxious sometimes upon the State of things at PhilacL 
that I would give their weight in gold for late papers. 

"My dear Sir, I fear — much fear that nothing will be 
done by congress that will bear out your negociators with 
spirit. I am well aware of the folly & wickedness of any rash 
step that would do mischief — but I am certain that Spirit — 
guided by moderation in its display — & PREPARATION 
alone can insure PEACE. A weak nation must arm as well 
as negociate — a powerful one need not always. A nation sup- 
posed to be divided must give a testimony of its union by those 
great preparatory measures, which never would be taken unless 
the country was united. Preparation must be the evidence that 
we are united & that we are not French. Doubtless France 
has several objects. First, to destroy british commerce. Sec- 
ondly, to plunder, while she produces this end — thirdly, to 
produce eventually disunion, that she may erect any part into 
an independent government, as she has The Lombardy Re- 
public, Genoa & Batavia — part of the scheme she has ac- 
complished, the plunder of our trade — this is among her 
means of forcing us to give up british commerce. If she finds 
us not united, she will urge the necessity of giving up the 
Treaty & of making such a Treaty with her as the Dutch have 
done — & in the party struggle upon her propositions, she 
will expect to see the completion of her grand scheme — a 
dissolution of the union & a revolution in the U. S., in which 
she would occupy all the ground she could. A united & most 
decided tone, attended by armed preparation, alone can lead 
her to listen to reason — our relation from situation to the 
colonies, & especially to the dominions of her ally, Spain, 



1797-1798] of James McHenry 247 

would, if we arm & treat, give us very high ground. Unless 
we have the virtue to encounter present evil in taxes I am 
convinced we shall have to meet one much greater — War. 

"There is little expectation of Peace between France & 
G. B. Ceylon & the Cape of good hope are among the obstacles. 
G. B. will not yield them to the Dutch — she probably might 
to Portugal as Free ports. I have not, as you may have per- 
ceived, calculated upon Peace this Summer. This is import- 
ant to the U. S. The mutiny in the B. navy, I have feared, 
would tend to destroy the energy in Congress, as though no 
alliance was thought of, if we were forced into war, there w'd 
be a national co-operation between all the enemies of France. 
The british navy, however, is now more energetic than ever — 
Discipline restored & even mended, neither France, Spain nor 
this Republic venture their fleets out of the harbour. The 
moderates too in the councils of France daily confirm their 
influence over the public mind. They are rather more rational 
than the others — &, of course, if we show union & can con- 
vince them that they have no chance of Striking a great blow 
for their own country through our inviting weakness & dis- 
union, these men will, if any ever will in France, do us some- 
thing like justice. Parties are again critically high in Paris. 
The army of the Sombre & Meuse advance in detachments to 
the vicinity of the Capital, it is supposed to act with the 
Directory against the Cinque Cents. Depend upon it that 
devoted country is yet to unfold all the horrors which super- 
stition has accorded as the punishment of impious opinions & 
dissolute moral character. I wish our exclusive patriots could 
see & hear the Republicanism of Frenchmen in Europe, not as 
they write it, but practice it — if they could recollect in the 
most gloomy periods of Roman despotism or invent a scheme 
of practices more oppressive & at the same time more ambiti- 
ous, more sickening to the soul of any man who can pity the 
miseries & vices of the human species, I would agree to admit 
of the apology — and thank the apologist. I remember noth- 
ing worse. But this is like canting — yet so perfectly does 
the human nature appear trampled upon & so withered all 
the opinions resulting from the civilized state, it is impossible 
to be here & not be occasionally gloomy. The Batavians, to a 
certainty, will reject the constitution which has been in truth 
bastardized upon their bed by those French universal political 
cuckoos — but which it had been best for them to accept. If 
they reject, & to-morrow is the day of trial, the French will 



248 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xii 

force one down their throats — that they expect & lamentable ! 
Some of their best men wish it ! ! Such is their State — a na- 
tion without a political existence. By a Paris paper it is ex- 
ultingly said Congress has rejected the propositions to arm — 
except militia ! Sorrowfully did I read this. Since I saw 
this, I have said — As France had not made any great naval 
preparation to act eventually agt. us, America, strong in her- 
self conscious of her vast internal strength, waited the resuit 
of a conciliating negociation & that we reply on the justice of 
France & on reason. 

"I am alwavs most affectionately my dear 

"Yrs. faithfully" 

Four days later Murray wrote again, still urging firm- 
ness and complaining of the conduct of the French towards 
Americans. 

"The Hague 11. Augt. 1797. 
, "I wrote to you, my dear friend, on the 7th. — and since 
have seen in a N. York paper that little is to be expected from 
this Session. Sincerely do I lament! Several here in public 
life have asked me about this. I say to them France does not 
arm against us — & we can not. That if she had seamen & 
officers she has not revenue, that we are conscious of immense 
internal strength & that there is a perfect sincerity in the 
executive to treat amicably, that congress have gratify 'd the 
views of the Executive which were but for a small beginning 
— for that eight or Ten Frigates and so far ships are consid- 
ered as a trifle in a country whose tonnage bears near 40,000 
seamen & 66,000,000 of exports — & of course feeling the 
greatness & immediate readiness of resources that can be put 
into array if the worst Should come, we lay upon our oars till 
the disposition of France manifests itself. This is true too. 
But alas, alas! 

"France will urge us away the terms of returning grace 
and favour a loan of ten or more million of dollars. Paine 
industriously now circulates the idea that the clear unreturned 
expence of France, when she gave us our Independence ! ! was 
18,000,000 dolls. — & that it is as little as we can do to lend 
her as much at present — i. e. — give her as much. 

"Daily almost, I have to give passports to our citizens 
with French cockades. Those who are of the true blue, or 
have a special passport from M. Adet — or a letter from a 
member of the Government of France can obtain the necessary 



1797-1798] of James McHenry • 249 

indorsement of M. Noel, the French minister here — those who 
have not those mysterious recomendations are told by him, 
Sir, the arrete of the Directory renders these passports from 
all American ministers, nugatory — & you can not go into 
France, except you have a vessel under trial. This is the policy 
of France to let our citizens see & feel the importance of their 
own government — that as mere Americans they are nothing 

— & something only if Gallo- Americans ! Yet in the U. S. 
the treaty, which the french violate in all its provisions, is 
honourably maintained in all its rights ! 

"Sir, the day is past — & the Constitution, from the best 
intelligence, is Rejected by a large majority. I really do pity 
these good people — to be asked to quit the desk — their dykes 

— their strait walks — their calculations about stocks & their 
heavy taxes to study an abstruse volume of constitutional 
rights! It is impossible. 

' ' About Four to one voted, of those few who would vote, 
against the acceptation. I went on that day to Rotterdam, 
passed awhile at Delft, & returned next day to this place — 
all was still & apathic (if such a word be!) at Delft, out of 
1500 votes, 1100 won against adoption. Several told me they 
would not vote, because they did not understand such things 

— others, because the preliminary Declaration of the rights 
of man excluded the Prince of Orange — & others, because 
M. Noel had recommended it. Pray remember me to Mr. V. 
Polanen. The French will now give them one in the stile of 
the Italian Caesar. I can perceive attempts are making to 
obtain M. Noel's recall. He is too good a man, I believe, for 
the dirty work expected of him who is to regenerate a people 
by deception & gulling or fear & peace — though he can do a 
little at all — pray send the inclosed to the President — the 
News papers. Yours always most affectionately my dear 

"friend " 

During this time McHenry had been very much occupied. 
He had been cheered by such tokens of popular approval of 
the administration, as Hinclman sent him from Bellfield on 
May 7. 

"I did not receive your Letter of the 22d ulto. until last 
Evening, it having gone to an Office with which I have little 
Intercourse 

"A considerable change of Sentiment has taken Place 
here towards the French, I wish it was universal throughout 



250 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xii 

w . 

the United States, as I believe Them to be a perfidious and 
abominable Nation, whose Object appears to be to lord it over 
the rest of the World, I should be much gratified to hear of 
their being- thoroughly drubbed, as it might possibly bring 
them to a Sense of Justice & Humanity. Mr : Pickering 's 
Letter & Phoeion, if generally circulated, would do immense 
Good to this Country, as They are both excellent & masterly 
performances " 

A month after Congress met, McHenry was disturbed by 
a fear lest Canada should be yielded by England to France. 
In that case, he felt that ' ' our situation would become extreme- 
ly critical. She will not let us alone, even if she fails to re- 
ceive Canada. Her internal practices upon our people go 
on as usual and it seems to be the determination of a part of 
Congress to do nothing." On the subject of our foreign 
relations, Carroll of Carrollton wrote McHenry from Dough- 
oregan on June 26 : 

"I am obliged to you for the communication in your let- 
ter of the 15th instant. Poor Spain, how art thou fallen ! Is 
it possible for any Americans to wish to place their country 
in the same degraded situation & miserable dependence on 
France? A war with that power should be avoided by every 
means which will not dishonour ourselves. I detest war, and 
look upon it as the greatest calamity, which can happen to a 
nation, except infamy & the want of virtue : a too passive a 
conduct, even instead of averting, may court hostilities. 

"Does not the tranquillity of this country depend on a 
decided superiority at sea of England? If on a general peace, 
France should establish a good government, her attention will 
be turned to commerce & the formation of a powerful marine ; 
liberated from public debt (I consider her as bankrupt) she 
will, in this respect, have a great advantage over her rival ; 
if hard conditions of peace be imposed on G. B., the ill hu- 
mour of the nation, the heavy taxes, the irritation & discontent 
of Ireland, the folly and profligacy of the heir apparent will 
probably occasion some great revolution in those islands, an 
event which may be productive of the most serious conse- 
quences to our country, as France would then be without a 
rival on the seas: and I think it would be imprudent to rely 
on her moderation & justice. I am anxiously conjecturing 
what measures she will adopt with respect to us on a peace 
with England : compensation for depredations I do not expect •> 



1797-1798] of James McHenry 251 

this would be admitting she has acted unjustly, and she is now 
too proud to acknowledge this — should the war with Eng- 
land, her only remaining enemy, be continued, may we not ex- 
pect every effort will be made by the Directory to cut off our 
commerce with that nation and its dependencies? is there not 
great danger of our being forced to become a party in the war, 
and will the most extreme passiveness and servility, if we can 
bare to be humbled so much, exempt us from declaring in 
favor of the one power or the other ? Time, the great unf old- 
er of events, will clear up all these conjectures, with which I 
will no longer tire you. I am with regard & respect 

"Dr-Sir 
"Yr most hum. Servt. 

' ' Ch. Carroll of Carrollton. ' ' 

Naval matters were still under McHenry 's care. The 
frigate for the Dey was building and the casting of the guns 
and the purchase of colors for it demanded consideration. 
For our own navy, the Constitution and the Constellation were 
under construction, 1 the work on the last vessel being super- 
vised by Thomas Truxtun at Baltimore. As these were the 
first vessels of our permanent navy, Truxtun 's letters to Mc- 
Henry are of interest. 

He wrote from Baltimore on the 3rd of March, 1797 : 

il Agreeable to your desire, I have now the honor of trans- 
mitting you a list, of such officers & men as I consider neces- 
sary to keep employed for the care and preservation of the 
frigate now building near this city ; that is to say, after she is 
launched, completed and the master carpenter and other arti- 
ficers, &c, are discharged and the ship laid up. 

' ' If the Chinese system is not to be adopted, in the United 
States, and the people of our towns continue their commercial 
habits of trading beyond the sea, it is evident that whenever 
two European powers are at war, we shall always be subject 
to insult and depredation from their Public and private ships 
of war, unless we have a Navy to defend our rights, and sup- 
port the honor and dignity of our flag — but without officers 
what can be expected from a Navy : the ships cannot manuvre 
themselves : nor will the best of soldiers answer as substitutes 
for seamen, this every man must be convinced of, that reads 
the numerous accounts of British & French engagements at 



1 See McHenry's reports June 1>6 and Decernber 26, in State Papers, 
Naval Affairs, pp. 28 and 32. 



252 Life and Co?Tespo?ide?ice [Chap, xii 

sea, in which we find the former always victorious, not be- 
cause they are a braver people, but on account of their know- 
ing their duty as seamen and tacticians, whereas the latter 
nation is but little acquainted with either art. 

"Thus, sir, it is evident that, if we are to have a Navy, 
we must make officers to manage that Navy and this can only 
be done by employing a few ships of war, in cruising about in 
times of peace & guarding the revenue &c, for in a very few 
years more there will scarcely be an officer fit for service to 
be found, who acquired any practical knowledge, during our 
Revolution, and to introduce foreigners into our Navy would 
appear to me a very dangerous policy. 

' ' For the above reasons, I should be glad to see active and 
respectable men appointed as lieutenants and midshipmen, in 
order that they might be brought on to learn the art of marine 
science and to supply the place of those, who in a few years 
will be incapable of this sort of service: But knowing the 
pusillanimity of Congress, and supposing the Executive will 
let the business in question remain in Statu quo, untill the 
next session, I have only made out a list of such officers, as are 
necessary to take care of the ship, stores, and other public 
property within the Yard. 

"It is always considered that even small merchant ships, 
suffer more from being laid up in port, tho' under the eye of 
the owner, than when in actual service, and I am convinced the 
fact is so, since the necessity of having proper people to take 
care of these ships when afloat is very obvious. 

"This frigate, while laying in ordinary, will be moored 
at the end of the wharf where she is now building (with two 
anchors out) near to which are all the magazines of stores, 
containing the articles of equipment, which are under care of 
the clerk, and should in my opinion continue so, as he appears 
to me a faithfull, honest, diligent, sober, and carefull young 
man. If the arrangement I here offer, meets with your ap- 
probation, I will, as soon as the frigate is launched, order the 
Clerk and Petty Officers and men to be employed to take up 
their abode, lodge, and keep watch on board, and, by that 
means, they can guard the store houses and all the other public 
property within the yard, as well as the ship. But while every 
thing that respects the frigate is now in motion, it will cer- 
tainly be most economical to completely finish them, and pro- 
vide evety necessary article requisite for their equipment, 



! 1797-1798] of James McHenry 253 

except provisions, in order that they may be ready for any 
emergency. 

"When the contract was made with Stodder for his 
grounds, that are now enclosed as a public yard, and on which 
are several buildings for the accommodation of the materials, 
it was agreed to pay him for the said lot now enclosed, a rent 
of four hundred dollars per annum, during the pleasure of 
the Government. I have, therefore, made a calculation of 
the probable expense, that will attend this ship, while laying 
in Ordinary, including the said rent. 

1 ' Rent of Navy Yard per annum $400 

' ' One Captain 75 D per Mo. & six rations per day . . 1338 

' ' One clerk to attend the yard and ship 600 

"''One Boatswain per month to 
find himself $30 

1 ' One carpenter ditto ditto ... 30 [ is per annum 1680 

"One cook ditto ditto ... 20 1 

"Three seamen each at $20 ditto 60J 

"Paints, oil, brushes, brooms, buck- 
ets, wind sails moorings, junk & 
sundries " " " 982 



"Dollars 5000 

"Altho' I have contemplated that the persons employed 
to attend, watch and take care of the ship while in Ordinary 
should find themselves provisions &c. a cook will be necessary 
to dress their victuals on board, and such a person may also 
be useful, in aiding the others in doing the various duties of 
the ship : otherwise four seamen would be necessary instead of 
three, which amounts to the same thing. 

"The expense here stated will perhaps appear high to 
you, but unless proper people are employed, there will always 
be a waste and plunder of the public property, and I know 
of no way of lessening this expence, but by assembling the 
ships after they are built at one place, and then it might be 
curtailed very considerably from the aforegoing calculation, 
,& many other savings made to the United States. 

"In my report to you in December last, I stated that, if 
the winter was not unfavourable to us, that this frigate would 
be launched in May ensuing, but, as two months has been lost, 
owing to the severity of the weather, she cannot well be put 
afloat before July, unless some extraordinary efforts are made, 



254 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xii 

and the workmen augmented. Therefore, if you will be pleas- 
ed to refer to my said report and add ; that the bottom" is now 
all planked except two Streaks : the upper works the same all 
but two Streaks; the orlop and lower deck beams all in and 
mostly knee'd & the other deck beams ready. You will then 
be completely master of the true state of this frigate : Stodder, 
however, will send you a report by Monday's mail, agreeable 
to your request. I have the honor to be very respectfully 
your obedient & humble servant 

"Thomas Truxtun" 

Truxtun wrote again from Baltimore on the 20th of May, 
1798: 

"Under a blank cover, but I presume forwarded by your 
order for my perusal, the last mail brought me your letter and 
documents, addressed to Mr Livingston, Chairman of the 
Committee appointed by the house of representatives to in- 
quire into the expenditure of the Naval Appropriations, and 
published by order of that house. Altho' the cost of three fri- 
gates taken separately, was not ascertained when these papers 
were published, nor perhaps very accurately estimated, on 
account of the manner in which the business has been trans- 
acted by so many persons concerned in the arrangements &c : 
I very long since anticipated, that the one built here, would 
cost an immense sum of money, previous to any step being 
taken, towards making preparations for laying the keel of the 
constitution, I stated to General Knox that it was my opinion, 
none of the ships contemplated by the Act of 1794 for provid- 
ing an Naval Armament, ought to be built to the southward 
of Philadelphia, and, in giving that opinion, I considered the 
interest of the United States alone, without any local consid- 
eration whatever. The Secy, received my communication 
with politeness & thanked me for my attention, observing at 
the same time that tho'he himself was not conversant in Marine 
affairs, he was under a belief that the ships built to the south- 
ward, would cost 25 prct more than the others, but that the 
President was willing to make experiment, in order to ascer- 
tain where they could in fact be built and equipt on the most 
favourable terms, and that another object with him was, in 
point of policy, to harmonize and distribute the money to be 
spent in the opperation more generally through out the Union. 
On these observations, it was not for me to reply, but, in short 
time after I came here, I was more than ever confirmed in my 



J1797-1798] of James McHenry 255 

j, opinion, of the ineligibility of this place, and regretted that 
'it fell to my lot to be fixed here. I found no choice of arti- 
ficers, labourers scarce and indolent, every article higher in 
point of price than in the other parts of the United States N. 
E. of this, where yards were preparing — that part of the city 
called Fells Point, in point of imposition a second Wapping. 
The master builder determined to make the most of the job, 
as he early declared he would never build another vessel, af- 
ter completing the frigate. Thus circumstanced I became 
early disgusted with almost every one engaged in the business 
in this quarter, and wrote your predecessors and self with 
candor, from the commencement of the business, up to this 
time stating every thing as it really was, and to Mr. Pickering, 
I proposed, at an early period, an alteration in the powers 
vested in the parties concerned in building this vessel, and 
have his answer now before me; he declined to acquiesce, on 
the principle of not altering the original arrangement of Genl. 
Knox, as I understood him afterwards ; which perhaps, in the 
then state of things, he was prudent in adhereing to. 

"It would be of no sort of use for me to dwell long on 
this subject, or to write a lengthy epistle. I will only say, I 
have by a decided conduct, and independent spirit, saved 
thousands to the United States here, and I thank God I have 
never touched a shilling of the publick money or derived any 
advantage from the building of this ship ; but have made great 
sacrifices of my time & have spent much money in attending 
four years now within a few weeks on her ; not as a command- 
er only, but as a director to the arrangements for the Carpen- 
ter, Kigger, Joiner, and every other tradesmen, for they were 
alike ignorant of such business ; tho ' otherwise good workmen. 

' ' The agent, however, he or his brother, or others of their 
friends may suppose, I have often stept out of my line or was 
unauthorised in giving my opinion in matters of accounts, as 
decidedly as I have done : I have, notwithstanding, never hes- 
itated to talk to him in plain terms, when I discovered an in- 
difference, as I thought, in checking, with promptness, the 
evident impositions of most or all of the tradesmen. Many 
charges exhibited I have often told him he ought not to admit, 
in some instances, he may have taken my advice, in others, I 
believe he has not, for, as I do not see his books, I do not know, 
and, if he has not, I cannot help it : but however unqualified 
Sterett may be from his age, easy temper, and inexperience, 
I am under a firm belief that he is a very upright, honest 



256 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xii 

young man — as I have constantly stated every thing of mo- 
ment, respecting this frigate and her materials & the expense 
of building and equipping her, I must beg leave once and for 
the last time in all probability to inform you — that the 
great quantity of materials in this yard I fear will be totally 
ruined, if left exposed to the sun & if they are moved, the 
expense will be enormous, in fact, Sir, the salary of Mr. 
Cole, and the rent of Stodder's yard, with what will be stolen 
in the course of a year or two, will leave little for the United 
States to calculate on receiving thereafter, and again, if in 
the final settlement of Mr. Stodder's account with the agent, 
care is not taken by proper precaution and advice to Mr. 
Sterett, charges will be admitted that ought not to be, and 
credits omitted that ought to be given, through the manage- 
ment of Stodder and the easy disposition of the other. 

"Stodder owes the United States for iron, nails and he 
now demands £50 for the use of an old Smith's shop, which 
he told me at the time we first made use of it, in the presence 
of the clerk and others, that the United States was welcome to 
occupy it without any charge whatever. The salary of Stod- 
der, I suppose, was only continued, one quarter after the 
first of Jany. last, as we have not employed him more than 
that time. I mention these circumstances merely for your 
information, and more particularly as the business to Stod- 
der, has not been of that nature, that he ought to receive 
further compensation. 

"Altho' this is a very improper place for building large 
vessels, the Chesapeake turns out the finest shaped and fastest 
small vessels built in America. 

"Since my last I have sent down twenty men, and leave 
this tomorrow for the ship myself. 

"I have the honor to be sir with great respect, 
"Your very obt. h. S. in haste. 

"Thomas Truxtun" 

On June 3 and 6, 1797, McIIenry recommended con- 
gress 1 to appropriate $2,000,000 for fortifications and $23,- 
400 for repairs, etc. Forts were to be built at New York, Phil- 
adelphia, Norfolk, Savannah, and in North and South Caro- 
lina. McHenry was discouraged at the outlook in French 
relations and wrote Washington on July 9: "It would seem 

1 State Papers, Military Affairs, i, 118. 



1797-1798] of James McHenry 257 

as if nothing, short of a dismemberment of the Union and 
having a part of it under French protection, would satisfy 
the directory. After gaining this point, at which I am sure 
|they aim, France will then play for the whole." 

In answering the letter, Washington asked McHenry to 
have the articles left by him in Philadelphia packed for for- 
warding to him, except the three two-bottle wine coolers, one 
of which he wished given to McHenry, one to Pickering, and 
one to Wolcott, "asa token of my friendship and as a remem- 
berance of it." 1 McHenry 's cooler is still possessed by his 
descendants. Yellow fever broke out at Philadelphia in the 
summer and, on August 19, McHenry wrote Wolcott, 2 who 
had gone home to nurse his sick father, that he has sent to 
provide a retreat for his family forty miles away on the Lan- 
caster Road, but hopes "there will be no occasion to use it." 
As the fever increased, he did remove to near Downingstown, 
whither Wolcott wrote him from Philadelphia on September 
11: 

"My Dear Sir 

"I reed, your oblidging favour of Aug. 19th. which gave 
me the first information that a serious state of things existed 
in the city — it gives me pleasure to find that yourself and 
family have removed ; I hope you have found a dry & healthy 
situation ; — here I imagine Ave are exposed to the fever & 
ague. The yellow fever, or the Doctors, or both together, 
have killed poor Lewis, your messenger, and I am entreated 
by a worthy old man, Mr. Borrows, the messenger to the 
Comptroller's office to recommend a relation of his, William 
Markworth, who lives nine or ten miles from the City — Bor- 
rows is one of the most exemplary men of my acquaintance 
& he speaks of Markworth in decided terms as an honest, 
sober, & diligent man. I could not & ought not to refuse 
conveying his wishes to you, though I have been careful not 
to raise his expectations. 

"My friend, I have not been here a week, & yet I have 
found out that living alone, in a small room in a tavern, 
with the prospect of a crooked river running through a marsh, 
& occupied alternately with some dull job of business or Con- 
versation respecting the distresses of a great city, is far from 

1 Ford, xiii, 413, Lear's "Letters and Recollections of Washington," 
222 

2 Gibbs, i, 559. 



258 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xii 

■ — — — 

being in a state of perfect happiness. The contrast between 
my present situation and that which I have lately left is most 
impressive. I have been lately too happy; — it is just that 
I should experience some reverse. 

"Please to present my respects to Mrs. McHenry & be- 
lieve me your assured friend 

"Oliv. Wolcott" 

McHenry himself fell ill in September and, while con- 
valescing, wrote Wolcott 1 on September 22: "The bilious, 
fever, with which I have been attacked 2 has left me weak 
and subject to feverish returns that affect both my sleep and 
my spirits. I flatter myself, however, that a little care and 
time will enable me to enjoy the beauties of this part of the ; 
country ; which are far more numerous and interesting than i 
the dull, damp, sedgy, serpentine, sorrowful river, whose banks 
have become your residence." 

From this country retreat, McHenry wrote 3 'Wolcott 
again on October 2, " I am kept too busy to get well, ' ' and I 
on the 4th, Wolcott suggested that the president would do > 
well to invite congress to consider the same measures as were ; 
introduced at the last session. McHenry agreed to this pro- 
position 4 and, on the 16th, Wolcott wrote Adams that both i 
McHenry and Lee had favored a continuance of the former 
recommendations and that he hoped the president and secre- 
taries may all meet together before congress convenes'. 

Adams, meanwhile, had started towards Philadelphia, , 
and wrote McHenry from East Chester, twenty miles fromi 
New York, on October 15: 

"Dear Sir 

' ' I arrived, with my Family at this Place four days ago 
and propose to remain here and at New York, till the Meeting : 
of Congress. Letters addressed to me, to the Care of- Charles 
Adams Esq., Counseller at Law in New York, will spon find 
me. 

"I pray you to commit to writing Such Things as you 
judge necessary to be communicated or recommended to Con- 

1 Gibbs, i, 563. 

2 One of his sons fell and injured himself and Washing-ton inquired 
after the health of both, in a letter sent McHenry on October 16, 1797. 
Lear's "Letters and Recollections of Washington," 242. 

3 Gibbs, i, 565, 566. 

4 Gibbs, i, 567, 568. 



1797-1798] of James McHenry 259 

gress at the opening of the Session, and convey them to me, 
as early as possible — And to give me your Opinion, whether 
the Prevalent Sickness in Philadelphia, is so dangerous to 
the Lives or health of the Members as to make it necessary 
to convene them at any other Place. 

"With great regard I am Dear Sir 
"Your most obedient 
"John Adams." 

McHenry promptly wrote Adams and received a reply 
dated from East Chester on October 27 : 

"Dear Sir 

' ' I last night received your favour of the 22nd and thank 
you for your Sentiments, with which in general I very well 
agree. 

"At the Same time I reed your other Letter of the Same 
Date with its Inclosures, all of which I return to you with 
this. I thank you Sir for your indefatigable attention to all 
these subjects. The Letters and Instructions to the officers, 
especially to General Wilkinson, appear to me to be all well 
weighed, and judiciously decided. 

"I shall observe to put my name, on my Letters in future, 
as you desire. Mr. Malcom omitted it by mistake, on one 
instance only, I believe. 

"My Servants are returned to Philadelphia and found 
the House in Order, notwithstanding two unsuccessful attacks 
upon it. 

"I, Am, Dear Sir your humble servant 
"John Adams." 

The reference to Wilkinson carries us to the West, whose 
affairs had pressed themselves on McHenry 's attention for 
some time. 

As early as April 3, James Ross, the Federal leader in 
western Pennsylvania, had written from Pittsburg: 

"Dear Sir 

"Genl. Gibson is summoned to Attend the Federal Court 
as a Witness, probably you will be making Indian Arrange- 
ments this Spring. If so, you will find Genl. Gibson well 
informed and Useful in that department. It was always my 
opinion that Congress was Starving the business & should 
the French set on foot any of their projects in our Western 



260 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xii 

a 

frontier, the Indians must infallibly Attach themselves to 
their old Allies, as we have neither force, presents, agents, 
government, nor any thing else to prevent it. If this gen- 
tleman should be invested with any Commission of the de- 
scription which has heretofore been contemplated, I am per- 
suaded you will find his industry, & Fidelity equal to that 
of any of your officers & much more than equal to any Com- 
pensation which you can Allow him by law. I have told 
him, however, that it is questionable whether the business can 
assume any shape or go into operation this summer & that 
he can only know from yourself how it will progress. ' ' 

Thomas Pinckney had made a treaty with Spain in 1796 
in order to ascertain the boundary between the United States, 
Florida and Louisiana and to accomplish Spain's relinquish- 
ment of her forts within our territory. There was ground to 
suspect that Carondelet and the Spanish administration were 
having secret communication with the Cherokees. A letter 
from Carondelet to one of the chiefs 1 was sent McHenry from 
Tennessee in June. On June 10, Pickering 2 wrote McHenry 

1 New Orleans the 2nd April 1797. 

My dear son & friend, 

The warrior Broom delivered to me your esteemed letter of 2 6th 
September of the last year, I took him by the hand, & ordered to give 
him & his young follower a little present, sending them by the Movila 
on account of the war we are carrying on with the English. The same 
reason prevents me to let your son go now ; it is better for him to be 
acquainted with the Spanish & French & then he will be useful to your 
nation & to us. We are to make our dispositions for running the boun- 
dary line between our territory & that of the United States. 

The love I profess to you induces me to give you the advice of fol- 
lowing the example of those of your nation, who consulting their security 
put themselves under the protection of the Spanish nation between Ar- 
kansaw & New Madrid. 

1 remain always with friendship and esteem for you & your nation 

Your beloved father 

The Baron of Carondelet. 

2 Pickering's personal relations to McHenry are clearly seen from 
the following letter written this summer. 

"Trenton Sept. 12, 1797. 
"Dr Sir 

"I duly received your letter of the mentioning Mr. John 

Caldwell for the office of Treasurer of the mint ; and altho' you referred 
to me to say what appeared proper concerning him, I chose to forward 
your letter to the President, to the contents of which I with pleasure 
subscribed. The only circumstance that would excite any hesitation as 
to the fitness of the appointment was his near connection with the Sec- 
retary of War, which might give rise to disagreeable remarks among 
the enemies of the Government, to excite the disapprobation of its 
friends. This circumstance a sense of duty led me to intimate for the 
President's consideration. But I had better give you all that I wrote 
concerning Mr. Caldwell. It here follows. 

" 'Altho' Mr. McHenry, on account of his connection with Mr. John 
Caldwell (the brother of Mrs. McHenry) did not think it proper directly 
to me to say what appeared proper concerning him, I chose to forward 
to make known his wishes to you, yet all that he has written in his 
letter to me appears so correct, I thought it best to inclose it.- Mr. 
Caldwell is by profession a lawyer : yet having some fortune he has very 
little engaged in practice. I have known him these ten years. He is a 



1 1797-1798] of James McHenry 261 

[that D'Yrujo, the Spanish minister, complained that Elli- 
I cott, the United States commissioner, was unsatisfactory to 
[ Carondelet and Gayoso, and asks that he be confined to run- 
ning the boundary and that a discreet, cool, and prudent 
[ officer be appointed to command the American troops who 
may find quarters at Natchez, even if Spain does not at once 
evacuate that post. The Spaniards do not intend to resist 
our claim to possession and Carondelet has written to Spain 
to Godoy, the prince of peace, as to the demolition of the 
forts. 

The commissioners for running the line between the Cher- 
okee country and that open to settlement by the whites were 
at Dividing Ridge, between the waters of Cumberland and 
Duck rivers on June 4, whence Silas Dinsmoor, who was in 
attendance on them, wrote McHenry, expressing his distrust 
of the frontiersmen and of Governor Sevier and telling of the 
relations with Indians : 

"I was yesterday favored with your letter of the 20th 
of April enclosing a copy, of the same date, to Governor 
Sevier. The occasion of my being at Jellico, at the date of 
my letter, which you acknowledge, was not on account of the 
danger of being in a more interior position, for, however 
deceitful the Indians may be represented to be, allowing the 
representation to be true, I shall still consider myself more 
safe in the interior of the Indian country than on the fron- 
tier of our own in the time of disturbance. I was at that 
time making arrangements for effecting the President's plan 
of civilization, notwithstanding the disagreeable aspect of af- 
fairs, by procuring looms, wheels, ploughs, &c. &c. a man 
& woman to go into the country to shew the Indians how to 
use them. Thus far I have succeeded. I have sanguine 
hopes that the wishes of government will, eventually, be an- 

sensible, well-informed man, a decided federalist and supporter of our 
government, with a fair moral character. He has an increasing family. 
But with entire fitness for the office, perhaps the expediency of appoint- 
ing the brother-in-law of the Secretary of War may merit consideration.' 

"All this I hope will meet with your approbation, which the confi- 
dence and candour that ought to subsist between us have induced me 
frankly to lay before you. 

"There are many other candidates, some of whom have revolutionary 
merit, for their service in the American war. I forward all their appli- 
cations to the President, accompanied with remarks, where I have knowl- 
edge of the characters. 

"My family is comfortably situated in this place. We moved in good 
time to save ourselves from the risk of the Philadelphia fever. 

"The President highly approves the letter to Trujo. I ordered Mr. 
Fenno to send you 30 copies, agreeably to your request. 

"Truly yours 

"T. Pickering." 



262 Life and Correspondence [Chap xii 
. ( 

swered, & it shall be my care to deserve success. I see by 
your enclosure what you expect from Governor Sevier. I 
most sincerely pray, that your expectations may be realized 
& that mine may be happily disappointed. 

' ' The early arrival and firm conduct of the commissioners 
for running the Cherokee line have afforded a curious sub- 
ject of speculation among the half wise politicians of this 
country, in which they have admitted the usual proportion of 
calumny. ' ' 

Shortly afterwards charges 1 were made against William 
Blount, United States senator from Tennessee, who was ex- ■ 
pelled from the senate as a result. He seems to have 
expected to induce the Cherokees and Creeks to make an inva- 
sion of Spanish territory under British auspices. The Span- 
ish minister used these revelations to justify the delay in 
surrendering their posts, by the fear of British designs. 

Of the charges against Blount, "Washington wrote Mc- 
Henry 2 on July 7. If the letter from Blount to James 
Carey, the Cherokee interpreter, which was intercepted, "is 
a genuine one" and Blount's "handwriting is not easily mis- 
taken or counterfeited I hope that the author will receive all 
the punishment which the Constitution and Laws of this coun- 
try can inflict and, thereafter, be held in detestation by all 
good men. To seek private emolument at the expense of pub- 
lic peace — perhaps at the expense of many innocent lives 
and to aim a stroke at the reputation of a virtuous character, 
hazarding his health — probably life — to promote tranquility 
between the Indians and our frontier inhabitants; by de- 
stroying his influence and well earned good name among the 
former, to render him incapable of serving his country and 
this, forsooth, because he may be a stumbling block in the 
way of a plan which he has in contemplation, is a crime of 
so deep a dye as no epithet can convey an adequate idea of 
to my mind." On August 14, Washington wrote again : "It 
will be to be regretted much if this business is not probed to 
the bottom. ' ' 3 

All sorts of rumors flitted about, as is shown by reports 
made by William H. Harrison, later to be president of the Uni- 
ted States, but now a lieutenant in the first regiment. He 

1 McHenry wrote of then) to Washington on July 3 and 9. 

2 Ford, xiii, 400. See Report of .the Committee of the House of 
Representatives appointed to prepare articles of impeachment against Wm. 
Blount, and Am. Hist. Rev., x, 595. 

3 Ford, xiii, 413. 



Ii 797- 1798] of James Mc Henry 263 

wrote from Fort Washington on May 22, 1797, reporting 
'that a certain person of the name of Hamilton, who is said 
to have a major's commission in the service of Spain, arrived 
in the town of Cincinnati some time in the month of Janu- 
ary last, and has remained, (excepting a short absence of a 
few weeks,) ever since. His avowed object is to prevail on 
the citizens of this territory to become settlers in the Spanish 
country west of the Mississippi, offering to adventurers dona- 
tions of land and other inducements. Hamilton was born in 
New Jersey, and was some time a merchant in New York, 
from whence, after being tried for a forgery, he emigrated 
to Dumfries, in Virginia, where he resided until about a 
year ago ; for a few months previous to his arrival here, he 
was in Kentucky, where, I believe, he obtained authority to 
offer lands on the Mississippi to such persons as were inclin- 
able to transfer their allegiance from the United States to His 
Catholic Majesty. Many families have emigrated, and many 
more are preparing to go the ensuing fall from this country, 
in consequence of the liberal offers made them by the Spanish 
agents. Hamilton has avowed himself a Spanish subject to 
several persons in this town, but I do not believe that he has 
any commission in their service; but is, I imagine, authorized 
by the Spanish consul or some other agent in Kentucky to 
grant lands to persons who wish to emigrate to Louisiana. I 
shall use every exertion to get information of the views of 
this man and every other suspicious character who may come 
within my reach." 

On August 13th, 1797, Harrison wrote again : 

"Sir 

"I have the honor to acknowledge the recept of your 
letter of the 17th. Ultimo. Since my last report on the sub- 
ject of suspicious persons passing through this country, I 
have until now met with nothing worthy of communication. 
A few days ago, a Mr Manuel de Lesa, a merchant of New 
Orleans, arrived in company with Mr Knox, a person who is 
charged with dispatches from the Department of State to our 
Commissioner, Mr Ellicot. Mr Knox informed me that de 
Lesa came with him from Philada. & was to accompany him 
to the falls of Ohio & from there he intended to go to Post 
Vincennes where he has a store. De Lesa was here but one 
night & I believe had no communication with the Inhabitants. 



264 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xii 

— • . 

Hamilton, the person mentioned in my last Report, is still 
in the neighborhood & follows the occupation of a Dentist. 
I do not find that he has of late done any thing to confirm 
the suspicions I had at first formed of him — he is a man 
of desperate fortune &, I imagine, it would not be difficult 
to employ him in any villanous scheme which would tend to 
better his circumstances. 

''Whilst I am on the subject of suspicious characters I 
shall take the liberty of inentioning to you some circum- 
stances relating to Mr David Jones, late chaplain to the Army, 
this man I know to be as just a promoter of Sedition as the 
world can produce. He has lately made a tour through Ken- 
tucky & passed this a few days ago. I endeavoured to dis- 
cover from him the motive of his journey but all that I could 
get from him was that he descended the Ohio for the purpose 
of taking up with him a mare which he had bought when he 
was last in this country — it appeared to me strange that a 
man of his years should have taken such a journey in bad 
health for such an object — this, together with my knowledge 
of the man — his violent attachment to the French Govern- 
ment, & dislike to our own ; together with a declaration which 
he made to me, created a suspicion of his being engaged in 
some agency prejudicial to the interest of the United States 
— the declaration I allude to, was, ' that if the French estab- 
lished a Republic west of the Missippi, he intended to 
emigrate to that country.' Having lived for a considerable 
time with Mr Jones in the family of the late Major Genl. 
Wayne, & still being on good terms with him (for he was my 
guest when he was last here) I am extremely sorry to be 
the means of exciting the suspicions of Government against 
him, when I have no proof of his guilt — but the times are 
such, as, in my opinion, to make it the duty of every friend 
of his country to keep a true look out &, if possible, discover 
& expose to the detestation of the world those traitors, who 
acting under foreign influence, are plotting schemes destruc- 
tive to the interests of their country. 

"This day arrived here, Mr Pike, a Cadet in the 3rd 
Regt, from Fort Massac. He informs me that Capt Guion, 
after having been joined by Dember's Artillery, left that post 
on the 11th July. Capt G — n had communicated with the 
Commdr. of New Madrid & had informed him that he ex- 
pected to descend the River to Natches, the Spaniards replied 
that, if he passed his post, he should treat him with polite- 



1797-1798] of James McHcnry 265 

ness — but hinted that he had better stay where he was. They 
(the Spaniards) are building a large Fort on the West side 
of the Missippi, sixty miles above the mouth of Ohio. I 
give you this information Sir — because I imagine you are 
desirous of having the earliest accounts of the Movements of 
Capt: Guion. 

"I have the Honor to be with 
great Respect & Esteem — Sir, 
"Your very Humble Servt: 
"Wm. H. Harrison 
"Capt: 1st Regt Company F." 

From Detroit on July 28, 1797, Major Rivardi wrote 
Pickering as to western matters : 

"The British merchants of this place seem exceedingly 
opposed to every measure taken by the General, in order to 
remedy the evils which actually threatened our garrison, the 
greater part of which was always in a state of intoxication, on 
account of the small liquor shops held under the sanction of 
licenses issued by the Magistrates within the lines of our 
guards and sentries. The proclamation which forbids such 
intolerable abuse has occasioned many murmers and remon- 
strances from a set of people who have long before that de- 
clined being considered as American citizens, bought settle- 
ments on the British shore, and expressed, on every occasion, 
their contempt for our Government, although our money has 
enriched them since our taking possession of the Posts. The 
French here are very little better, and, in my opinion, not in 
the least to be trusted, happily they are indolent, cowardly, 
and (with prudence) little to be dreaded. The emissaries 
from their Mother Country alone are dangerous. Yesterday 
we drummed out an Imposter born in Canada, who made sev- 
eral false depositions respecting the intentions of the Span- 
iards and French to attack Mackinac and Fort Wayne. He 
pretended to have been a prisoner at the Illinois and gave a 
spurious account of the regular forces landed there, aiming, 
I suppose, to spread the alarm among the Canadians and to 
lead the General into some unnecessary and perhaps improper 
measures — fortunately we found that he never was, since two 
years, nearer of the Illinois than three hundred leagues. 

"Another man (a British subject) was detected, attempt- 
ing to seduce some of our soldiers from their duty, and was 



266 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xii 

punished accordingly. It is so long since we received an Ex- 
press that we know nothing of what passed in Congress these 
seven weeks past. The Indians are still very numerous here, 
owing to their receiving plenty of provisions on hoth shores ; 
hut I find that they all expect to see their Fathers, the French. 
The little Turtle, although peaceably inclined, cannot be per- 
suaded that he received false information." 

While McHenry thought 1 his arrangements would keep 
the Indians quiet, D'Yrujo had aroused further trouble by 
charging that Pickering had entered into a conspiracy with the 
British minister to have a joint expedition seize the Spanish 
forts in the West. 2 Pickering answered this attack with 
acerbity and printed his reply through Fenno on August 8, 
sending copies to his friends. On August 19, Hamilton wrote 
McHenry: "Considering how insensibly precious the friend- 
ship of the United States is to Spain, I can only ascribe the 
late conduct of some of her officers to an influence which 
controuls their better judgment. War is not desired by the 
United States, they will shun it if possible and I am (sure) 
Spain ought carefully to avoid forcing them into it. " 

On September 4, Adams thanked Pickering and Mc- 
Henry for their vigilant attention and judicious execution of 
all the business relative to D'Yrujo. The frontiersmen were 
also troublesome. One Zachariah Cox was organizing an ex- 
pedition and other incursions were made into the Indian 
lands, concerning which letters came to the administration, 
either directly, or through General Davie of North Carolina. 
Among these letters was one written by William Polk from 
Charlotte, August 9, 1797, to General Davie and forwarded 
by him : 

"Dear Sir \ 

"Mr. Wallace has delivered me your favor of the 22d 
July, and I now, by the first Post office after the receipt of 
your letter, transmit what information I have been able to 
collect on the subject of the Tennessee expedition from this 
country. 

"Six or eight weeks ago, a Mr. John Johnson who lives 
near Jonesborough in the State of Tennessee came into this 
county where many of his & his wife's relations live and 



1 Gibbs, i, 559. 

2 Pickering, iii, 404, 407. 



1797-1798] of James McHenry 267 

where he moved from about 8 years ago, his business appeared 
to be of two kinds, the first to sell as much land as he could 
out of a body purchased by him from a certain Zack Coxe, 
said to be 30,000 acres, in payment of which he took horses, 
cattle, notes & money if he could get it. The second, to en- 
courage persons to make a settlement somewhere in the coast 
of the Tennessee on the lands of this Coxe, who by some writ- 
ten instrument promised to each settler 1000 acres of his 
Land, on condition that they would make a settlement, cul- 
tivate five acres of ground in wheat or corn, live on the soil 
12 months, support themselves, and defend themselves against 
the enemy; how far the word enemy was to extend I don't 
know, whether against the Indians only, or all who should 
attempt to molest them, in either going there or whilst there, 
was what nobody here, I believe, is in the knowledge of. John- 
son, to some, said Coxe had extinguished the Indian claim &, 
to them and others, that Congress had consented to the set- 
tlement. I am informed Genl. Sevier, at a considerable meet- 
ing at his house, harangued the people in favor of the plan 
&, through his influence & that of Col. Ezekiel Polk, most 
of 25 persons who accompanyed the latter were induced to 
proceed on this wild expedition. I am unwilling to believe 
that any one of these people had any hostile views towards 
the Spanish settlements or that they knew anything of 
Blount 's plan ; it is a mere land speculation without any ex- 
pectation, at least by E. P., of seeing or experiencing any dan- 
ger. I know his weak nerves too well to believe he would 
hazard himself, where there would be the most distant idea 
that blood would be spilt. Mr. Polk is a man charged with 
impatience, has no fortitude, fickle in the extreme, a lover of 
home, and never saw blood but from a lancet or his nose in 
his life, from such a leader I fear nothing — some of his 
party have, a few days ago, returned who left them about 50 
miles above Knoxville on the Tennessee or Holston River, 
who say the party had become very impatient and uneasy, 
as at that place they were to meet Coxe, whom they had not 
seen or certainly heard of, some said he had gone down the 
River to hasten the finishing some boats he had making to 
transport stores to his settlement, by others that he had gone 
to Philadelphia. Johnson was taken here and brought before 
the Court, who then happened to be in Session, but through 
the influence of Genl. Sevier & the ignorances of the Court 
they permitted him to depart." 



268 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xii 

From the state of Tennessee, Hawkins county, on Sep- 
tember 14th, 1797, William Cocke wrote John Adams, pro- 
testing against the removal of the settlers who had encroached 
upon the Indian lands: 

"To inform you that a large number of respectable citi- 
zens of the State of Tennessee are found to be within the 
limits of the Indian Claims. Justice requires that I should 
speak to you in plain and decided language. When I last 
had the honour to converse with you and Secretary of War 
on the subject, I felt myself highly pleased at the assurance 
you then gave me that you would take the matter under your 
serious consideration and notify the commissioners the result 
of your deliberation, from the manner you then expressed 
yourself I had every reason to believe would have produced a 
decision favourable to the people. Impressed with this idea, I 
communicated to them what had passed between us, but to 
my great mortification and surprise, I have seen an order 
from Coi. Butler, directing the people to prepare to remove 
from their farms by the 25th of October, it will not be im- 
proper to remark to the President that the people of the state 
of Tennessee know that they are not entirely governed by 
military laws, that no citizen can be deprived of his property 
for public conveniency without full compensation and that 
the Courts Judicial are bound to decide all questions of right, 
according to the Constitutional Laws of our country. Sir, it 
is painful to me to make these remarks, but as the Constitu- 
tion of my country warrant them and as my fellow citizens 
are likely to be injured, as I conceive contrary to law, as a 
number of them possess Legal Rights to the land in question, 
I submit to you whether such orders should not be counter- 
manded, especially at a time when Congress hath had the sub- 
ject before them and hath postponed it for further considera- 
tion, I am Sir with 

' ' every sentiment of esteem &c. ' ' 

Meanwhile letters came from North Carolina 1 to Wol- 
cott and were sent by him to McHenry on September 15, show- 
ing that Blount's influence in Tennessee was not dead. In 
answering Wolcott's letter on September 22, McHenry ac- 
knowledged the continuance of Blount's influence and re- 

1 Gibbs, i. 562. 



1797-1798] of James McHenry 269 

ferred to the troubles over the Spanish boundary x and to 
the projects of Cox, against which he had taken measures 
which he trusts will succeed. 

On September 19, Pickering wrote McHenry that he 
hears from Ellicott at Natchez that Carondelet confirmed 
Gayoso's agreement with the inhabitants. Two days later, 
Pickering wrote again, concerning the attempts of the Span- 
iards to entice Indians from our territory, with a view to 
future hostilities, and on the 25th he told McHenry that 
Carondelet and Gayoso disagreed, the latter, "as deficient in 
understanding as in honor," does not act "with the prudence 
and persistency" which the baron might desire. Pickering 
hears from Daniel Coxe that the grant to Great Britain by 
the United States of the free navigation of the Mississippi 
is the chief obstacle to Spain's giving up the posts. 2 On 
the 7th of October, Pickering transmits information from 
Daniel Coxe that the Spanish governors and D 'Yrujo are act- 
ing without authority from their government, anticipating 
war between the United States and France. 

Meantime McHenry wrote Wolcott, on October 2, that he 
thought he could settle Tennessee matters without the aid of 
General Wilkinson 3 and received a reply from Wolcott 4 
who thought there would be no war with Spain. "You will, 
however, by Hook or by Crook, get the Spanish posts and 
the Dons will be more anxious to keep what remains than to 
retake them." In his answer, McHenry states he was very 
busy with Blount, Cox, and the Mississippi, "the current of 
which latter river you know is not so easy to stem. ' ' 5 Mc- 
Henry sent copies of Pickering's letter to D'Yrujo, to dif- 
ferent army posts, including one to Ross at Pittsburg, with 
the request that the letter be not published in the papers. 
Somehow the letter was published and though McHenry 
thought the publication did much good, Pickering was dis- 
turbed at it and wrote: 

"Trenton Oct. 19. 1797. 
"Dear Sir, 

"You see by the Pittsburg paper of last week, that my 
letter of Augt. 8 to Yrujo, is prematurely publishing. I 
must charge some of your military friends with the communi- 

1 Gibbs, i, 563. 

2 On September 30, Pickering writes again of Zachariah Cox's 
scheme for unlawful settlements in the Indian country. 

3 Gibbs, i, 565. 

4 Gibbs, i, 566. 

5 Gibbs, i, 567. 



270 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xii 

cation ; as I have sent no copy to that quarter ; and wherever 
I have handed it to my friends, it has been with an explicit 
caution against such a publication. But I do not know that 
it is to be regretted : it is an anticipation of but a few weeks ; 
for I doubt not that Congress would have directed its pub- 
lication, as usual with documents before presented to them 
on the same subject. And (as one of my friends has lately 
written to me) 'Since the policy of France has dragged our 
Executive into the street, it is best to make the people who 
are there understand that we are wholly right, and our ac- 
cusers altogether wrong.' This friend thus begins his letter. 
'I am greatly obliged to you for the pamphlet (letter of 
Aug. 8 to Y.) you sent me, as I felt a strong desire to see the 
argument, which should prove conclusively that the Knight 
would be a Knave, if he were not by nature a Fool. ' 

"It is a good while since I heard from your or of you: 
how are you? is your health restored? I shall be glad to 
learn; being very truly yours, 

' ' Timothy Pickering. ' ' 

In his letter explaining the matter, on October 22, Mc- 
Henry said that he was so much occupied with affairs in the 
Northwest and the South that he was tired of life and en- 
closed a packet for the president, which showed that the sec- 
retary had "not been idle and that it requires some ham- 
mering to make certain heads comprehend one object, when 
they have conceived another." Two days later, Pickering 
wrote him: 

"Wha«t do you think of the "Washington news, by the 
Mr. Purslie who arrived at Brownsville the 2d of Oct. in 45 
days from New-Orleans — That the Posts were given up, & 
the boundary line running ? You will recollect that such was 
Mr. Ellicott's expectation, when he conversed with D. W. 
Coxe, whose narrative I sent j t ou. " 

On the following day Pickering wrote again: 

"Trenton Oct. 25. 1797. ' 
"Dr. Sir, 

"Last evening I received your letter of the 22d. with an 
open packet for the President, which I have read, sealed, and 
shall this day forward. 



1797-1798] of James McHenry 271 

"Can the cautious restriction of Powers — the prepos- 
terous idea of taking the posts of St. Louis, Genevieve & 
New-Madrid — be accounted for, except on the principle that 
they may cover sinister views, the consciousness of which 

prompts to overact his part ? But if hostilities were 

to commence on the Mississippi, why not collect the utmost 
force to that quarter? Why the zeal to attack — & the con- 
tradictory measure of lessening the force he could command, 
by remanding a company where it was not needed? 

"His construction of Rivet's letter is probably just. But 
if the poor missionary has two years salary in arrears, it 
would seem advisable to pay him at least one, immediately. 
"What is become of the other priest? Jannin? I thought both 
had gone to the Spaniards. Will not the retaining of his 
pay, furnish an excuse for unfaithfulness & desertion? and 
with the influence he has acquired over the Indians, may not 
his desertion hazard mischief? Doubtless it had been better 
that we had never seen either. By the overtures of R., it 
is clear that he belongs to the nation of spies & intriguers 

"I return Mr. Hindman's letter, & thank you for the 
perusal. But how astonishing that, at this time, Jacobinism 
should increase! Surely the people want information. 

"Adieu! 

"T. Pickering." 

On the 28th came still another letter on Western affairs 
from Pickering: 

"Dr Sir, 

"The enclosed letter from Kentuckey I received last even- 
ting, covering one from Walter Evans to James Farris, rela- 
tive Z. Coxe's project of a forced settlement at the Muscle 
Shoals. The 1000 men mentioned as ready to proceed must 
be a monstrous exaggeration : such villains always exaggerate, 
„to encourage & fortify their deluded partisans, and with such 
decoys to lure others into their snares. 

"I do not consider the letter much consequence: but it 
may afford some evidence against the writer this friend ad- 
dressed, should the scheme be prosecuted. 

"I am respectfully yours 
"Timothy Pickering" 

The enclosed letter, written from Russess Creek, Tennes- 



272 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xii 

_____ — . 

see, Grainger county, on August 10th, 1797, by one Walter 
Evans to James Farris, Jr., stated : 

"By this you may be informed that "We, the Tennes- 
see Company, have not had access to the Mussele Shoals, and 
indeed, have but a faint Idea of being admitted by Congress 
to go to that Country. 

"There are upwards of 1000 men who are now in readi- 
ness to prosecute the intended voyage to the mussele Shoal 
Country. We — have 70 pieces of Cannon and other suitable 
Equipage for war — at the head of which is Zacheriah Cox, 
a Citizen of Georgia, who will endeavour to force his way 
down to that Country, The Indian Tribes notwithstanding, 
with whom I expect to go, provided we can go next winter, 
otherwise not. ' ' 1 

Vigilant in their endeavors to obtain information relative 
to any project of France to excite the Southwestern part of 
the Union and Georgia to a separation from the United States 
in the winter of 1797 and 1798, McHenry and Pickering ex- 
pended $2,560, paid to one St. Hilaire. The account for this 
was one of the causes of accusation made against McHenry, 
after he left the war department and was not closed until 
1810. 2 



1 Fort Massac IS February 179S. 

Sir 

1 find by this Mitchell that he is concerned with Cox & his party, 
that finding it impracticable to pass the Military posts upon the Tennes- 
see, they have altered their route, & Marched thro' Kentucky, in part, 
where they are assembling at the falls of the Ohio from whence they 
intend to embark for the Mouth of Cumberland River, where a Town 
was to be laid out for their temporary accommodation ; Mitchell is to be, 
as he says the principal surveyor, & that his business at this place was 
to know from Captain Pike, where the Indian line, particularly ran, that 
he wishes to know as they intended to move as near it as possible ; how- 
ever I am well assured that all this enquiry of W Mitchell, is nothing 
more, than finesse ; I think his real object was to discover what number 
of Troops the Garrison consisted of, & to know the disposition of this 
detachment, particularly. Cox's Artillery consists as I am informed, of 
small pieces which he has packed on Horseback to Kentucky & will em- 
bark them at the falls. 

I have the honor to remain with great 
respect & Esteem your mo. 
Obt. Hble Servant 

T. Lewis. 

2 City of Washington Jany. 17. 1810. 
Dear Sir, 

I enclose an exact copy of your certificate & receipt which I had 
filed as a voucher for my payment of that sum of $2560. but which not 
being certified by the President is not admitted at the Treasury depart- 
ment. Mr. Gallatin, whom I have just conversed with, remarked that 
you were responsible for the money ; but he thought you might be dis- 
charged in one of these two ways — Either by producing receipts or other 
written acknowledgements from the person or persons to whom you actu- 



1797-1798] of James McHenry 273 

After the Spaniards ceded the forts, * Pickering wrote 
McHenry on December 23, stating that the governor at Nat- 
chez must exercise liberal hospitality to visiting chiefs, giv- 
ing them some presents, "to keep the Indians in an amicable 
temper and may have to call a council of the tribes. If the 
governor serve in the field, what rank shall he have? These 
matters should be attended to at once. ' ' 

The greed for Western lands led all classes to purchase 
them and this complicated Indian relations, as may be clearly 
seen from a letter Chase wrote McHenry on December 10: 

"There is another Matter in which I wish for your ad- 
vise — You have heard of a Claim by Citizens of U. S. to 
two purchases from the Indians — called the Illinois and Wa- 
bash Purchase. I am entitled to a 22d or whole share in 
both purchases, which cost me with interest about 1600 cury. 
The Case has been sometime before Congress, & you will see 

ally paid the money; or by furnishing to the existing President (Madi- 
son) evidence to satisfy him of the application of the money to the pur- 
pose specified in your certificate, so as to induce him to certify (what 
President Adams should have done) that the money had been applied to 
the service of the U States : conformably to the power vested in the 
President by the 2d section of "the act providing the means of intercourse 
between the U. States & foreign nations." Vol. IV. page 69-70 of the 
Acts of Congress. If you have no such receipts — or if they were burnt 
In the war-office, you will advise me. Do you suppose that Pres. Adams 
possesses such a knowledge or remembrance of the transaction as to en- 
able him (on sight of your certificate and receipt to me) as would enable 
him now to give such a certificate as, if given during his presidency, 
would have been sufficient? Or can you make such a statement of facts, 
times and circumstances as must bring the affair so fully to his recol- 
lection? If this can be done, I think it not improbable that Mr. Mad- 
ison may, on Mr. Adams' certificate, furnish the requisite voucher for 
the Treasury. 

Please to favour me with an answer as speedily as possible. 
Very truly yours 
T. Pickering 
James McHenry Esq. 
Baltimore 
This may certify that there has been expended by the subscriber 

Two thousand five hundred and sixty dollars in obtaining from 

information relative to a project of France to excite the So. 

Western part of the Union and Georgia to a separation from the United 
States. 

James McHenry 

Secy, of War 
Dollars 2560 

19 March 1798 — 
Received the above mentioned two thousand five hundred and sixty 
dollars this 25th of April 1798 of T. Pickering Secy, of State. 

James McHenry 

1 On January 5, 179S, (State Papers, i, Milit. Affairs, 628, 632, 638) 
McHenry reported on the Cherokee boundary of 1791, on April 6, he op- 
posed paying militia in 1794 for an offensive expedition against the Chero- 
kees and on January 16, 1799, he sent the senate papers concerning the 
Cherokee treaty of 1798. 



274 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xii 

the grounds of our claim as published by the Company, & 
their proposal to Congress, without examining our Right, 
I wish to be quit of the Business. It is very clear that Con- 
gress must purchase of the Indians to extinguish their claims, 
if we have no Right and as we have done it, & have their 
Title, at least so far as the Right of preemption, I would 
agree to relinquish all Claim for what I have paid with Inter- 
est, on 1600£, and I will take a Certificate payable with an- 
nual Interest when Congress thinks proper. I think Justice 
will say that my request is reasonable. I do not wish to in- 
jure the claims of my Partners, but I have no inclination to 
contest by suit, with Congress. Be so kind as to give me your 
candid opinion whether a memorial making such an offer 
would be successful. Read our Claim, which you can procure 
from Dr. Smith. 

"I wish you Health, & Happiness, adieu 
"Your affectionate & 
obedt. servt. 

"Samuel Chase" 

From Europe news came in the autumn. Pinckney wrote 
from Rotterdam on September 19, concerning military books 
which McHenry desired: 

"By this opportunity (the Adelaide, Capt Mann via 
Baltimore) I send you the Military regulations during the 
time of the French Republic ; they were to have been sent 
above three months ago, but by some mistake were postponed. 
Briquet's Military Code is out of print, I am informed a new 
edition is preparing which, when published, I will procure 
and transmit to you, and anything I may meet with new and 
of reputation in that line. 

"Genl. Marshall and myself are now upon our progress 
to Paris ; you will hear by my letters and enclosed papers to i 
the Secretary of State, and Mr. Murray's communications to 
you, of the extraordinary transactions in Paris ; these trans- 
actions and some intimations we have received that our pres- 
ence at this juncture at Paris might be important, and the 
delay of our journey imputed to very false and improper 
motives, have induced Genl. Marshall and myself, to set out 
to Paris, more particularly, as Mr. Prince, the Agent of the 
Union, the .vessel in which Mr. Gerry is to sail from Boston, 
writes word to the Consul at Rotterdam that she is to call 



1797-1798] of James McHenry 275 

at Havre ; I have therefore written to that port to request 
Mr. Gerry to proceed from thence to Paris, without coming 
round by Holland. 

"We shall not commence any direct negociations, before 
we are joined by Mr. Gerry, without circumstances, should 
indicate great probable advantages. 

"These I do not expect; for so much reliance is placed 
in France, on the individual divisions in America, and so large 
a party is thought to be more attached to French measures 
than to the interests of our Country, that, tho' I am convinced 
this opinion is erroneous, yet as it is entertained by men in 
power, I am apprehensive our negociations will be very dif- 
ficult, and my hopes of success are not at all sanguine. 

' ' I remain My dear Sir, with great regard and esteem — 
"Your most obt. 

"humble Servant 
' ' Charles Cotesworth Pinckney. ' ' 

Three days later a letter was sent McHenry by Murray, 
who had tried to ward off any danger of a war between Hol- 
land and the United States: 

"Mr Gerry arrived here last night. He will proceed dn 
to Paris as soon as he can return from Amsterdam, whither 
he must first go. The other ministers went on the 18th. 
inst. The only chance it seems to me they have, is in the 
renewal of the war. This would give to us, all the advan- 
tages of ally'd force, without the odium. Still however to me 
our affairs do appear desperate in Paris. This dreadful con- 
vulsion which took place on the 4th, in which all fell, upon 
whose sense of justice we could have any reliance, has been 
to me a most serious event. Pastoret Portalis — Boissy d' 
Anglois — Dumas, Voublanc — Barbe Marbois & Pichigru — 
these were men of superior cast — who wished to restore order 
to the whole social & political state in France; to recall the 
public bodies to a recognition of foreign nations in the good 
faith of France ; & to check the Directoire, in those violations 
both of the constitution & of the law of nations which had 
excited alarm at home & fear & hatred abroad. These men, 
confounded with the emigrants who had returned, & many 
of whom had kept up a perpetual conspiracy agt. the Republi- 
can system, are swept off, & by this are on their way to 
Madagascar. Since, the two councils, like the peasant when 



276 Life and Correspo?idence [Chap xii 

, , _» . 

arguing with justice, agree to every proposition, & anticipate 
every wish of the Directoire. They have broken up Pastorets 
committee which he had got appointed, after a most able 
speech on our affairs, in which he urged the right we had to 
enter with the Treaty of 94 — & held up the violence of the 
Directoire & their Tribunals agt. our neutral rights in a 
variety of ways, as unjust, tyrannical & impolite. The ob- 
ject of this committee was to report upon the existing rela- 
tions between the U. 8. & France & upon the injuries that had 
been inflicted upon our trade. The report was delay'd till 
the arrival of our minister, & probably under the foresight of 
an intervening crisis, on which they counted upon success. 
They have declared the object of such committees (Zumolard 
had one also, upon the transactions in Genoa Venice &c &c) 
as inconsistent with the constitution & Republicanism, & have 
expressly affirmed the respective acts of the Directory upon 
our affairs. Mulin, too, the late minister of Justice, & the 
official instrument of the numerous condemnations, is now a 
Director, in Carnot's place. Whether you consider the acts 
of the present Legislature or of the Directory & the nature 
of the government, wh. is now a complete military despotism 
& the characters of the men who are in the Executive, we 
shall have little reason to expect justice. By a letter wh. I 
received a few days since from a very intelligent man at 
Paris, it appears, that the table talk in select & official parties 
is, that we may have peace, but it must be upon their terms : — 
that there is a party in the United States strong enough to 
controul, &, if necessary, to overthrow the government ; — & 
that a six months war with France would dissolve the Union. 
M. Adet's Secretary was in this party & confirmed their asser- 
tions. I fear that our ministers may think that delay, and 
the gaining of time, would be a good thing, my idea is that 
all the speed, consistent with candour & gentleness in man- 
ner, is in every aspect of their & our affairs important. To 
you, I can write with perfect freedom — I do not believe 
they will grant us a single object of our just demands, that 
they will wish to keep the negociation open, after they shall 
have had use of it, to throw into discussion in America, 
two or three proposals : as to give us a free West India, & a 
guaranteed Mediterranean trade — if we will abandon the 
Treaty; probably with this, an assurance of indemnification, 
after the war. To dissolve the Union — to revolutionize the 
South & West — to place those into a State, available to them 



1797-1798] of James McHenry 277 

against the British, both in arms & especially commerce & 
West India relations, will be the object of such offers, pend- 
ing the negociation. This idea I have had for months, & so 
exprest myself in one of my letters to you. The pamphlets 
which are published in the IT. S. under French auspices of 
late, tending to familiarise the breach of the Treaty of 94, 
& to conciliate this with the constitution & the interests & 
duties of America, I consider as mere collateral evidence, 
compared with those stronger inferences, which may be drawn 
from their past & present spirit & proceedings, & the connex- 
ion of symptoms wh. have gradually developed themselves in 
America. Congress & the State Legislatures will all be in 
Session at a period when they might, I should think, be 
brought to a fixed complexion ; & when some definite idea 
might be transmitted to you from Paris. In such a state of 
things the rigour of public spirit would have something cer- 
tain to act upon. If it is assailed by discussions upon the 
alternatives with which France will endeavour to amuse it — 
& if expectation be long kept on a stretch, & raised & deprest 
by an indefinite variety of news from Europe, & conjectures, 
this spirit may tire, or cool, or divide into difficult points of 
doctrine & policy. But surely, long before this, the mist has 
been withdrawn from the eyes of thousands of our country- 
men who have been certainly in the most profound errors re- 
specting the views of France towards us & all other nations. 
Her object is aggrandisement. Her means the destruction of 
great Britain. Weak or infatuated neutral nations are her 
stepping stones to reach at her rival. As to Republicanism — 
She has it not herself — She is ruled by the Directoire through 
the army. To preserve this despotism, this Directoire must 
& will keep at war, as then the executive is all in all, & have 
the armies more at their disposal, & more temptations to offer 
them as the price of their obedience. When Buonaparte held 
out his olive branch to the arch Duke, clever & great as he 
is, he was in the utmost danger — Both sides gained time. 
The Directoire had nothing to do with it. In this interval of 
a Peace, for which all France groans the two councils set 
about really organising the true principles of their constitu- 
tion. They wished to produce that responsibility in the Exec- 
utive which this expressly gave them as the source of the exec- 
utive, they examined into the State of the Finances, saw 
confusion & penury & no system even attempted. They looked 
into the expenditures & found a wider & more devouring pro- 



278 Life and Correspondence * [Chap, xii 

1 

fusion than had disgraced the ancient regime. They exam- 
ined into the State of the Bureaus & into the different de- 
partments of the Govt., and beheld a more disgusting parade, 
and a more intricate chain of patronage, & a more extensive 
arrangement of official & subofficial machinery than the old 
court had ever been charged with by its enemies & reformers. 
They then attempted to ameliorate the revenues & to give 
them system ; — to check this profusion, — & even dared to 
point out the propriety of looking into the expenditure of 
those vast treasures with which different generals in Italy 
had been debited. They sought into the State of the colonies 
& pointed out the necessity of really regenerating their lost 
commercial & regular habits, as a source of maritime strength 
& as generally connected with the policy of internal strength, 
agriculture & manufactures. Their object, in fact was to 
revive the internal happiness of France; to bring the people 
to cherish order, industry & peaceful habits & to methodise 
that dreadful chaos into which the relaxation of laws, & 
the great irregularity in the proceedings & the principles of 
the revolutionary governments, had thrown the people more 
than any external force had done. Then happened, in the 
election of a new Third, who were moderates (ie. Anti Jacob- 
ins,) and the preliminary articles of peace wth. the Empire, 
a coincidence favouring this great & patriotic design. This 
election gave the men who entertained these enlightened views, 
the decided majority — as 3 to 1. Their efforts & objects 
were of a nature to excite alarm among all who lived in 
truth upon public confusion. The Directoire saw, in the line 
of conduct which they promised to pursue, that check which 
they were not willing to endure. The Bureaus — & all the 
offices felt sore under this scrutiny into their members, inca- 
pacity, & profusion — the armies were stimulated by the gen- 
erals in a hatred against the councils &, in the same propor- 
tion, into a respect for the Directoire. AVth. whom it became 
politic then to make a common cause. From the moment that 
the Directory perceived that the Legislature resolved to act 
with firmness in the reform of public abuses, & undertook to 
exercise some pretence to their rights of Peace & war, agree- 
ably to the constitution, they excited sedition against those 
councils & gradually took their measures under the pretence 
of guarding against Boyalism, to overthrow the moderates & 
to put all power under their own, absolute direction. Pich- 
igru & others foresaw this crisis — the mysterious march of 



1797-1798] * of James McHenry 279 1 

the army towards Paris & the daring language in the army- 
addressed to the Direetoire agt. the councils, & to each other, 
from Italy to the Sambre & Meuse, led that great man to 
attempt those measures of safety Avh. the constitution put 
wt.in the reach of the councils. He set about organizing the 
national guards or militia — France had been disarmed about 
a year since — Not a cannon nor a musket had been permitted 
to appear in Paris but those in the hands of the guards. The 
sections of Paris had been disarmed on the celebrated Ven- 
demiere. The Directory saw that if this national guard were 
organised & armed, the Legislature wd. be supported. They 
saw too that if Peace with the Emperor & G. Britain fol- 
low 'd such a Legislative preparation of strength, their schemes 
of ambition & absolute power might be frustrated. They 
anticipated the Legislature by placing peace at a distance, 
and by the convulsion of the 4. Sep. triumph. Never per- 
haps in the Roman Senate under Tiberius, when Senators 
could be nodded by the Tyrant to the Baths, was there a 
bolder stroke of despotism, under the cloak of Republican- 
ism ! Fifty odd of the most enlightened Revolutionists in 
France, seized as members of the Legislature, and ordered 
for Banishment, to one of the most distant & savage scenes 
upon earth — without notice — hearing or a trial ! for the 
order of Banishment preceded even the frivolous & unexam- 
ined scraps of inadmissible evidence which had been exhibited 
against one of them, & that one Pichegru — undoubtedly 
there were emigrants in France who watched & always will 
watch for a crisis between the republican parties, that they 
may direct the crisis to their own ends ; — but the members 
of the 500 & of the ancients, except perhaps Camille Jourdan, 
who had lately returned from England, were as remarkable 
for their revolutionary characters, as Mr Rewbill, Mr. Barros 
& Mr. Lepeaux. So also were Carnot & Barthelemy. The 
real crimes of these men were attempts to put the constitu- 
tion in force — to execute the Laws — & to extricate the 
people out of revolutionary government, in favour of Peace, 
order & justice. The charge agt Pichegru is derived from 
the papers of a count D ' Entrigue, an emigrant, who states 
conversations with another emigrant, a count Montgaillard, 
near two years since. These were tricks which the tories 
used to play off upon the whigs with us — but america had 
too much goodness & justice to credit such trumpery. From 
this period, however, it is probable that very serious designs 



280 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xti 

s ■ • 

will be taken up by the ablest revolutionists in France, to 
restore a share of monarchy to the government. My own 
idea is that the different parties & generals will wait for an 
opportunity of placing a King upon the throne of France. 
That whatever party attempts, it will be opposed by an oppo- 
site party, because each will be jealous of the others; & each 
would, if it be at all done, wish to have the advantages & 
emoluments of such a decisive event. But a vast & horrible 
involution of party rage & personal rivalship will long con- 
tinue to distract them, & retard any government but a revolu- 
tionary & military despotism. 

"Lord Malmsbury has left Lisle — This is not from pub- 
lic authority, but I hear it through a channel upon which I 
completely rely. I do not regret this, as the war will recom- 
mence with vigour, & as parties are distrusted in France, & 
they have no means to fit out distant expeditions, they may 
be the more inclined to listen to our ministers. Still I am 
convinced that they rely upon a source of transatlantic means 
which they will organise in proportion as the negociation is 
lengthened & spun out by their acts. 

"There is a certainty that upon the Rhine at Bonn, Cob- 
lerttz, & Cologne, a revolutionary spirit has brought a revolu- 
tion to bear upon the constituted authorities. The plan is 
to erect a Cis-Rhine Republic. The plan of France is not 
only to avail herself of the confusion & weakness which her 
enemies will feel from revolutions in their towns, but also to 
surround her land — Frontier with a cordon of small repub- 
lics, who will be her satellites, her out guards, & whose ex- 
istence, as republics, must depend upon subserviency to her 
& on her protection. Her agents have produced this event. 
Her force is at hand — & Though the great majority of the 
people there, as here, are agt. this plan, her partizans there 
will get possession of power & call their ambition Repub- 
licanism. Dear God! a Republic in the wealthy & corrupt 
parts of Europe ! as a republican I shd. rejoice if I saw man- 
ners, morals, & independence in these scenes. Formerly where 
luxury had totally debauched the morals of a nation they 
supply 'd in energy of govt, what their vices & habits ren- 
dered necessary, to hold the society at all together. At pres- 
ent the attempt at Liberty begins at the point of the social 
state when it used to end. An impatience under moral, re- 
ligious, & civil institutions, arising from a knowledge of only 
abstract doctrines, & stimulated by ambition, love of plunder, 



1797 1798] of James McHenry 281 

idleness & profligacy, is mistaken for love of Liberty. It is 
in fact the restlessness of Vice — a popular path which it 
takes to avoid the imputation of criminality & to enjoy all 
its extravagances & profits. A dreadful anarchy is the result 
— & society is thrown back into its elements, without its sim- 
plicity & morals, I can see no end, except that which one 
man enjoys in the charge & possession of another's property. 
"The revolution at Paris has affected this country but 
slightly. The violent men would like to see the present inter- 
mediary govt, here a little more revolutionary; but the great 
mass of virtuous phlegm, the fair & honest views of the very 
great majority of the People & the whole genius of the nation, 
incorporated as it is in a thousand circumstances & arising 
out of the artificial existence of the whole Republic, are 
against sudden bursts of fanaticism. Dykes which repel the 
beseiging ocean are the bulwarks of the national character. 
Those who exist but by the tenure of a never ending vigi- 
lance to sensible objects, of such importance as the whole of 
their embanking system, you can readily believe, are preserv- 
ing — of course, patient, thoughtful — slow to alter, & fixed 
when once determined — a real overthrow of things in Hol- 
land, in the true revolutionary sense in wh. Europe works 
changes in Govt., would produce the catastrophe of which the 
Zuyder Zee, at this moment, is an awful momento. Where 
this South or Zud Zee now is, once was land! There are 
records in Overyssel & Guilderland of this fact. The great 
exterior Dykes had been neglected — Storms had accumulated 
the Ocean upon that quarter — the bottoms of the Dykes w<-re 
softened and sapped and were burst. The deluge in four 
& twenty hours destroy 'd, and in a great degree covered, & 
soon obliterated many hundred Villages — ( The people live 
in villages) I hear eight hundred! You have often heard, 
hut scarcely believed that the ocean is higher than the land 
in many of the finest parts of the Seven Provinces — The 
fact is so — The country rests upon a foot of soft mud — 
They must have banked out first in the flats of the sea & then 
pumped out all the surrounded water. This is done daily, 
as to pumping; & the maintenance of wind mills for this 
purpose, to keep the land dry which is below the surface of 
the sea, forms a part of something like ground rent, to each 
lot in the town districts. Thus it is near Leyden — & be- 
tween Rotterdam — the Hague. A people so placed are obliged 
to be grave and steady, or drown. A Fete indeed is to take 



282 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xn 

. 

place upon the event of the downfall of Royalism, as they 
call the overthrow of the Legislature at Paris — a Speech 
from the President of the assembly & from Mr Noel, the min- 
ister, is it is said, to manifest the sympathy of Batavia in 
the triumphs of Liberty. These Fetes are useful things to 
any party who use them triumphantly, they have an impos- 
ing effect — They strike all, & upon thousands who love bril- 
liance, effect, & success, but who have neither opportunity nor 
power to examine into the justice of the occasion. These 
fetes are to extend from the mouth of the Rhine, to the ancient 
Kingdom of Ulysses in the mouth of the Adriatic, that 'Lewd 
whore ' — where the tri-coloured flag now waves over the 
ruins of that wise king. These fetes are to pervade every 
scene where France has influence or possession. They will 
be attempted in america. I consider them as partly the tri- 
umphs over our friends & those who might, if any in France 
could, do us justice. It will be highly important to destroy 
the influence of these Fetes then. It is to celebrate the bru- 
tality of a strictly military Despotism, over a sincere & cordial 
operation, through which the great experiment was to be 
fairly made, whether France could endure a real republican 
form of Govt. The experiment was a fair one — The people 
chose their members — these now were not Jacobins — the 
Jacobins formed the club of Saline afterward Montmorency. 
The Directoire grew jealous of the two new thirds — the Ja- 
cobins united wt. it, & with the armies agt. them — The Direc- 
toire turned out these men whom the people appointed and 
banished the ablest of them. The elections of all men of that 
description, except of those who from timidity have made 
terms with the Executive, are declared illegal, & others put 
in before the intelligence could have reached the communes & 
Departments! This is the way the Directoire secures ma- 
jorities ! If a proper use be made of the late event in Paris 
I should suppose the eyes of many, certainly not all, in 
America might be opened; & that the Deception of the Govt, 
once manifested, our worthy citizens would no longer be the 
dupes of the most graceful & vicious nation under the sun. 

' ' I have written to Mr. Smith, the minister Plenipotent 'y 
at Lisbon, congratulating him — He merited the distinction 
— • I went to house-keeping as soon as I heard of his appoint- 
ment, & could get ready. But my dear friend, I never hear 
from you — nor from a soul except Col. Pickering, in his: 



: 



1797-1798] of James McHenry 283 

public letters. "When you write, you could omit your name 
as I do. 

"I can not omit one piece of information of which I 
shall also inform Col. P. The publication of Mr. Adam's 
letter respecting this country does us mischief. It has ex- 
cited considerable heat — & is thought an insult. They wd. 
certainly have demanded his recall had he been here. Yet 
I will still suppose that to answer a great end, these steps 
must sometimes be taken — and, in this case, whatever incon- 
venience arises to the minister it is his duty to bear it as 
part of his official labours & troubles. Certainty of good, 
however, ought always to be placed against certainty of evil. 
Unless the good is great and certain from publication, I 
should hope the govt, would never publish. I know that it 
is to tell the truth, however unweleome, that a minister is 
sent abroad. I have not been spoken to nor written to for- 
mally ; & have, when I saw it would be convenient, attempted 
to soften the affair. The violence is pretty much against Mr. 
Adams — who is out of the reach of this anger. They say 
its hurts them with France & is impolitic as it enables her 
to stimulate this country against us contrary to their wishes, 
by appealing to the pride of the Batavian People and national 
Govt. But I have no fears respecting their disposition to be 
at peace, unless, shd. a war unfortunately come on with 
France, they should be urged, under their Treaty offensive 
& Defensive of 1795, to join F. in the war agt. us. To guard 
against this probability I have for months seized & sought 
occasions of supporting this proposition, when I thought it 
might work to the proposed end — That it is the interest of 
France to suffer the Dutch to be at Peace with America. 
This, I believe, is true. To support this proposition I am 
endeavouring to collect materials to show the importance of 
the American trade to the Dutch and the bearings of the 
Dutch trade and money 'd operations upon the French re- 
sources & affairs. The relations of the American trade with 
Bremen & Hamburg & the connection of these in this trade 
with Amsterdam and Rotterdam. The subserviency of the 
instalments & interest to those sources of Dutch competency 
which are available to France at present. The relations of 
the American trade to France as diverted from English into 
a Dutch channel & the importance of keeping up this diver- 
sion. The great importance of the American neutral bot- 
toms to Holland & France in the Surinam & Batavia E. India 



284 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xii 

• — ■ * 

trade — and a prodigious deal of this carrying is done now ; 
in American ships which have not been at home for three years 
— -particularly those in the E. India freights. In fact, the 
great value to France of an extensive Dutch trade, till she can 
revive her own navigation — and the very little aid she could 
derive from a power whose fleets, are year after year block- 
aded in the Texel — together with the loss which the Dutch 
would sustain in the West Indies & South America without 
benefit to the U. S. but to the certain aggrandisement of the 
great rival of France, Gr. Britain. In these attempts, I shall 
not show, nor have I manifested, any the remotest apprehen- 
sion of a failure of our pacific negociation which will open at 
Paris — but only urged them to lend them as far as friendly 
sympathy might act, to aid the force of our reasonings & to 
prevent a rupture & a good understanding with France &c. 
&c &c. 

"The mutiny in the British fleet is crushed, not only by 
the government, but by that union in all sorts of parties which 
was produced by so serious & unmetaphysical a situation & as 
to the British, they behave handsomely enough to our trade, 
from all I can learn — of course interest & that alone produces 
this conduct & of course they wish us to go to war. There is 
one thing very far from pleasant, in the prospect of the busi- 
ness of settlement of claims by the board of commissioners. 
No case falls wth. in the cognizance of that board, but such 
as can not be reached in the ordinary course of judicial pro- 
ceedings there — cases have to travel through certain stages 
of process in the courts first — here is the approaching hard- 
ship. Either the courts are in justifiably slow, or their delays 
are designed to take many cases out of the remedy of the 
Treaty, for the commissioners, I believe, can not receive cases 
longer than about the next April. In such a state of cases 
undecided, they might avail themselves of circumstances, and 
say, (though with chicanery) that the Treaty had been grat- 
ify 'd. However we have debts as a pledge — but that again 
sets the old sores to running. 

"Mrs M. has written I think twice to Mrs. McIIenry — 
pray remember us both with the most cordial respect & kind- 
ness to her & accept these from us both — my compliments to 
my friend Mr. John McHenry. I have written thrice to Genl. 
Washington. 1. under cover a blank cover to you, soon 
after my arrival. 2. inclosed by a gentleman to Baltimore 
to Mr Gilmor. 3d. lately by Cap. Izard, who returns an 



1797-1798] of James McHenry 285 

accomplished, refined right sort of young man. One letter 
from you, your first — & one from my brother are all — al] 
that I have seen from America! Mun's letters I have seen. 
I admire the way in which Col. P. has turned aside from him 
— god bless you, my dear friend, & believe me to be always 
' ' Sincerely & Affectionately yrs. ' ' 

On October 13, another letter was sent by Murray, l 
telling of the events of the European war and saying : 

"The Hague 13. Oct. 1797. 
"My dear Sir, 

"Were I in China I should not wonder at the total ab- 
sence of letters from those who are such friends as I am pos- 
sessed of. But so near, with such constant opportunities, I 
do wonder & grieve. If you have not time, my young friend, 
Mr John McHenry would write & let me know how you do & 
that I am not gone from all remembrance. Mrs. M. also 
grieves — for I have received but one letter from you — but 
one from my brother — & a line from Harper since I became 
Dutch ! 

1 ' The Dutch Fleet at length resolved to try its title to the 
ocean with the british. They went out on Saturday last. 
Duncan's Squadron being supposed to be in port. The Fleets 
met a little South of the Texel, where, you may easily suppose, 
from the map I send for your acceptance, an engagement took 
place. The Dutch Fleet under Admiral De Winter, formerly 
a Lieutenant of a ship, consisted of 17 of the line & ten Fri- 
gates & small ships. The British, it is said, of 15. of the line 
& some frigates (I do not hear how many). The Dutch, as 
might be expected from their inexperience & want of old 
officers, & especially of old Seasoned, between-deek subal- 
terns, were defeated & eight fine ships of the line, some say 
ten, taken. They behaved very handsomely & with the great- 
est bravery. De Winter & another Admiral Krayestein were 
among the prisoners ! 

"On the sailing of the Fleet, the greatest joy prevailed 

1 On October 24, Pickering wrote McHenry as follows: 
"Mr. Murray's last letter is dated July 21. He mentions that last 
spring certain terms had been agreed between Delacroix & the Portu- 
guese minister at Paris, and the treaty prepared for signing — but just 
then arrived the news of Bonaparte's great successes — and the Directory 
had the perfidy and the insolence, not only to abandon the treaty agreed 
on, but to present a paper with very different terms to the Portuguese 
minister to sign : but he refused — and they ordered him to quit Paris — 
Tho' not France. He chose to go to Holland. I suppose it was from him 
that Mr. M. received the account." 



286 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xii 

among the men in public life — &, on a false report of the 
british flying before the Batavian flag, the guns were fired at 
Rotterdam & great demonstrations of triumph took place. 
The sudden reverse of fortune has affected all classes, as you 
may imagine, with a steady gloom. Dead bodies, & the wreck 
of masts, sails, &c &c float up hourly upon the long line of sea 
coast & present a mournful detail of the defeat. 

"This, though I can not help grieving for my Sober & 
honest friends the Dutch, who deserve to be a free & inde- 
pendent nation, under present circumstances will help us; as 
that british squadron which was large & expensive, will be no 
longer necessary on this coast. The French, the pivot of mod- 
ern speculation, will find their rival enemy so very strong by 
this liberation of force from European attention in the West 
Indies, as to render the vessels & supplies of the U. S. & their 
neutrality, more & more essential. 

' ' Parties here are differently affected by this event. The 
mass of the people, who appear to be orangists, do not lament 
it — many of them are to day drinking & rejoicing in private 
at this defeat, which they think will help their friend the 
Prince. 

"I have not heard from any of our Negotiators at Paris 
since their arrival. I have written every post. I am almost 
certain they would write. Since the publication of Mr 
Adam's letter respecting this country &c — I have reason to 
apprehend a great attention on the part of the French to all 
letters to a prime minister IT. S. Indeed, I feel the effects of 
that publication in various ways, for it has produced an un- 
disguised resentment in the members of the Govt. If you 
would have any minister ordered off — the way would be to 
publish his dispatches. I shall still do my duty, as I have told 
one of the members of the Commission des Relations Exter- 
ieures who, among others, spoke to me with rather a menace, 
or at best a warning, agt. such communications. So, my dear 
Sir, you will judge upon this affair. The minister must write 
the truth & the whole of it — & I shall do so — the Govt, must 
judge as to publication — always, however, under a Certainty 
that from that moment any minister becomes offensive at the 
place he is. As yet, from appearances, they seem to like me 
very well. 

"They have a committee upon another constitution. I 



1797-1798] of James McHcnry 287 

very lately wrote by Capt. Stiles of Baltimore to you & to 
Genl. W. Fayette is liberated. 

' ' & believe me always affectionately Yrs ' ' 

These difficulties with France disturbed Lafayette, who 
was now released, and wrote McHenry at the end of the year : 

"Lhemkull December 26th 1797 
"My Dear McHenry 

" I do not know Whether or Not My former Letters Have 
reached America. Should they have Miscarried I Hope the 
various Dangers now attending the Navigation Will Sufficient- 
ly Apologize for me. This prison Scrible of Mine I Risk at 
Random. Lieutenant Juimpi of the Artillery acquaints me, 
in a Letter Dated October the 24th, that, in a fortnight, He 
will Sail for Baltimore. I Heard of it But Lately And Depend 
Upon Some Mistake in the Date or an Unforseen Delay that 
May Have Detained him. I am Much obliged to Him for 
the Notice He Has given Me, nor was it His fault if it Comes 
too Late. To him also I owed on my passage through Ger- 
many the pleasing emotions I felt at the first Sight, after so 
long a time, of an American Uniform. How Many Dear Ideas 
it Recalls to My Mind and to My Heart ! Among Which My 
Beloved McHenry Comes in for a great Share. 

"lam Sick, and, for the Whole Winter, intend to Remain 
in this Solitary Country Seat in Holstein, on Danish Territory, 
where my fellow prisoner Latour Maubourg and our two 
families are With me. You know that State of our Health, 
particularly that of My Wife Has Rendered it impossible for 
us to travel farther, Much more so to Embark at this Season 
of the Year — we are in a Safe place, and Waiting for the 
Spring. I am Now Well again — it is not Yet the case with 
my two friends. My Wife, altho She is a little Better, Has 
not Hitherto made great Progress towards Her Recovery. This 
Captivity Has Been More Hurtful to Her than to any body 
else. 

"With great and Heartfelt Satisfaction I Hear that the 
Dreadful Distemper in Philadelphia and Baltimore Has Sub- 
sided. So Many friends I Have there, So Affectionate is My 
Attachement to the Mass of the Citizens, and so Difficult is it 
to Hear Any thing from Your quarter that I Could not But 
Be Extremely Anxious, and So shall be until I Can Come at 
particulars about this Horrid Calamity. 






288 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xii 

— 

"There is another Subject of Unhappiness to me. These 
differences Between America and France. How they Damp 
every eijjoyment of My Restoration to Liberty and Life, How 
I regret not to be able to do more than write a few Letters, 
How I wish it was in My Power to adjust them With Equal 
Convenience and Equal Dignity to Both Countries I Need Not 
talk to You, My Dear McHenry — a Quarrell Between the two 
Common Wealths is So Unnatural a thing that I Had Never 
feared I Should Live to See it. 

' ' Inclosed is a letter to Gl. Washington Which I also trust 
to the Same very Uncertain Chance. That of Lieutenant 
Juimpi's not having sailed. I also enclose two quadrupli- 
cates to my two Heroic friends, Bolman and Huger. Present 
my Best and grateful Respect to the President, the Vice Pres- 
ident, and all our friends, Particularly to Your Family. I 
Have not Yet Heard from My Brother Noailles. Let him 
know How we are. I Hope His answers will Soon Come to 
Hand. Remember me also to Gen'l Kosciusko. I Hope His 
Health is Better. My Great Regard for Him Makes me More 
affectionately Partake in every thing that Concerns Him. You 
know, Dear McHenry, How Heartily I am forever 
"Your friend 
' ' Lafayette ' ' 

Other European letters came to McHenry from Lisbon, 
whither his friend, William Smith of South Carolina, had 
gone in the summer of 1797 as the minister and whence he 
wrote of the customs of the country and of the events of the 
European wars. Smith was a thorough Federalist and stood 
for a stern refusal to compromise with France. 1 

During the course of 1797, the forts in New York harbor 
were begun. New York 2 appropriated $150,000 for these 
fortifications, in expectation of being repaid, without reference 
to the balance found due from the state to the nation, by com- 
missioners, and, as Adams 3 thought, did not declare that the 
forts when built should belong to the United States, therefore, 
he thought the money should be expended by Hamilton, with 
reservation of rights of the national legislature. Pickering 
wrote that the jurisdiction of the forts was ceded, but doubted 

1 These letters were printed in Sewanee Review, xiv, No. 1, Janu- 
ary, 1906. 

2 J. Adams, viii, 556. 

3 Some interesting letters from Murray to the President are printed 
in the appendix to volume 8 of John Adams's Works. 



1797-1798] of James McHenry 289 

whether the state intended to appropriate money to pay its 
debt to the United States and suggested, on November 6, that 
McHenry write Jay to direct the work to proceed, stating that 
sums expended by New York should be credited on account of 
the balance, to avoid a claim from the state. Winter was near, 
nothing could be done until spring and, consequently, a little 
delay would not hurt matters. 

On June 13, 1798, McHenry wrote the military committee 
of New York and sent the letter to Hamilton, asking whether 
the forts should be first undertaken on the islands in the har- 
bor, or on Sandy Hook. A letter from Hamilton to McHenry, 
dated June 1, seems to be upon this matter as follows : 
"My Dear Sir 

"Our citizens are extremely anxious that some further 
measures for their defence should take place. Do me the 
favour to inform me confidentially what means are actually 
in the disposition of your department for this purpose, when & 
how they will be apllied. 

' ' Yrs truly &c 
"A Hamilton 

"A Capt Hacker formerly of our Navy is desirous of 
being employed. One or two good men have recommended 
him to me. It seems, however, — that he has been heretofore 
rather Democratic. I barely wish that his pretensions may be 
fairly but carefully considered & that he may have such chance 
as he merits 

"The sooner I hear from you the better." 

On February 27, 1798, McHenry reported to the house 
of representatives * that he had expended on forts, princi- 
pally on Fort Mifflin, Pa., $39,400, and that there remained a 
balance of the appropriation of $97,700. The delay in build- 
ing forts was largely caused by the tardiness of the states in 
ceding sites. He suggested that, as the frontiers are likely for 
;a long time to need all the existing army and forts cannot be 
garrisoned by militia, the army be augmented and that a re- 
gard to ultimate economy required that the forts be con- 
structed of durable materials. 

From Mount Vernon, Washington wrote 2 McHenry on 
January 28, asking many questions on public and private mat- 
ters, especially as to the "meaning of the calm and apparent 

1 State Papers, Milit. Affairs, i, 119. 

2 Ford, xiii, 438. 



290 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xii 

harmony" in congress and whether there are "no accounts yet 
from our envoys ? If not, to what is their silence attributed, 
when the newspapers are filled with accounts of them as late 
as the middle of November from Paris, where they must have 
been at least six weeks. ' ' x 



1 Other unpublished letters from Washington on private matters, 
are dated from this period as follows : 

"Mount Vernon 7th. Feb. 1798. 
"Dear Sir. 

"Your two letters, both dated the 1st. instant, came to hand yes- 
terday only. I thank you for giving me the perusal of their enclosures; 1 , 
and as I am upon the point of setting out to a meeting of the Stock- 1 *! 
holders of the Potomack Navigation, and may be from home two or three; 
days, I return them without delay. 

"I had, it is true, entirely forgot my old Coach until reminded thereof 
by Mr. Small; upon which, I wrote to Colo. Biddle (who transacts aljt; 
matters of that sort for me in Philadelphia) to sell it for whatever iffl 
would fetch, and took it for granted that all expences (as he had money • 
of mine in his hands) had been paid Let me entreat you, therefore, to )' 
direct Mr. Small to that source for payment. 

"As the Gout & Rheumatism are said to [be] Cousin Germans, it is nfi 
matter on which Acct. (I hope I may) congratulate you on a recovers 

from ■ Complims. &c. — and I am always 

"Your Affecty 

"Go. Washington-. 
"James McHenry Esqr." 

"Mount Vernon 4th. Mar. 1798. 
"Sir, 

"Your favour of the 9th ult. came duly to hand & would have received 
an earlier acknowledgment had not causes, of one kind or another inter- 
vened. 

"Always desirous of promoting works which are calculated for thai 
use and benefit of mankind; and believing that the one you have in: 
contemplation if well compiled, will contribute to this end, I leadily be- f 
come a subscriber to it. 

"For the flattering terms in which you have been pleased to intro- 
duce the subject to me, I prav you to accent the thanks of. Sir 
"Your Most Obedt. — Hble. Servt. 
"Go. Washington. 
"Mr. John Parker 

"Mount Vernon 4th. March 1798. 
"Dear Sir, 

"Knowing nothing of Mr. John Parker (whose letter I enclose you;) 
of his fitness for the work he contemplated ; — or the utility of it when 
done; except bringing All these Matters into a connected view; — which 
indeed Might be useful — But knowing as I Well do, that many men 
when they want money, and do not readily know how else to come at it, 
are too apt to set projects of this kind on foot, to obtain it ; sometimes 
for the mere purpose of catching a penny, without meaning more thai 
to get hold of the money; and oftentimes without abilities to execute 
their designs in Useful undertakings, by which attempts, more competent 
pens, lye unimployed. I say, viewing things in this light, & presuming 
you have a better knowledge of what is stated in his letter than I can 
pretend to. — of his views ; and of the propriety of encouraging the pro- 
posed Undertaking ; I have taken the liberty of putting along with his 
letter. My answer, to be forwarded to him, or not, as in your judgment, 
& from existing circumstances, you shall deem best. — 

"With truth & sincerity — I am always 
"Your affectionate friend 
"Go. Washington. 
"Are our Commrs. Guilotined? — 
or what else is the Occasion 
of their Silence?" 

From Mount Vernon Washington wrote, on June 22, 179S, complain- 



1797-1798] of James McHenry 291 

As the year 1798 began and a rejection of our envoys 
seemed probable, Adams addressed a series of questions on 
January 24 to the heads of departments, asking them if war 
should follow such rejection. l 

Two days later McHenry wrote, enclosing the president's 
queries: "My dear Hamilton, Will you assist me, or rather 
your country, with such suggestions and opinions as may oc- 
cur to you on the subject of the within paper. Some of the 
questions it contains are very important and an immature step, 
or a wrong policy, pursued or recommended, respecting them 
may become extremely injurious, or beget disagreeable conse- 
quences. I am sure I cannot do such justice to the subject as 
you can. Let me, therefore, intreat you to favour me, as soon 
as possible, with your ideas. Take care of the paper. I 
received it only this morning. Yours most affectionately." 2 

Hamilton's answer to this is as follows: 

"It may serve to prepare the way for a direct answer to 
the questions stated by the President to make some preliminary 
observations : 

"1. It is an understood fact that there is a very general 
and strong aversion to War in the minds of the people of this 
Country — and a considerable part of the community (though 
even this part has been greatly alienated from France by the 
late violent conduct towards this country) is still peculiarly 
i averse to a War with that Kepublic. 

"2. A formal rupture between the two countries ipso 
facto carries matters to the greatest extremity, and takes all 

ing of McHenry's failure to answer his letters and asking, "what has been 
done with a letter of mine, put under cover to you (early in March last) 
to be forwarded, or suppressed, at your discretion, to a Mr. John Parker ; 
who exhibited Proposals to the Public, for compiling' a complete Edition 
of all the Journals of Congress from the earliest period of them down to 

. the present day?" — Lear's "Letters and Recollections of Washington." 2 5 5. 

On June 26, McHenry wrote Washington apologizing for forgetting 

to answer owing to a press of business, and saying that he did not give 

Parker Washington's letter for Parker was working for a Democratic 

printer and McHenry thought it best not to give a person the "countenance 

, of your name whose politics, according to my information, entitled him 
to none. If this objection is not valid," McHenry will yet deliver the 

'. letter. The objection must have been valid, for <the letter to Parker re- 

; mained among McHenry's papers to this day. 

1 J. Adams, i, 515. 

2 C. F. Adams, in his life of his grandfather, insinuates that Mc- 
Henry's plan was drawn by Hamilton with reference to Miranda and that 
this explains McHenry's reference to Spain. But Adams had asked Mc- 
Henry to consider relations with Spain. C. F. Adams also groundlessly 
insinuates that Pickering, Wolcott, and McHenry knew more of Miranda's 

'■ project than they cared to disclose. 



292 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xii 

. T 

the chances of evil which can accrue from the Vengeance of 
France stimulated by success. 

"3. A mitigated hostility leaves still a door open to 
negotiation and takes some chances, to avoid some of the ex- 
tremities of a formal war. 

' ' 4. By a formal war with France there is nothing to be 
gained. Trade she has none — and as to territory, if we could 
make acquisitions they are not desireable. 

"5. These premisses if just lead to this conclusion, that 
in the event of a failure of the present attempt to negotiate, a 
truly vigorous defensive plan, with the continuance of a read- 
iness still to negotiate is the course advisable to be pursued. 

"Then, if one or more of our Commissioners remain in 
Europe, it may be expedient to leave them there (say in Hol- 
land) to have the air of still being disposed to meet any open- 
ing to accommodation. 

"If they all return, there is an end of that question, for 
they certainly are not to be sent back. 

' ' The further measures presumed to be expedient for the 
Government in the event supposed are: 

"1. To give permission to Merchant Vessels under prop- 
er guards to arm for defence. 

"2. To prepare as fast as possible a number of Sloops 
of War, say Twenty, of from 16 to 20 guns each. Vessels 
already built may be procured fit for the purpose and perhaps 
in sufficient numbers. 

"3. To complete as fast as possible the three remaining 
Frigates. 

"4. To give authority to the President, in case of open 
rupture, to provide, equip &c, by such means as he shall judge 
best, a number of ships of the line not exceeding ten in num- 
ber. 'Tis not improbable these may be procured from G. B. 
— to be manned & commanded by us. A provisional negotia- 
tion for this purpose may be opened. The authority ought to 
be broad enough, though correct in the terms, to permit the 
contracting with a foreign power to take such a number of its 
navy into the pay of our Government. 

' ' In the first instance our Merchant & other armed vessels 
should be authorised to capture and bring or send in all ves- 
sels which may attack them and all French privateers, which 

they may find hovering within leagues of our Coast. The 

vessels to be condemned & the crews liberated. 



1797-1798] 



of James McHenry 



293 



"5. A Regiment to 
form two batalions 
commanded by a 
Colonel. 

"Each batalion to 
be commanded by a 
Major & to consist of 

5 Companies to have 
a Captain two lieu- 
tenants 4 sergeants 

6 100 rank & file. 



"To this end and for more important 
reasons, the Treaties of Alliance & Com- 
merce between the U. States & France 
to be declared suspended. 

"6. A substantial regular Force of 
20,000 men to be at once set on foot and 
raised as soon as may be. Of these not 
less than 2000 to be cavalry. An auxil- 
iary provisional army to be likewise con- 
stituted of 30,000. Infantry on the plan 
heretofore suggested. 1 

"7. To furnish the means, all the 
sources of revenue to be immediately 
seized and put in action with boldness 
& a loan to the requisite extent on com- 
putation to be authorised. 

' ' The more Revenue we have the more 
vigour evidently we can act with & by 
taking a rank hold from the commence- 
ment we shall the better avoid an accu- 
mulation of debt. This object is all im- 
portant nor do I fear any serious obsta- 
cles from popular opposition. 
'The measures to be taken by Executive will therefore 
To Communicate to Congress with manly, but calm and 
sedate firmness & without strut, the ill success of the attempt 
to negotiate & the circumstances attending it. To deplore the 
failure of the measure. 

"To inculcate that the crisis is a very 
serious one &, looking forward to possi- 
ble events in Europe, may involve the 
safety, liberty & prosperity of this Coun- 
try.* 

' ' That the situation points out two ob- 
jects : 1. measures of immediate de- 
fence to our Commerce and 2. of ulterior* 
security in the event of open Rupture. 
Towards these the above mentioned meas- 
ures to be recommended but without de- 
tail as to numbers of Ships, troops &c. 
"The idea to be thrown in that the hope of an accomoda- 

1 McHenry. in his reply to the president, placed the regulars at 16,000 
and the provisional army at 20,000. 



be. 



"*I think the ov- 
erthrow of England 
& the invasion of 
this Country very 
possible so possible 
that any other cal- 
culation for our Gov- 
ernment will be a 
bad one. 



294 • Life and Correspondence [Chap, xii 

• 

tion, without proceeding to an open Rupture, ought not to be 
abandoned or precluded, while measures of self preservation 
ought not to be omitted or delayed & ought to be prosecuted 
with a vigour commensurable with the present injury & event- 
ual greatness of the danger. 

"The further idea ought to be thrown out that France, 
by formally violating, has in fact suspended the Treaties — 
that they ought, consequently ad interim, to be suspended by 
us — since the observance on one side & not on the other can 
only produce inconvenience & embarrassment. 

The necessity of ample provision of 
j revenue & force ought to be dwelt upon 
"There has been|with emphasis accompanied by strong 
latterly too much] allusions to great future possible clan- 
Epigram in our Of-'gers. In all this a stile cautious, solemn, 
ficial Stile. I grave, but free from asperity or insult 

| is all important. 
"An Embargo seems now to be out of place & ineligible. 
"With regard to Spain, nothing more seems advisable at 
present than to instruct our Minister at that Court to make 
respectful but energetic representations, pressing the fulfil- 
ment of the Treaty. The less is done with her Officers here 
the better. 

"With regard to Holland or Portugal, it is not perceived 
that any thing is requested except to endeavour to continue & 
cultivate good understanding. 

"As to England, it is believed to be best, in any event, to 
avoid alliance. Mutual interest will command as much from 
her as Treaty. If she can maintain her own ground, she will 
not see us fall a prey — if she cannot, Treaty w T ill be a public 
bond. Should we make a Treaty with her & observe it, we 
take all the chances of her fall. Should France endeavour 
to detach us from a Treaty, if made, by offering advantageous 
terms of Peace, it would be a difficult & dangerous task to our 
Government to resist the popular cry for acceptance of her 
terms. 'Twill be best not to entangle. 

"Nothing more, therefore, seems proper to be done than, . 
through Mr. King 1 , to communicate the measures in Train — 
to sound as to cooperation in case of open Rupture, the furn- 
ishing us with naval force — point 'g the cooperation to the 
Floridas, Louisiana, & South American possessions of Spain, 
if rupture, as is probable, shall extend to her. To prevail on 
Britain to lodge in her Minister here ample authority for all 



1797-1798] of James McHenry 295 

these purposes ; but all this without engagement or commit- 
ment in the first instance. All on this side the Mississippi 
must be ours, including both Floridas [McHenry added New 
Orleans]. Twill be best to charge with the instructions a con- 
fidential Messenger. 

"In addition to these measures, Let the President recom- 
mend a day to be observed as a day of fasting, humiliation, & 
prayer. On religious ground, this is very proper. On politi- 
cal, it is very expedient. The Government will be very un- 
wise, if it does not make the most of the religious preposses- 
sions of our people, opposing the honest enthusiasm of Keli- 
gious Opinion to the phrenzy of Political fanaticism. The 
last step appears to me of the most precious importance & I 
earnestly hope, it will, by no means, be neglected." 

On February 15, McHenry 1 submitted his answer to 
Adams, practically embodying Hamilton's paper. Later 
Adams submitted questions, when details of French news had 
come, whether the particulars should be disclosed to congress 
at once, and whether he should recommend a declaration of 
war. McHenry answered by appealing to his former paper. 2 

McHenry thus spoke of alliances: ''As to England. 
Notwithstanding her naval victories and undisputed control 
of the ocean, her fate remains yet perhaps precarious and must 
continue, so as long as invasion remains practicable or possible. 
This consideration may render it best to avoid entangling our- 
selves with an alliance." 3 

On February 20, Hamilton wrote regretting he had not 
found time to read a report McHenry had sent. 4 William 

1 On February 13, Hamilton wrote McHenry (Hamilton, vi, 267) 
in reference to his private debts. 

2 J. Adams, i, 517. J. Adams, viii, 56S. C. F. Adams says J. 
Adams had no suspicion as to the source of McHenry's policy. 

3 Hamilton, vi, 27S. March 27, 179S, Hamilton writing to Pick- 
ering, suggests no alliance with Great Britain, J. Adams had by form 
of queries opposed English alliance. See Hamilton, vi, 271, March 17. 

4 
My Dear Friend 

I regret that my occupations have not permitted me to give your 
report more than a cursory reading, before my being obliged to leave the 
city for Albany. I have put it under a cover addressed to you. If it 
cannot conveniently wait my return, which will be in a fortnight, it will 
be sent you upon a line directed to Mr. "James Inglis at Col Hamilton's 
No. 26 Broadway N York." desiring him to forward you the Packet 
left in his care for you which will be done. 

Interpret favourably & forgive 
Yr Affect 

A Hamilton 
N York 20 Feb 
179S 



296 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xn 

Pinkney wrote on February 26, from London, where he was 
commissioner to settle claims under the Jay Treaty. 

"When I had the pleasure to see you last you requested 
me to write to you — and, if I have not availed myself of this 
Request, it is only because I have had nothing to communicate 
which wd. not come to you more promptly as well as more 
satisfactorily from other channels. Of the progress of our 
Commission you wd. naturally be apprized by our Dispatches 
to the Secy, of State — and of the great Events of which 
Europe has been the Theatre, my Letters could give you no 
Information equal to that wch you have better Means of ac- 
quiring. I think, however, that my Silence has been blame- 
able — and that I shd. have written, if it were merely to 
remind you of my Claim to a place in your recollections, and 
to evidence the Value I do not cease to put upon your Friend- 
ship & good opinion. I beg you to pardon me, if you believe 
me to have been faulty in this respect — and to allow my 
promise of Amendment, with this Specimen of it, to make my 
peace. I am aware that, in saying this much, I appear to 
make myself of more Importance than I am entitled to do — 
but you will be good enough to ascribe this seeming Vanity to 
the Proofs I have heretofore received of your regard. 

"You have doubtless been much gratified by observing 
that, notwithstanding serious tho temporary Obstacles, the 
Execution of the 7th. art. of the Treaty has equaled our best 
Expectations, and you will be more gratified by learning that 
the prospect of an honorable Close to our Commission becomes 
every day more certain. "We have supposed it probable that 
we shd. differ from the B. Comn. on a point of more Conse- 
quence than has hitherto occurred & upon the Decision of 
which wd. depend whether the article shd. be idle and illu- 
sory or a substantial efficacious Provision. The Treaty pre- 
scribes 18 Months for the Exhibition of Claims in the first 
Instance, & gives us a Discretion to receive them within 6 
months after the Expiration of the 18. It is now perfectly 
certain that the judicial Remedy will not have been exhausted, 
in the great mass of the Cases within, either of those periods — 
as the Lords of Appeal decide nothing, or at least very little. 
The Treaty makes it an essential Ingredient in every Com- 
plaint that it shd. be shown that the Compt. cd. not procure 
Redress, in the ordinary Course of judicial proceeding, — 
and no Complainant can come to us, until he is in a Situation 
to alledsre & substantiate that Fact, of Course it wd. become 



1797-1798] of James McHenry 297 

important to determine whether a Man, whose Cause is still 
subjudicc, without fault on his part, at the End of the 18 
Months, is not authorized to demand our Aid, upon the Ground 
that he has tried the judicial Remedy to the Extent required 
by the Treaty. For, if he cd. not then demand it & his Cause 
shd. remain undecided by the Lords until the End of the 6 
Months, it is obvious that he wd. be forever witho't the pale of 
this provision, and, consequently, the Treaty wd. be almost 
a dead Letter. Upon this point, on which we had anticipated 
difference of opinion, we shall probably be unanimous — and 
I do not foresee any other on wch we are likely to have any 
considerable Difficulty. I have Hopes of being able to return 
to America in the Course of the next Year — and it will, I am 
sure, give you pleasure to learn that my Health is so much 
recruited as to enable me to go back to the Bar without Incon- 
venience. If it shall happen that our Labours here have not 
been in vain (and there is every reason to hope so), I shall be 
so far from having Cause to regret my absence from my Coun- 
try that I may justly felicitate myself upon it. 

"Our Envoys at Paris are still statu quo. Tho French 
Law of the last Month denouncing indiscriminate Hostility 
agt. Neutral Commerce — & Talier's late motion for another, 
by which all Neutral Vessels are to be brought in for Adjudi- 
cation &, if armed, condemned without further Enquiry (a 
regulation obviously in Aid of the former) seem to be an un- 
equivocal Answer to our Demands of Redress for past Injur- 
ies. My Information does not enable me to form any decisive 
Judgment, but I shd. think our Comm'rs cannot remain much 
longer in France. If a rupture with the proud Republic shd. 
be unavoidable without the Sacrifice of our national Honor 
and Interests (and of this there does not appear to be any 
room to doubt) I hope & trust that the public Mind in Amer- 
ica will be prepared for it & that we shall meet the Necessity 
with all the Spirit & resources of the Country. Europe pre- 
sents every day fresh Instances of French Ambition and the 
baneful System by which it is to be gratified. Switzerland is 
upon the point of being revolutionized, & probably annexed 
to France not by the Troops of that Nation, but by the opera- 
tion of that detestable policy which plays off the lower & 
unprincipled portion of Society agt the Government. Berne 
is supposed to be prepared for a considerable Stand ; but the 
prospect of its being an efficacious one is not such as could be 
wished. The Ecclesiastical States are on the Eve of being 



298 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xii 

_ 

democratized or sunk into a French province. Portugal is 
menaced with a powerful Invasion — & Spain has consented to 
the March of the necessary Forces thro her Territories — the 
consequences of which will obviously be fatal to both. Thus 
for the want of a timely Coalition among the different Powers 
of the Continent, each will, in its Turn, become a Prey to the 
inordinate Views of a Nation which, with Union they are still 
able to resist. G. Britain alone preserves the firm attitude 
with which she commenced the contest. But her Efforts can 
only be defensive & can respect herself alone. The threatened 
Invasion of this Country is probably mere vapouring; but if 
attempted to be carried into Execution, has every possible 
chance agt. it. I ought to make an Apology for troubling you 
with politics. I did not intend to do so, because I can state 
nothing upon these Topics but what I collect from Newspapers 
& common Conversation, & because you have infinitely surer 
Sources of Knowledge. Mr. King's Dispatches have, I pre- 
sume, made you accpiainted with the State of our Claim to 
the Bank Stock. His good offices have been constantly em- 
ployed to secure to Maryland the Effect of its Right, & it is to 
be hoped will be finally successful. Every Motive of Justice 
& Policy points to an absolute Transfer of the Stock to the 
State's use & must ultimately produce it. Harper's Book has 
gained uncommon Celebrity here — & is read with avidity by 
people of every Description. Monroe's is re-published in 
London, but I have not seen it. From what I have heard of 
it, it contains that which only the Govt, of the U. S. could give 
to the world — his Instructions &c. Whence a diplomatic 
Agent derived his Authority for the publication of such Docu- 
ments is inconceivable — unless the Govt, has given it to him. 
"I will not add more to this long & hasty Letter than to 
tell you that we pass our time pleasantly enough in London & 
that my Family enjoy better Health than formerly; but that 
I am anxious to return to Maryland. We do not precisely 
know the Value of our Country & our Friends, till we are 
separated from them. I beg you to be assured, my Dr. Sir, 
that of the latter there is none whom I remember with warmer 
Sentiments of Regard than you. I do not ask you to write to 
me ; but I cannot help remarking that, if you shall have Leis- 
ure to give me a Line, you will gratify me highly by doing so. 
"Yours sincerely 

"Wm Pinkney." 



1797-1798] of James McHenry 299 

On March 19, Adams announced to congress the failure 
of the negotiators, without publishing the correspondence 
showing the full details of the transactions. Not only the 
commissioners had failed but also Talleyrand's minions had 
demanded bribes and had been refused, Pinckney and Marshall 
had retired from Paris, leaving Gerry there. 

On April 12, Murray wrote from the Hague : 

"My dear Friend, 

"At length I have heard once more from you & Mrs M — 
from her friend Mrs McHenry — yesterday I reed, your 
letter of Novr. It has beeri almost as long in coming, as our 
Envoys dispatches are in going. A year this, day since we 
received the last of your kind offices at the boat in wh. we 
embarked ! One Year — and I shall just bear myself clear 
of every expense — & that only with about 400 guilders in 
Pocket — but I could not keep your commands — the 
living here is as dear as in Philada — the demands from com- 
pany more — the necessity of attending to various people in 
this & other governments, greater — & more urgent, as times 
waver from critical to temperate & back again. The style of 
entertaining here is heavy, ceremonious, & costly. "We are 
rigid economists — we go in a Treck Schuyte if we go out of 
town — in a hack, if we go in the rain, in town. I keep old 
Will & a man ayIio speaks dutch & english — who is essential 
to housekeeping. I keep no horse — nor have I been on one 
since I came — though I want exercise. Yet my dear friend 
furnishes as many rooms as we want only — & the noviciate 
among the dealers for every thing of Life & they are all 
SHARPERS: so it is your Min. Resident is pretty much as 
he started — though I see there is a stir in Congress about our 
Salaries. I know what you will say — retrench — but you 
know not the sort of scene we are in — a marryd. minister 
must, he must see certain people at their houses & of course 
at his own ! You observed once to Hollingsworth, when I men- 
tioned that I intended to carry Mrs. M. with me to the Springs 

— 'That is bad' — but on this voyage you know I could not 
help it — we are rigid oeconomists — & I often feel very un- 
easy at the necessity of spending money — we live as snug as 
possible — but we could not live with decency as genteel peo- 
ple under £800 a year Sterl — war has raised the price of 
everything but house rent — we live in the house of the U. S. 

— in which we have, from its size, almost died this dreadful 



300 Life and Cwrespondence [Chap, xii 

- . _ , 

winter, in damp & cold. The repairs of this house cost some 
money, the bankers undertook it — they said their original 
powers extended to repair. I shall pay for one room — the 
most expensive one. 

"We trembled for you in the fever, though we heard, as 
I mentioned in mine of 24. Jany — that you all were safe. 
In that letter, I mentioned the Eevolution here — of which I 
have often written to the Secretary of State. The winds have 
been furiously West & N. W. ever since the 7. Oct. That must 
account, with probable captures, for your not hearing from 
the Envoys at Paris up to 3. Feb. But my dear Sir ! a stroke 
is struck at Paris at the Commission that will pose every body. 
The Directory have selected Gerry — & will open the negocia- 
tion with him. I understand from Genl. P. will order P. & 
M. to quit paris. I can not understand what new property 
Gerry has discovered in the mill stone ever turning & ever 
grinding every thing — what new property he has discovered, 
by means of algebra, in his own powers or in their plans — 
but so it is. The whole 3 made one commission — one is se- 
lected 'whose supposed opinions they say promise most confi- 
dence in them ' ! ! thus my dear Sir the Directory have us ' on 
the hip' — Why Mr. G. stays after all that has past — after 
the very ground of negociation is changed by acts subsequent 
to their arrival, no mortal but himself I believe can divine. 
I fear he is deceived in the degree of his own address & ability 
to tread in a labyrinth without a clue — if he had had a clue, 
his colleagues must have seen it — &, without one, I think he 
will lose himself. I do fear that with all his goodness of part 
he has the trick of mistaking the forms of a new & brilliant 
Society for deference to himself — the lamps of Paris for il- 
lumination — the kiss of the Fish women for public joy & 
these dames for dignify 'd matrons meeting to hail him as the 
great pacificator. I fear this — of his good intentions I have 
no doubt — of his knowledge of men — such men — & of 
women — & such women — & of politics conducted without 
chart or compass as ours are, I do doubt & he must obtain 
Justice, & settle the dispute on principles warranted by the 
spirit of America. And do that soon, or I shall think he 
wanted common sense in separating from such men as Pinck- 
ney & Marshall, under circumstances of calumny agt. the 
Govt. U. S. & dishonour to them too — if any thing said 
against an honest man by France, can be dishonour. If he 
does not obtain his objects speedily, it is entirely improbable 



1797-1798] of James McHenry 301 

he can justify a step that places so much power, in a crisis, 
in the hands of France, wh. step stagnates every measure in 
America while it strengthens France & yet binds not F. to 
anything hut to treat with him — no principle established — 
no hope of success held out that Genl. P. had heard of on the 
6th. or he would have told me in his letter — in his of 23. 
March — they had resolved All to reject the proposal. 

"I have seen Mr. M's book — & despise it too much to 
dread another, wh. I should not be surprised to see engendered 
soon on the same soil & not very unlike it. 

"Harper's work does me much good. It is in England 
the property of a benevolent Society, the profits arising from 
its prodigious Sale are devoted to a charity. Pray tell our 
friend this — it has past 7. editions — & large ones. 

"I will write again soon. The Govt, here are very friend- 
ly towards U. S. I rejoice Spain has opened her eyes as to 
Limits. I have taken great pains here with her minister, an 
amiable & sensible man, lately in the council of State, on this 
subject, ever since last summer — but do not know that he 
has communicated on it to his Court. Mr. Delacroix is very 
polite to us — & all his family. Pray remember me most 
kindly & respectfully to Mrs McHenry — & do also to our fair 
and amiable young friend now Mrs. Marcou — and do also to 
Sedgwick — Hindman — Harper — Mr. Dennis — Tracey — 
Rep. — S. Smith &c &c &c & Mr. Wolcott. 

' ' God bless, you my dear friend &, 
believe me always affectionately 
"Yrs. &c &c &c" 

On March 27, Washington wrote McHenry, 1 asking if 
it can be true that some members of congress have had treas- 
onable correspondence with the Directory. ' ' On this, as upon 
all other occasions, I hope the best. It has always been my 
belief that Providence has not led us so far in the path of 
independence of one nation to throw us into the arms of an- 
other. And that the machinations of those who are attempting 
it will, sooner or later, recoil upon their own heads." 

Some dissatisfaction had arisen as to McHenry 's admin- 
istration of his department and on April 27, 1798, Robert 
Goodloe Harper 2 wrote to Hamilton: "Could anything 
prevail on you to take the war department, a war minister is 

1 Ford, xiii, 493. Sparks, xi, 230. 

2 Hamilton, vi, 282. 






302 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xii 

* 

more important than a general. If Adams understood your 
willingness to come forward, the arrangement would imme- 
diately take place, McIIenry would give way and there is no 
difference of opinion among the federal party on the absolute 
necessity of his doing so. ' ' No answer to this letter has been 
found. 

The growth of the navy demanded that more attention 
should be given it. On March 8, McHenry recommended that 
the Avar department should be assisted by a commissioner of 
marine and from this suggestion came the navy department. * 
The frigate United States had been launched July 10, 1797, 
the Constellation on September 7 and the Constitution was to 
leave the ways in April, 1798. 2 

On May 12, McHenry wrote Hamilton 3 that one or two, 
of the frigates will shortly be ready for sea and that Capt. 
Dale will sail in the Ganges within six or seven days. He 
asks for help in preparing instructions to the captains. As 
there is no secretary of the navy as yet, McHenry must pre- 
pare instructions to guide the conduct of the men of war in 
employing force to protect convoys against French ships. 
Congress shows a profound reserve and makes no declaration 
of war. 

On May 17, Hamilton answered that the president, by the 
constitution, probably has .power only "to employ the ships 
as envoys, with authority to repel force by force (but not to 
capture) and to repress hostilities within our waters, including 
a marine league from our coasts. 

"Anything beyond this must fall under the idea of re- 
prisals and requires the sanction of that department which is 
to declare or make war." The president should exercise no 
"doubtful authority," but should send a message to congress, 
asking for authority to give more "extensive protection" to 
our shipping. This "course will remove all clouds as to what 
the President will do, will gain him credit for frankness and 
an unwillingness to chicane the constitution and will return 
upon Congress the question in a shape which cannot be elud- 
ed. " A French privateer had made captures at the mouth 
of New York harbor. "This is too much humiliation, after all 
that has passed. Our merchants are very indignant ; our gov- 



1 State Papers, i. Naval Affairs, 33, 34. 

2 Ingersoll's War Department, 29. 

3 Hamilton, vi, 2S2. 



1797-1798] of James McHenry 303 

eminent very prostrate in the view of every man of en- 
ergy." 1 

The navy department was not long to remain vacant. Ben- 
jamin Stoddert of Georgetown, a merchant of moderate abil- 
ity, who had been a fellow member of the Maryland senate 
with McHenry, was appointed secretary and assumed the du- 
ties in June. After accepting the office, he wrote McHenry 
thus: 

"Geo. Town, May 28, 1798. 
' ' Dear Sir, — 

"Unqualified, as I really think myself, I have after a 
thousand struggles, accepted my honorable, and at this crisis, 
important appointment. Who that has the feelings of an 
American, could refuse to try, at least, to serve his country 
at such a time ? I put in thus early my claim on your Friend- 
ship for all the assistance I shall need, and it will be a great 
deal. I mean to set out for Philadelphia as early as possible. 
I hope a week's delay will not be thought long, and I hope I 
shall not find it necessary to bestow more than a week on my 
private affairs. I go at first without my family, who are to 
follow, or to wait till the Fall, as I shall determine, after get- 
ting to Philadelphia. You did not write me a word about 
your wishes as to my acceptance or refusal — make up for the 
deficiency by writing me on the receipt of this, and, if possi- 
ble, flatter me into a belief that I may be able to avoid merited 
reproach. One letter may reach me before I leave this. 
"I am, Dear Sir, with great esteem, 
"y'r Serv., 

"Ben Stoddert." 

We learn of Stoddert 's arrival in Philadelphia from a 
letter written thence by William Hindman on June 13 : 

"Our Friend Stoddart reach 'd here Tester Afternoon, 
& will wait upon the President this Morning, being anxious 
to be geered & enter upon the Duties of his Office ; the appli- 
cants for Clerkship are numerous, & some of the first Char- 
acters in the United States, He will not probably appoint his 
principal Clerk for some Days. 

"You will see by the Paper, that there is to be a special 
Call of our House at after 11 Oclock to Day, as the Bills for 
the direct Tax And to authorize the Defence of the Merchant 
Ships of the United States against French Depredations; 

1 Lodge's Hamilton, x, 2 SI. 



304 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xii 

will be read the third Time to Day. The last is a good Bill, 
tho' not so strong as some of our Friends wish'd it; I hap- 
pened to be out on a Visit to Mr : Stoddert, when the Yeas & 
Nays were called upon an Amendment moved by Mr : Harper. 

"I have just seen your Nephew — Your Family are all 
well. 

"I learn the joint Committee of both Houses to fix upon 
the Time of adjournment, will agree to rise the last of this 
Month or beginning of next, if They should thus report, I 
hope it will not be concurred with, tho' my Fears are it will. 
My best Respects to my much valued Friend Col Hamilton." 

On April 3 the famous X Y Z dispatches were made pub- 
lic and, amid the patriotic furor of enthusiasm they aroused, 
all were eager for action against France. x McHenry's report 
to the house of representatives 2 on April 9, 1798, contains a 
clear statement of his position in relation to France. That 
country "derives several important advantages from the sys- 
tem she is pursuing towards the United States. Besides the 
sweets of plunder obtained by her privateers, she keeps in 
them a nursery of seamen to be drawn upon in all conjunc- 
tures by her navy. She unfits, by the same means, the United 
States for energetic measures and, thereby, prepares us for 
the last degree of humiliation and subjection. To forbear, 
under such circumstances, from taking naval and military 
measures to secure our trade, defend our territory in ease of 
invasion, and prevent, or suppress domestic insurrection, 
would be to offer up the United States a certain prey to 
Europe and exhibit to the world a sad spectacle of national 
degradation and imbecility. The United States possess an ex- 
tensive trade. Heavy expenses must be submitted to for pro- 
tection. The United States border upon the provinces of 
great and powerful kingdoms. Heavy expenses must be in- 
curred, that we may be at all times in a situation to assert 
our rights over our own territory." Therefore, he recom- 
mends an increase of the navy, by building 20 smaller ves- 
sels, and, in case of a rupture with a foreign power, 6 ships 
of the line or frigates, and 6 galleys of one or two guns; the 
increase of the army by the addition of one regiment each of 
infantry, artillery, and cavalry, the first of these also to serve 
as marines; a law authorizing the President to call out 

1 Hamilton, vi, 285. 

2 Slate Papers, i, Military Affairs, 120. 



1797-1798] of James McHenry 305 

20,000 men as a provisional force if needed; more forts cost- 
ing about $1,000,000; more supplies, such as cannon, small 
arms, powder, saltpetre, copper, and military stores; and, 
to pay for all these, more revenue to be raised. 

From Maryland, McHenry heard during the winter and 
spring. Uriah Forrest, on December 6, wrote from Annapolis 
urging Adams to agree to the request of the commissioners of 
the District of Columbia and ask Maryland at once for an ad- 
vance of money, in addition to the $100,000 loaned the year 
before. Two days later, he wrote again introducing a candi- 
date for office and talking of the election as United States 
senator of James Lloyd, who introduced the Sedition Act in 
June, 1798. "I have had to make wonderful exertion to get 
Lloyd elected a senator. Better might have been found, but 
none would go down. He is as strictly governmental as it is 
possible, a man of nice honor and pretty good judgment, slow, 
and heavy." Carroll of Carrollton wrote, on the same day, 
indorsing the same applicant, telling of Lloyd's election and 
asking for news from Europe of the embassy to France. 

On April 18, James Winchester sent McHenry a long 
and important letter as to conditions in Baltimore. 1 

"My engagements in our County Court, which has been 
in session three weeks, & a bad state of health has prevented 
my hitherto acknowledging the receipt of the Communica- 
tions you was so kind as to enclose or to communicate the 
politics of this place. 

"Yesterday, we had a numerous meeting at the Court 
House on the interesting situation of our affairs, and certain 
resolutions were adopted — approbatory of our Government, 
which you will see in the papers. Certain events, otherwise 
trivial than as they serve to teach us prudence and a cautious 
avoidance of the declaration of pretended reformed politi- 
cians, mark so strongly the views of a party here that I think 
it my duty to communicate them to you. It happened that 
I was selected to open the object of meeting, which I did by 
a brief statement of the outrages committed on this Country 
by France, and a recital of the fate of the Neutral Nations, 
who had reposed confidence in them, and, calling on each 
individual to declare, if any there was, his dissatisfaction at 

1 Letters from McHenry's correspondence relating to Maryland 
politics in 1796 are found in So. Hist. Ass. Pubs., ix, 374 (November, 
1905), and on the same subject in 1797 in So. Hist. Ass. Pubs., x, 31 (Jan- 
uary, 1906). 



306 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xii 

the resolution propounded, no opposition appeared. But not 
one of the name or immediate Connections of S. Smith at- 
tended. One of their party (I hear J. A. Buchanan) asked 
tauntingly, was there any complaint of British orders? The 
answer Was no. The immediate observation in reply was, It 
is an electioneering stroke & has no other motive than to turn 
Genl. S. out of Congress. This I have learned this evening. 
They dare not face us. But they keep alive the spirit of the 
party in favor of France, tho' they are ashamed to avow it. 
They had rather sacrafice their Country, its honor, & national 
character, than their individual popularity. 

"This, connected with a circumstance which occurred 
while I was at Annapolis during the last Session of Assembly 
attending the House as Council for the Landlords, satisfy 
me that there is a party here, however they may endeavour to 
conceal their real views by hypocritical professions, who ar- 
dently wish a connection with France of the nearest kind. 

"You know I am considered rather democratic, and, 
under this impression, Govr. Henry unbosomed himself to me 
after dinner at Wharf's tavern. Thus, — 'Depend upon it, 
Sir, there is a British influence in this Country. I have seen 
it — yes, in this room. Mr. Jefferson is the only point to look 
up to resist it. He is the only mound to prevent its over- 
whelming us as a torrent — when I saw the British Treaty I 
did not think it could be possible I could have even been 
brought to vote for it — but the conduct of the late Execu- 
tive left us no alternative but to adopt it or go to war, — nec- 
essity therefore compelled assent to it.' This conversation 
became public. The event was Mr. Winder's defeat & Genl. 
Loyds election. 

"I cannot help connecting the observation on our Town 
meeting. 'Was there any complaint of British orders,' with 
Mr. Henry's declaration That British influence was about to 
overwhelm us and tho' they will not openly show, at this 
time, their predilection for France, they will discover it in 
the first calamitous event which may happen to our Country. 
Depend on it they are not to be trusted. I speak of the party 
here. 

"I have just had a meeting with Genl. Swan, Mr Carroll, 
Mr Dorsey, & Mr. Hollingsworth on the subject of an address 
to the Government, which we have agreed on, conformably to 
the Town Resolutions, Adding our willingness to submit to 
increased taxes, and praying that consideration of expences 



1797-1798] of James McHenry 307 

&c may not be put in Competition with the important rights 
now at stake. 

"The facts I have stated relative to Gov. Henry may be 
stated in any way in which they may be serviceable. Tis time 
to unmask hypocrites." 

On May 6, Washing-ton wrote l McHenry urging the 
establishment of an arsenal at Harper's Ferry and said: "The 
Demo's seem to be lifting up their heads again. They were 
a little crestfallen or one might say thunderstricken on the 
publication of the Dispatches from our Envoys, but the con- 
tents of these Dispatches are now resolved into harmless chit- 
chat — mere trifles, less than was or ought to have been ex- 
pected from the misconduct of the Administration of this 
Country and that it is better to submit to such chastisement, 
than to hazard greater evils by showing futile resentment. 
So much for a little consultation among themselves." 

During the -extra session of congress 2 a bill was passed, 
on April 27, to add another artillery regiment and a second 
one, on May 28, to provide for a provisional army. 3 

Meanwhile Gerry remained at Paris, though his colleagues 
had left France. The news of Gerry 's conduct aroused indig- 
nation on part of the administration and, on June 26, Mc- 
Henry wrote Washington, ' ' Gerry has been playing the double 
politician and besides a very foolish and hurtful game. He 
held conversations and correspondencies with Talleyrand, and, 
in other respects, has conducted himself in the most excep- 
tionable manner. Lest he should have misconceived the dis- 
patch of the 28th of March, he has been addressed to day in 
a manner which he will find it difficult to misconstrue and 
which, while it will mortify his pride, will prevent him from 
doing further mischief, or longer sporting with the honour, 
dignity, and integrity of his country. I think it probable that 
letters of marque and reprisal will be shortly declared. You 
see how the storm thickens and that our vessel will soon re- 
quire its antient pilot. Will you, may we flatter ourselves, 
that in a crisis so awful and important you will accept the 

1 Sparks, xi, 231. Ford, xiii, 495. McHenry answered on June 
26, that it was very hard to have anything done for Shenandoah, but he 
will do what he can. 

2 State Papers, i, Military Affairs, p. 119. McHenry's report of 
March 8, and p. 123 report of April 12 on cannon contract. 

3 On June 5, Hamilton sent to Wolcott to hint to the president to 
moderate his tone. Hamilton, vi, 295. 



308 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xii 

^ 

command of all our armies? I hope you will, because you 
alone can unite all hearts and all hands, if it is possible that 
they can be united. ' ' 

McHenry still hoped for the best and, on July 1, wrote 
Washington : ' ' Enjoy your happy situation or, if it is to be 
disturbed, let it be only by transient domestic cares and the 
pain of sympathizing with those whom you have stationed in 
places where there are more thorns than roses. ' ' 1 Only a 
few days later, however, McHenry was directed to call Wash- 
ington into service again, that he might close his career at the 
head of the army. 

1 McHenry complains of rheumatism in his wrist and tells Wash- 
ington, "Your carriage still pays rent." 



i 






CHAPTER XIII 

THE PROVISIONAL ARMY AND THE STRIFE OVER THE GENERALS 

THE emergency which called George Washington into fed- 
eral service, as head of the Provision Army, was a 
most urgent one. On July 3, McHenry wrote him : ' ' The 
crisis and almost universal wish of the people to see you at the 
head of the armies of the United States has been too strong 
to be resisted. The President has yielded to causes so power- 
ful and nominated you accordingly, which has been unani- 
mously confirmed to-day by the Senate and thus you are 
again called upon by all voices to fill a station which all think 
you alone qualified for at this moment. I know what must 
be your feelings and how many motives you must have for 
preferring the privacy you are in the enjoyment of, to the 
troubles and perplexities of a commander of an army. This, 
however, is the crowning sacrifice which I pray to God, you 
may agree to make for the sake of your country and to give 
the last finish to a fame that nothing short of such a call as 
the present occasion could have been capable of increasing. 

"I think it probable that the President will require 
me to be the bearer of his letter to you. I shall, in that case, 
have an opportunity to converse with you at large on sev- 
eral subjects relative to the army and agree with you upon 
such arrangements as may leave you as long as possible at 
Mount Vernon. Perhaps I shall set out on Friday or, at 
farthest, Monday next." 

Before he received this letter, Washington, in a letter 
written on July 4, 1 answered McHenry 's query of June 26 as 
to whether he would assume command of the Provisional 
Army. In this frank communication he stated that he would 
not let his love of retirement cause him to withhold any ser- 
vices required by his country, especially when "its dearest 
rights are assailed by lawless ambition and intoxicated 
power." He must have three questions answered affirma- 

1 Ford, xiv, 19. Sparks, xi, 246. 



310 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xiii 

lively, however, before he will accept the office : 1. He does 
not believe there is a clanger of invasion and inquires whether 
he will be free from criticism for "appearing again on a 
Public Theatre, after declaring the sentiments" of his vale- 
dictory address. 2. He wishes to be sure that the Americans 
do not prefer juvenile generals, as the French do, but that 
"it is the wish of my country, that the military force of it 
should be committed to my charge." 3. He must be certain 
that the army "to be formed should be so appointed, as to 
afford a well grounded hope of its doing honor to the country 
and credit to him who commands it in the field." A general 
staff he feels to be all important and he gives his views as 
to the inspector general, quartermaster general, adjutant gen- 
eral, and commandants of artillery and engineers. 

Washington enclosed this letter in another personal one 
to McHenry, written l on the next day, in which he asked him 
to show the enclosure as from himself to Adams, to whom 
Washington has "expressed tantamount sentiments, in more 
concise terms, ' ' and to write him the responses, ' ' if you are at 
liberty and deem it expedient." Adams had already written 
Washington a letter, which "is strongly indicative of a wish 
that I should take charge of the military force of the country 
and, if I take his meaning right, to aid also in the selection 
of the General Officers. " " The appointment of these are im- 
portant, " Washington wrote McHenry, "but those of the Gen- 
eral Staff are all important, insomuch, if I am looked to as 
the Commander in chief, I must be allowed to choose such as 
will be agreeable to me. ' ' One great difficulty concerned the 
time when Washington should take command. Adams may 
wish this to occur at once. Washington, however, will not 
"come forward, before the emergency becomes evident," but 
is willing to have it known that he "will step forward, when 
it does appear so unequivocally," if the "matters, for which 
I have stipulated as previously necessary, are ascertained and 
accommodated. ' ' In the meantime, either the appointment 
of the general staff may be postponed, or the President may 
"advise with me on the appointment of them." AVashing- 
ton refers to this matter now, as he feels sure he can secure 
the services of some "very fit men," who will not serve, ex- 

1 Ford, xiv, 29. Sparks, xi, 254. He thanks McHenry for informa- 
tion in the letter of June 26, and says that he has already been applied 
to by candidates for the position of director of the hospital and has re- 
fused both on general grounds and because he wishes Dr. Craik appointed, 
if he ever needs a surgeon. 



1798-1799] of James McHenry 311 

cept as his "coadjutors." As to the officers to command the 
divisions and brigades, on whom much depends, Washington 
suggests that they be not chosen exclusively from the "Old 
Generals," several of whom are unsuitable. 

On the 6th, Adams sent instructions 1 to McHenry, who 
had been unwell, to set out at once for Mt. Vernon. The 
reasons for appointing Washington can not be detailed in 
writing. "As it is a movement of great delicacy, 2 it will re- 
quire all your address to communicate the subject in a manner 
that shall be inoffensive to his feelings and consistent with 
all the respect that is due from me to him. ' ' 

"If the General should decline the appointment, all the 
world will be silent and respectfully acquiesce. If he should 
accept, all the world, except the enemies of this country, will 
rejoice. If he should come to no decisive determination, but 
take the subject into consideration, I shall not appoint any 
other Lieutenant General, until his conclusion is known." 

Adams desired Washington's advice, especially as to the 
inspector, adjutant, and quartermaster generals, and sug- 
gested certain names for military positions to be mentioned 
to him. "His opinion on all subjects would have great weight 
and I wish you to obtain from him, as much of his reflections 
upon the times and service as you can." McHenry wrote 
Washington at once, asking that he be met at Alexandria. On 
the next day, Adams wrote Washington : 3 " McHenry, the 
Secretary of War, will have the honor to wait on you, in my 
behalf, to impart to you a step I have ventured to take and 
which I should have been happy to have communicated in 
person, if such a journey had been, at this time, in my 
power. Mr. McHenry will have the honor to consult you upon 
the organization of the army and upon everything relating to 
it. " Pickering had already written Washington, 4 urging him 
to insist on Hamilton as his second in command, and on the 



1 Schouler, i, 407, states that Hamilton sent his letter to Wash- 
ington, written on June 2, to Mt. Vernon in care of McHenry. If this 
be true, Hamilton kept the letter over a month before forwarding it 
(Hamilton, vi, 293). This shows how baseless is one of the charges 
against McHenry. Schouler probably means the letter of July 8 (Hamil- 
ton, vi, 389). 

2 J. Adams, viii, 5 73. Sparks, xi, 531. 

3 J. Adams, viii, 575. Sparks, xi, 5S2. 

4 Pickering's Examination of Adams and Cunningham's letters, 1-161. 
On July 28, Pickering wrote Jay (Hamilton, vi, 330) that Washington 
was sometime balancing Hamilton and Pinckney as to priority and per- 
haps my letter of the 6th, which Washington did not show McHenry : . 
turned the scale. 



312 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xiii 

11th, Washington answred, 1 stating that he had not yet seen 
McHenry, but preferred Charles Cotesworth Pinckney to 
Hamilton for second place. The same morning, Washington 
sent to Alexandria for McHenry and in the evening he ar- 
rived. 2 

On the next day, McHenry wrote Adams, 3 that Wash- 
ington will probably accept, provided he be not called into 
active service, until his presence be absolutely needed. He 
showed McHenry his letters of the 4th and 5th, which had 
not arrived in Philadelphia before the secretary left that 
place, and McHenry notified Adams that the letter of the 
4th shall be given him, as it treats "on several points that 
will require your attention." McHenry will obtain from 
Washington the names of the persons he considers the best 
qualified for his "confidential officers." After completing his 
letter, McHenry showed it to the general, who asked him to 
add to the last sentence: 4 "and without whom, I think, he 
would not serve." 

Washington let McHenry return on the 13th with a 
' ' full communication 5 upon the several points he had in 
charge. ' ' 6 

On the 14th, Washington wrote Hamilton 7 that he de- 
sired to put him next himself and feared that by this step will 
lose Pinckney. Knox, "whom I love and esteem," has been 
placed last of the three. But "after all, it rests with the 
President to use his pleasure." Hamilton answered this let- 
ter, stating that he had a great regard for Knox, but must 
stand up for his own rights. Yet rather than see Washington 

1 Sparks, xi. 2 57. 

2 Mount Vernon 11th. July 1798. 
Dear Sir 

My carriage is sent to Alexandria to bring you, and any companion 
you may have to this place 

I am always Yours, — and 
Affectionately 
Geo. Washington 
James McHenry Esqr. 
Secretary of War 
expected to be in Alexandria 

3 Adams, viii, 574. Sparks, xi, 533. 

4 See Washington's letter of September 16. 

5 Sparks, xi, 261. 

6 C. F. Adams charges, without any foundation that I can dis- 
cover (Adams, i, 528, 529), that Pickering and McHenry, with other 
friends of Hamilton, set in motion the most extraordinary influences to 
bring about Hamilton's being named as second in command and that 
Washington was made to fear that Adams wished to appoint Burr as a 
major general. C. F. Adams's statement is also incorrect that priority 
had not been settled at the time of the nomination, though McHenry and 
Pickering had invoked Washington to decide it at once. 

7 Sparks, xi, 264. 



17 



98-1799] of James McHenry 313 

compromised, 1 "I shall cheerfully place myself in your dis- 
posal and facilitate any arrangement you may think for the 
general good." On the 17th, Hamilton wrote Pickering that 
he was willing to go below Knox, but does not like to be the 
third in the list of major generals. 2 Meantime Washington 
had written Knox, 3 on the 16th, that Hamilton, Pinckney, 
and Knox, in the order named, were selected as major gen- 
erals. "The first of these, in the public estimation as de- 
clared to me, is designated to be second in command, with 
some fears, I confess, of the consequences, although I must 
acknowledge at the same time, that I know not where a more 
competent choice could be made." 

Knox answered, 4 declining the position, on the 29th, be- 
fore he had heard from McHenry. 

From Philadelphia, McHenry wrote on the 18th that he 
had returned on Tuesday, and found the session of congress 
over, but the senate still sitting to act on nominations. Be- 
fore he saw his family, he presented Washington's letter to 
Adams, while the president and Mrs. Adams breakfasted. 
Both of them were pleased. 

Adams wrote a message, 5 naming the three major gen- 
erals, in the order which Washington gave them, though he 
said Colonel Hamilton, former rank being considered, was not 
entitled to stand so high and asked why Pinckney was pre- 
ferred to Knox. McHenry told him Washington's opinions 
and showed a copy of the general's letter to Hamilton dated 
July 14. While they talked, Pickering came in and said the 
senate had adjourned for the day. On the morrow, Adams 
said his mind had changed and he could not think of placing 
Hamilton before Knox; but, finally, he agreed to send in the 
names in that order, on McHenry 's statement that the parties, 
if aggrieved, might appeal to a board of officers or to the 
commander in chief. Pickering then came in and placed 
Drayton as a brigadier general above W. S. Smith, Adams's 
son-in-law. Adams grew warm and said Smith should be ad- 
jutant general and Drayton a brigadier. Pickering was silent 
as to this, but suggested Sevier as a brigadier. 

McHenry considered him unprincipled but waived ob- 
jections, as the appointment was one which might remain 

1 Sparks, xi, 537. 

2 Hamilton, vi, 326. 

3 Sparks, xi, 266. 

4 Sparks, xi, 534. 

5 Sparks, xi, 542. 



314 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xiii 

nominal and might have a good effect in Tennessee. As the 
provisional officers might be wanted before fall, it was thought 
best to appoint them at once. After Pickering left, he sent 
McHenry word that Smith was a swindler, which piece of 
information McHenry felt should have been given sooner. 
Before McHenry went to Mount Vernon, Pickering had said in 
McHenry 's presence, that Smith would be a good officer. 
Hamilton had concurred in the propriety of appointing Smith 
and neither Wolcott nor McHenry had heard of the charges 
against Smith. Pickering now aided in the rejection by the 
senate of Smith's nomination as adjutant general and this 
exceedingly irritated Adams, who said there was an intrigue 
against Smith, who was no more in debt than Lee or Knox, 
who was no disorganizer and could procure proof from his 
creditors of their satisfaction with his conduct. 

Edward Carrington was asked by Washington if he would 
accept a brigadier generalship and answered at once favorably 
from Richmond on July 18, 1798. "By this evenings mail 
I had the honor to receive your letter of the 15th. instant, 
and am impelled, by the very great sensibility with which it 
fills my mind, to reply to it immediately. 

"It is impossible for me, Sir, to disobey your call to any 
Station which, in the threatened crisis, you may suppose me 
capable of taking: were I ever insensible to the honor result- 
ing from the circumstance, the example under which your 
summons is made, could not but be irresistable in a mind im- 
pressed as that of every true American must be at this time. 
I freely give my assent to be disposed of agreeably to your 
judgment, with a view to the good of our beloved and injured 
Country, without annexing any conditions whatever. Hav- 
ing said this much, It may not be improper for me to observe, 
that the late increased duties of the office I hold, have brought 
into operation measures which, with the old business, render 
it of importance that my attention to the appointment you 
have assigned, be deferred as long as possible ; and it would 
be my wish if the public interest admit of it, not to be called 
to it until indispensably necessary." 

The bill increasing the army to twelve regiments of in- 
fantry and a regiment of dragoons, comprising 6 troops, had 
passed 1 on the 16th, and on the 20th, McHenry wrote Ham- 
ilton, asking him to attend at once to providing a system for 
the forces. This letter Hamilton answered on the 22nd, thus : 

1 On the 16th, congress adjourned and the senate followed on the 19th.. 



1 798- 1 799] of Jam es Mcl± cnry 315 

"Your letter of the 20th. instant, inclosing one from 
General Washington came to hand this day. 

"The object you suggest in it is one, which no doubt de- 
serves a primary attention ; and it will be paid to it. But it 
will be useful that I should shortly confer with you fully on 
a variety of subjects, and after receiving an official communi- 
cation of my appointment, I shall, without delay, repair to 
Philadelphia. 

' ' I count always upon your confidence, as well in my per- 
sonal friendship for you as in my zeal for the public service ; 
and having no inclination to spare myself, it only remains for 
us to trace together the plan in which I can best second your 
operations and promote the service. 

"Yrs with true attachment 
"A Hamilton 
"P S 

"In some instances we have missed it in our Brigadiers. 
It is very essential there should be no mistake about the field 
office — Festina lente in your choice of officers." 

On the same day, McHenry wrote a letter to Pickering, 
in which are contained germs of the ideas which resulted in the 
Louisiana Purchase and in the Monroe doctrine. He en- 
closed a memorandum, with reference to the instructions to be 
given Rufus King, our minister to Great Britain, and asked 
that Pickering talk with Adams as soon as may be on these 
points : "It presses very strongly on my mind that we ought 
not to lose a moment in forming our resolutions relative to 
the 2nd and 3d especially, as the determinations had thereon 
must sensibly influence my arrangements respecting the pub- 
lic force. Will it not be proper that King be instructed at 
once concerning the French West Indies and New Orleans? 
Is it right that the measures taken by our government which 
may eventuate in putting Great Britain in possession of the 
French West India Islands should be productive of no equiva- 
lent to the United States? 2. Is it not expedient that the 
United States should, in the event of the French West Indies 
declaring themselves independent, be in a situation to give 
them aid and that provisional arrangements be made with 
England to prevent her from taking exceptions thereto or de- 
feating the same ? 3. Ought not Mr. King to inform the British 
cabinet, without loss of time, that the United States can in no 
event permit New Orleans to pass from the hands of Spain, 



316 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xiii 

unless to become a possession and part of the United States." 

On July 22, Washington answers McHenry's letter of 
the 18th. He agrees to the nominations, 1 though he thinks 1 
Smith would do better in the line, than as adjutant general, 
and asks why no quartermaster general 2 is named. As to 
the man to be named for that office, he has a decided prefer- 
ence. Washington transmits an application for a commission 
and states that he will not take strong ground, in general, 
for any applicant. He suggests, however, that "when the 
President has fixed upon officers of established character to 
command companies, Gentlemen who prize their own honors 
and the reputation of their company, that it would be good 
policy to let them choose, or at least to recommend, their own 
substitutes." This would "facilitate recruiting and contri- 
bute much to the harmony of the company." 

For commander of cavalry, Washington is inclined to rec- 
ommend Major Talmaclge of New York (formerly of Shel- 
don's horse) and suggests a number of other names for com- 
missions of various kinds. 

On the 25th, McHenry informs 3 Washington that Adams 
has gone to Massachusetts for the summer and that it is 
planned to have Hamilton, the inspector general, revise the\ 
army regulations. Adams's long and frequent absences from) 
the capital, while business was left in the hands of the secre- 
taries, who bore the responsibility without full power, was a 
great cause of the administration's troubles. 

On July 29, Washington answered 4 McHenry's letter 



1 He criticises the nomination of Sevier. Sparks, xi, 269; Ford, xiv, 
47. 

2 No such general was provided in the law, is McHenry's reply. 
Washington wrote again upon the subject on August 2 : 
"Private) "Mount Vernon, 2d Aug't, 1798. 
"Dear Sir, — 

"Finding that I was not altogether correct, in giving the uniform of 
the Company of Greyheads in the Town of Alexandria, I amend, as soon as 
possible, the mistake, by transmitting the letter of the Capt'n thereof — 
Col. Simms — to Mrs. Washington. 

"Have you received my letter of the 22d of July? The enquiry then 
made respecting the Quarter-Master-General is of serious, and interesting 
moment to me. If the business, which my own appointment has involved 
me in, increases — or even continues — I shall soon be under the necessity 
of calling upon that officer, or you, for a supply of stationery : — on you 
particularly for copying Paper ; who, better than he, will know, or can 
direct the proper sort. I thought I came home well provided with these 
articles, but shall soon run short. 

"Yours affectionately, 

"Go. Washington." 

3 Sparks, xi, 540. He did not apprise Pickering or McHenry of the 
day of his intended departure. 

4 Ford, xiv, 55; Sparks, xi, 276. 



1798-1799] of James McHenry 317 

of the 25th, thanking him for the copy of the rules and regu- 
lations, asking that full information on all points be given 
him, and requesting that a secretary be allowed him at once, 
as he is overwhelmed with applications for commissions in 
the army. One of these early applications 1 for a captaincy 
for Win. Champe Carter of Albemarle assigns as a reason for 
his appointment not only that it is "praiseworthy in young 
men of fortune & character, at this juncture to step for- 
ward in defence of the rights of their country, ' ' but also that 
a few commissions might well be distributed in his part of 
Virginia as a "certain character [i. e. Jefferson], in his route 
from Philadelphia to Monticello, used every indirect means of 
damping the patriot spirit of the people. ' ' 2 

The demands for commissions to be given to friends were 
many. We have already noticed that Washington, Hamil- 
ton, and Murray asked that certain men be appointed and 
the extant letters are sufficient to show how the secretary 
of war was showered with requests, as he has been at each 
renewed enlargement of the army. 

Washington's caution is shown in his letters of August 
10, and December 14: 

"Mount Vernon 10th. Aug. 1798. 
"Dear Sir 

"The letter from Mr. Ames to Mr. Best, containing 
further evidence to his good character, I send. 



1 The application is filed by his brother Chas. Carter, Jr., of Cul- 
pepper, July 25. 

Another of Washington's letters on the same subject was sent from 
Mount Vernon, on July 30, 1798. 
"Dear Sir, — 

"The writer of the enclosed letter, in name and character, is an entire 
stranger to me, — nor do I know whether, by the Law establishing the 
Cavalry, any provision is made under which such a person could be em- 
ployed, tho' certain it is, if Mr. Macharg understands what he professes 
to be master of, he might be employed very advantageously in training 
that part of our force. 

"I have wrote him to this effect : — adding, that as he is a stranger, 
his application to the War Office must be accompanied by ample testi- 
monies, not only of his skill in the business he professes, but to his char- 
acter in all other respects, with which, and my letter to him, he would 
come properly before you, and without which I conceived it would be use- 
less to apply. 

"I am, Dear Sir, your ob't, 
"Go : Washington." 

A number of letters with reference to appointments to army positions 
from the McHenry papers are published in So. Hist. Ass. Pubs., ix, 99 
(March, 1905), and x, 289 (September, 1906), also in Granite Monthly, 
xxxviii, 123 (April, 1906). 

2 Letters from the McHenry papers concerning politics in Vir- 
ginia during this period will be found in William and Mary College 
Quarterly, xiii, 102 (October, 1904), Virginia Magazine, xii, 257 (January, 
1905), xii, 407 (April, 1905). 



318 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xiii 

"The other letter from Mr. Carter (who married a niece 
of mine) though I send also, but request it may be returned; 
what he says of a certain character may be treasured up, but 
not reported as coming" from him. 

"His brother is an utter stranger to me, and therefore 
I can add nothing to what he has said of him. The family 
you know, are among the most wealthy & respectable in this 
State. 

"My nephew Lewis might (but as he has never applied 
to me, I cannot say that he would) be glad of some appoint- 
ment, He was an aid to Genl. Morgan in the Western Expedi- 
tion. 

"I am Dear Sir, Your Obedt. Servt. 
"Go. Washington." 

"Chester 14th. Deer. 1798. 
' ' Private 
"Dear Sir, 

"Having requested that the nomination of Mr. Custiai 
might be with held (even if it should meet the Presidents ap- 
probation under any circumstances) until I could consult! 
his Grandmother (Mrs. Washington — ) and Mother, Mrs. 
Stuart ; I further pray that no mention of his name for such i 
an Office may be made until the result is known ; — because, 
if their consent, being an only son, indeed the only male of 
his family, cannot be had, it would be better that the arrange- 
ment of him should pass entirely unnoticed, to prevent the; 
uneasy sensations which might arrise from disappointment, if 
the knowledge of it should get to him. 

"He now stands as Cornet, in the Troop proposed to be 
Commanded by Lawrence Lewis — who was an Aid de Camp 
to Genl. Morgan — on the Insurgent Expedition in 1794. 

"Just as I was leaving the City to day, I had an oppor- 
tunity for the first time of seeing Captn. Saml. Henley — who 
is a Man of a handsome & gentlemanly appearance. Having 
no evidence respecting him, except from his own letter, while ■ 
we were arrangeing the Massachusetts line, he was not in- 
cluded in it. Afterwards, a letter from Genl. Shepherd rec- 
ommended him ; — but at that time we did not conceive it 
of sufficient weight to traveJ the ground over again. I must 
acknowledge however, that his external appearance (for I had 
no conversation with him) made so favourable an impression 
on me, that (being an old officer too, and brother to a very 



11798-1799] of James McHenry 319 

: worthy man) I should be very glad if his conduct will stand 
the test of investigation — to see him put as a Captain, in 
place of some Captain in that line, who has not served in the 
Revolutionary War. The particular one I cannot now name, 
but it will not be difficult to ascertain. With very great 
esteem & regard 

' ' I am — Dear Sir 

"Your Most obedt. Hble. Servt. 
"Go. Washington. 
"P. S. I know no character in the New England States 
(since the declination of Genl. Knox and Brooks) that have 
fairer pretensions to be appointed a Brigadier or even Ma jr. 
General, than Genl. Cobb. And if Genl. Dayton does not 
accept his appointment — pray press Colo. Howard strongly 
to come forward." 

McHenry wrote to Hamilton, 1 stating that he had been 
appointed inspector general, with the rank of major general 
and that the nominations for generals had been sent to the 
senate on the same day and in the order of the annexed list, 
in which order they would be registered in the department. 
Adams considered that pay and emoluments of office should 
not begin until the officers were called into service. Ham- 
ilton accepted at once, recommended his nephew for a cap- 
taincy, 2 and came to Philadelphia. Doubtless, from his pre- 
vious relations with McHenry, he expected that he would be 
given complete control of matters, and when he found that 
McHenry proposed to keep affairs in his own hands, he re- 
turned home and wrote the following most ungenerous letter 3 
to Washington on July 29. He feels that he must do violence 
to friendship by stating that "my friend McHenry is wholly 
insufficient for his place, with the additional misfortune of 
not having the least suspicion of the fact. This generally 
will not surprise you, when you take in view the large scale 
upon which he is now to act. But you, perhaps, may not be 
aware of the whole extent of the insufficiency. It is so great, 
as to leave no probability that the business of the War De- 
partment can make any tolerable progress in his hands. This 

1 July 2 5 Hamilton, v, 137. 

2 Hamilton, v, 13S. On September 9, 179S, Hamilton wrote a second 
letter recommending this nephew, Philip Church, September 30, 1798. 
McHenry said he would take good care of Philip Church as of his own 
son. Hamilton's acceptance dated July 2S is printed in Lodge, vi, 483. 

3 Hamilton, vi, 331. 



320 Life and Corrcn'pondence [Chap, xiii 

has been long observed and has been more than mentioned 
to the President by members of Congress. He is not insen- 
sible, I believe, that the execution of the department does not 
produce the expected results but the case is of course delicate 
and embarrassing." 

"My real friendship for McHenry, concurring with my 
zeal for the service, predisposed me to aid in all that he could 
properly throw upon me and I thought that he would have 
been glad, in the organization of the army and in the con- 
duct of the recruiting service, to make me useful to him. With 
this view," Hamilton came to Philadelphia. "But the idea 
has thus far been very partially embraced" and Hamilton, 
returning to New York with little fruit of his journey, feels 
that the censure due McHenry will fall on the principal mili- 
tary officers also. He asks Washington to write McHenry for 
a statement of supplies. This will give necessary information 
and prompt the secretary to exertion. 

On July 30th, Hamilton, 1 who had returned to New York, 
wrote McHenry, asking that he and Knox be called into ser- 
vice. In addition to preparing the system of tactics and disci- 
pline, the inspector general may superintend recruiting and 
be useful in other ways, while Knox would be of "extensive 
service," especially in matters relating to artillery. Ham- 
ilton tells McHenry that "scruples of delicacy" cannot with- 
hold him from stating what ought to be said, through ' ' friend- 
ship to you or regard to the service. " "I observe you plunged 
in a mass of details. I know, from experience, that it is im- 
possible for any man, whatever be his talents or diligence, to 
wade through such a mass, without neglecting the most ma- 
terial things and attaching to his operations a feebleness and 
sloth of execution. It is essential to the success of the min- 
ister of a great department that he subdivide the objects of 
his care, distribute them among competent assistants, and 
content himself with a general but vigilant superintendence. 
This course is particularly necessary, when an unforseen 
emergency has suddenly accumulated a number of new objects 
to be provided for and executed." 

On the same day, McHenry sent Hamilton a list of appli- 
cants for commissions from New York and the adjoining 
states and asked him to report on them and to suggest other 
names. 

1 Hamilton, v, 138 ; Lodge, vi, 483. On August 8, Pickering and Wol- 
cott wrote Adams on this matter. C. F. Adams mistakenly says they an- 
ticipated McHenry. 



1798-1799] of James McHenry 321 

McHenry 's answer to Hamilton 's letter of July 30 is not 
preserved, but we find him writing on the 5th of August, 
asking for a list of officers from the southern states and stat- 
ing that Wolcott holds back the order for clothing. On the 
6th, McHenry wrote again, stating that he is indisposed and 
feverish, and told of the rejection of the nomination of W. S. 
Smith as adjutant general, and of the need that the appoint- 
ments should be hastened. Two days later, he informed 
"Washington that he has a bilious complaint and that yellow 
fever has broken out again in Philadelphia. He has written 
Adams to allow Washington a secretary and asked that he 
may call Hamilton and Knox into active service, 1 as other- 
wise he will be swamped Math business. 2 On the 14th, Adams 
answered saying that Washington is in the public service from 
the date of his appointment and should have a secretary at 
once. Adams answered the other request thus : 3 " Calling 
any other general officers into service at present will be 
attended with difficulty, unless the rank were settled. In my 
opinion, as. the matter now stands, General Knox is legally 
entitled to rank next to General Washington; and no other 
arrangement will give satisfaction. If General Washington 
is of this opinion and will consent to it, you may call him into 
active service as soon as you please. The consequence of this 
will be that Pinckney must rank before Hamilton. If it shall 
be consented, that the rank shall be Knox, Pinckney, and Ham- 
ilton, you may call the latter two into immediate service when 
you please. Any other plan will occasion long delay and 
much confusion. You may depend upon it, the five New Eng- 
land States will not patiently submit to the humiliation that 
has been meditated for them." 

On August 6, Hamilton wrote Wolcott, urging that the 
generals be called into service, and adding: "It is impos- 
sible for McHenry to get through all that is now upon his 
hands in a manner honorable to himself, satisfactory to the 
public, or proportioned to the energy of the conjuncture." 

McHenry had written Knox on the 25th of July, virtually 
repeating his letter of the same date to Hamilton. Knox 
answered 4 from Boston on August 5, asking whether his 



1 On August 20, Hamilton wrote to Washington on this matter. 
Hamilton, vi, 342. 

2 Hamilton, vi, 334. 

3 J. Adams, viii, 580. 

4 J. Adams, viii, 579. On August 11, McHenry sends Hamilton this 
letter and asks his opinion thereon. 



322 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xiii 

revolutionary rank should entitle him to rank before the 
others or not and, if not, he intimated he should not accept 
the position. To Knox's letter of the 29th of July, Wash- 
ington answered 1 on August 9, repelling insinuations that his 
friendship was insincere and stating that he does not think 
the relative rank of much importance. Adams had nom- 
inated Washington without consulting him, induced, accord- 
ing to McHenry, by the urgency of his friends. As congress 
expected to adjourn on the Monday following Washington's 
notification of his appointment and as he wished that body to 
vest power in the president to make the necessary appoint- 
ments, he "hastened, precipitately, Mr. McHenry 's return, in 
hopes he might be back in time to accomplish this object," 
and, therefore, Knox 2 could not be consulted, before his 
name was sent to the senate. Washington apologized for his 
advocacy of Hamilton, as he had been "inundated with let- 
ters which said that Col. Hamilton was designated second in 
command (and first if I should decline an appointment) by 
the federal characters of Congress, whence alone anything 
like a public sentiment relative thereto could be deduced." 

To Hamilton, on the same day, Washington wrote, com- 
plaining that McHenry does not keep him informed and an- 
swering Hamilton 's complaint of July 28. He added 3 that 
Hamilton's opinion "respecting the unfitness of a certain 
gentleman for the office he holds, accords with mine and iti 
is to be regretted sorely, at this time, that these opinions are 
so well founded. I early discovered, after he entered upon 
the duties of his office, that his talents were unequal to great 
exertions, or deep resources. In truth, they were not ex- 
pected, for the fact is, it was a Hobson's choice." But such 
is the case and what is to be done? Hamilton must have 
charge of recruiting and Washington will try to impress 
McHenry with the propriety of requiring Hamilton's assis- 
tance. "Delicacy, if matters become serious, must yield to 
expediency. ' ' 

Not hearing from McHenry for a while and inspired by 
Hamilton 's ungenerous letter, Washington wrote 4 McHenry 
the day after he had written to Hamilton. The letter is "pri- 
vate and confidential, dictated by friendship, and flowing from 

1 Sparks, xi, 280. 

2 On August S, Knox wrote Pickering that he cannot serve under 
Hamilton. 

3 Hamilton, vi, 337. 

4 Ford, xiv, 67; Sparks, xi, 286. 



1798-1799] of James McHenry 323 

the best intentions." If it has "too much the appearance of 
plain dealing," McHenry should "look to the motives and 
manner of the communication." Washington took the place 
of general with the understanding that he was to be kept 
apprised of what occurred, and offered to go to Philadelphia, 
if necessary, though it was midsummer, but McHenry has not 
written, and, fearing there may be delay, the general entreats 
McHenry, who has the more responsibility, because Adams is 
not a military man, to call Hamilton into service and place 
him in charge of the recruiting and also to call on Knox and 
to give Washington full information of what has been done. 
Much of the censure bestowed on McHenry was undeserved. 
He felt the danger of delay and asked 1 Adams on August 4, 
that he, with the assistance of Knox and Brigadier General 
Brooks, take under his immediate direction the Eastern States, 
that McHenry himself should look to the Middle States, and 
Washington care for Virginia and the South, all subject to 
Adams's final determination. Four of the twelve regiments 
should be raised in each quarter, and, in the hopes that Adams 
would agree to his plans, McHenry wrote Hamilton on August 
10, asking him to hold himself ready to come to Trenton, where 
the government will remove on account of the epidemic in 
Philadelphia. McHenry himself was unable to go to his office 
for several days before the 13th, on account of his bilious com- 
plaint and, on the 14th, he and his family removed to Trenton. 

On the 13th, Washington wrote McHenry from Mount 
Vernon as follows, showing how his feelings toward McHenry 
had changed on news of his activity: 

"The Messenger that carried my letters of the 10th. to 
the Post Office brought me your favour of the 6th. — and 
yesterday I received that of the 8th. 

"It gave me sincere pleasure to find by the letter, that 
you had suggested to the President, prompt & decisive meas- 
ures for Organizing and recruiting the twelve Regiments of 
Infantry, &c ; — and the propriety also of requiring the Ser- 
vices of the Inspector General and Major Genl. Knox, to aid 
you in arranging the details, and superintending the Execu- 
tion of different parts of your Multiplied duties — occasioned 
by the business coming upon you en Masse. 

1 Sparks, xi, 542, McHenry wrote Washington that the absence of 
Adams made it impossible to organize the twelve regiments, unless Mc- 
Henry "concentred information, digested it," and submitted a plan such 
as he did in this letter. 



324 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xiii 

"Without such aid, & subdivision, it would be impossible, 
in my opinion (in such an emergency) to carry the Act for 
Augmenting the Army, into effect with the precision and 
promptitude it seems to have contemplated. 

"Any assistance I can give, consistently, to carry your 
Plans into effect, you may command with freedom. 

"It is extremely painful to hear that the Yellow fever 
has again made its appearance in the unfortunate City of 
Philadelphia, and is spreading its malignancy ; — and it is 
with much concern I am further informed, that you have re- 
turn of your Billious complaint. I hope effectual measures 
will be pursued to check the first; and that you are, or soon 
will be, perfectly recovered of the latter. With very great 
esteem and regard — I am — Dear Sir 

" "Your Most Obedt & Hble Servant. 
"Go. Washington." 



A second letter of the same date 1 from Washington al- 
most apologizes for his letter of the 10th: "Finding that my 
ideas accorded so much with the measures you had suggested 
for the consideration of the President, filled my mind with 
exquisite pleasure and it would be uncandid not to confess 
that your silence and my entire ignorance of what was doing 
with respect to the organization of the army and recruiting 
the men, produced very disagreeable sensations." He wishes 
he could obtain an adjutant general from Maryland, which 
is "a respectable state well affected," but without a general 
officer, and hopes for McHenry a restoration to health. 

On August 19, Hamilton wrote 2 McHenry that he will 
enter public service at once, if needed, but hopes he may not 
have to make "immediate change of residence," though he 
will "not object to a frequent attendance at the seat of gov- 

1 Sparks, xi, 290, a paragraph is omitted from the printed letter as 
follows : 

"(Private) Mount Vernon 13th. Augt. 1798. 

"My Dear Sir 

"* * * The enclosed letter from the Collector of New York to me, will 
show what he has done with the tin box addressed to me. Some anxiety 
is felt concerning it ; for as much as it is supposed to contain a present 
(probably a valuable one) from an East India acquaintance of Mr. Laws 
to Mrs. Law, and directed to me in hopes of insuring its safety. 
"Always Your Affectionate 

"Geo : Washington." 

Lodge, x, 317, prints a letter from Hamilton to McHenry advising the 
latter to communicate frequently and fully with Washington and on p. 318 
one from Hamilton to Sedgwick stating that McHenry is "loaded beyond 
his strength." 

2 Hamilton, vi, 33S, 340; Lodge, x, 307, 309. 



1798-17991 of James McHcnry 325 

eminent. ' ' Knox 's letter, which McHenry showed Hamilton, 
"occasions me no small regret and embarrassment, my esteem 
and friendship for that gentleman would lead me far, but 
there is a very great difficulty in waiving a station to which, 
I am well convinced, I have been called, no less by the public 
voice of the country, 1 than by the acts of the Commander 
in Chief and of the President and Senate. The intention as 
to the relative grades of the officers appointed is presumed to 
be unequivocal. It is believed that the rule to which General 
Knox refers can have no application to the case of the forma- 
tion of a new army at a new epoch, embracing officers not pre- 
viously in actual service." He suggests that Knox may ac- 
cept, with a reservation of his claim "ad referendum," en- 
closes a draft of a suggested letter for Knox and states that, 
though he concedes a high value to Knox's merit, he cannot 
abandon his own pretensions. Pickering, meanwhile, was 
intriguing 2 against McHenry and, on the 21st, suggested to 
Hamilton that Knox be put in charge of the department of 
war, to solve the difficulty as to the generals, as Adams "has 
been informed of a very general dissatisfaction in its present 
direction." 

Two days later, Pickering -wrote Hamilton again, 3 stat- 
ing that McHenry had just handed him and Wolcott his letter 
to Adams, on the subject of calling the major generals into 
service, and Knox 's letter to him : "I am glad to see you are 
tenacious." McHenry told the other secretaries that Wash- 
ington made Hamilton's appointment the sine qua non of his 
acceptance and that he showed Adams the letter Washington 
wrote to Hamilton, notwithstanding which Adams placed 
Knox first. McHenry thought that the old rule as to seniority 
is not in force, nor ought to be, but suggested writing to Knox 
and asking him to accept, with reservation of his claim. Why 
should we urge Knox's acceptance? Pickering asks. McHenry 
is "utterly uninformed" of Pickering's correspondence with 
Washington and Hamilton. 

On August 22, McHenry answered Adams's letter of the 
14th. stating that the choice of the major generals and their 
relative military rank proceeded, "originally and exclu- 
sively," from Washington and that McHenry "had no agency, 
direct or indirect, before or while at Mt. Vernon, in deciding 

1 Against this paragraph, McHenry wrote : "Certainly true." 

2 Hamilton, vi, 343. 

3 Hamilton, vi, 351. 



326 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xiii 

his mind, either as to the choice or the arrangement of the 
rank of those he had selected," but that he said to Wash- 
ington, when he "showed me his choice, that I concurred, but 
that the nominations and relative rank of those nominated 
must finally rest with the President." Meanwhile, McHenry 
was not to be blamed so much as Adams, whose desire to put 
Knox above Hamilton and whose absence in Quincy caused 
embarrassment and delay. On the 25th, McHenry wrote 1 
Washington asking him to select cavalry officers and to find 
out all he can concerning candidates for commissions from 
the South, and telling him that he is authorized to employ sec- 
retaries and draw pay for his own services. 2 A detailed 
statement of ordnance, powder, &c, is promised. Tents and 
field equipage will be ready for next year's campaign and 
McHenry "can give almost instant life and activity to the 
recruiting service," as soon as Adams will act, if clothes are 
in readiness. 

On the 26th, Knox wrote Washington 3 that he will not 
serve as a major general, but, if there be an invasion, he will 
gladly act as aide de camp. Three days later, Hamilton 
wrote 4 Sedgwick that the generals should be called into ser- 
vice. The decision on this point rests with Adams. "Mc- 
Henry, as you know, is loaded beyond his strength. ' ' On the 
same day, Adams wrote McHenry, showing no signs of yield- 
ing: 5 "My opinion is and always has been clear that, as 
the law now stands, the order of nomination, or of record- 
ing, has no weight or effect, but that officers appointed on 
the same day, in whatever order, have a right to rank accord- 
ing to antecedent services. I am willing to settle all de- 
cisively at present (and have no fear of the consequences) 
by dating the commissions, Knox on the 1st day, Pinckney on 
the second, and Hamilton on the third." Gen. Washington 6 
has acted with perfect honor and consistency. "The power 
and authority is in the President. I am willing to exert 
the authority at this moment and to be responsible for the 

1 .Sparks, xi, 542. McHenry to Washington, August IS, 1798. J. 
Adams, viii, 5S2, Adams wrote McHenry, asking if the cession of Castle 
Island had been accepted. Lodge, vii, 44, prints letter from Hamilton to 
McHenry concerning the drafts of surveys of New York Harbor. 

2 On the 25th, Hamilton wrote McHenry suggesting that it would be 
well to write oftener to Washington. Hamilton, vi, 354. 

3, Sparks, xi, 53 S. 

4 Hamilton, vi, 534. 

5 J. Adams, viii, 587. 

6 The sentence : "Nor has he ever intimated a desire of the kind," 
printed in Adams's Works, is not in the original letter. 



1798-1799] of James McHenry 327 

exercise of it. All difficulties will, in this way, be avoided. 
But if it is to be referred to Gen. Washington, or to mutual 
and amicable accommodation among' the gentlemen them- 
selves, I foresee it will come to me at last, after much 
altercation and exasperation of passions and I shall then de- 
termine it exactly as I do now. Knox, Pinekney and Hamil- 
ton." Adams wrote, "I will not send either of McHenry's let- 
ters to Hamilton, as neither contains sentiments that I can 
approve." "There has been too much intrigue in this busi- 
ness with General Washington and me, 1 if I shall ultimately 
be the dupe of it, I am much mistaken in myself." Adams 
closed by expressing sympathy for McHenry's ill health and 
that of his family and stating that Mrs. Adams "has been at 
the point of death, but is now a little revived." 

On August 30, we find the first of many letters which 
passed between Hamilton and McHenry as to details of man- 
agement of the army. It shows, as nearly all the correspon- 
dence does, how much friction there was between the various 
branches of the service : 

"Col. Stevens tells me he has exhausted the money you 
sent him in preliminary purchase of Timber &c & is in debt 
with embarrassment to pay & likely to be compelled to dismiss 
workmen &c 

"Such a state of things is hurtful to the public service, 
discredits the Administration & increases expense. It ought 
to be avoided if possible. 

"Stevens says pains have been taken to excite doubts 
about him — & he fears they may have some effect. In jus- 
tice to him I think it proper to say that I have the most 
entire confidence in his political fidelity to the Government 
& that, as far as my opportunity of being acquainted with his 
character as a man of business goes, there is good ground of 
confidence in his 'pecuniary fidelity also. 

' ' But the plain alternative is to displace or to trust . The 
necessary operations must not stagnate on account of uncer- 
tainty about the Agent." 

Adams felt that he had settled the question of prece- 
dence and did not refer to it, while writing 2 on September 3, 

1 C. P. Adams, in a long note to this letter, says McHenry was con- 
cerned in the intrigue. The only proof he gives is that Hamilton was in 
Philadelphia on July 7 and sent a letter to Washington on the 8th, which. 
C. F. Adams alleges to have been carried by McHenry. Sparks, xi, 533. 

2 Adams, viii, 591. 



328 Life and Correspondence [Ckap. xiii 

of certain nominations and calling attention to the exposed 
condition of Georgia. But the cabinet were not satisfied. 
On the 3d, McHenry wrote his friend, Uriah Tracy, that he 
has been much occupied and distressed by the humor (not a 
very pleasant one) which the president has discovered since 
leaving Philadelphia. If Knox be appointed second in com- 
mand, a "serious rupture, or at least a misunderstanding, 
with Washington would follow." "All hands have been at 
work to prevent so many evils befalling us, at a time when we 
stand in need of the union of our best talents, men, and 
means. I hope and think we shall be able to subdue this 
storm, although it has blown almost a hurricane." He asked 
Tracy whether he thinks W. S. Smith, Adams's son-in-law, 
should have a regiment, as he sends a certificate that he did 
not interfere in the election for governor of New York and 
thanks Tracy for a suggested list of officers for the Connecti- 
cut regiment. 

Writing l to Hamilton on the 10th, McHenry states he 
does not blame his friend's determination, expressed in a let- 
ter written two days before, not to serve as third major gen- 
eral and that all the cabinet but the attorney general will 
make respectful representation to Adams on the matter. 2 

Of matters not military we learn but little from Mc- 
Henry 's correspondence this summer. There is extant a let- 
ter from Lafayette: 

"Witmold — Holstein August the 30th'1798 
"My dear McHenry 

"When I Had last the pleasure to write to you, I was 
far from thinking I should, at this period of the Year Be still 
detained in Europe. The Health of my wife, the primary 
cause of those delays, Has Been continually so Bad, it Had 
in the Spring taken a so dangerous turn, that untill now, 
there Has not Been for me a Moral possibility to embark — 
even now that she is so far Eeeovered as to Have just Been 
able to Undertake an indispensable journey, for a few 
months, to France, I find that Besides tender motives not to 
hasten to put Between us the Atlantic, she shall soon Be ready 
to look with me. My presence on this Continent is essential to 
forward Arrangements respecting Her property which she 
is about to make. I need not telling you, my dear friend, 

1 Hamilton, vi, 355; Lodge, x, 320. 

2 Hamilton, vi, 356. 



1798-1799] of James McHcnry 329 

that Had I the smallest Hope to be useful in public Concerns, 
no personal Considerations, nor even the Dearer ones to my 
Heart could one instant detain me — may I, in my inactive 
But not unconcerned retirement, Be soon Blessed with the 
intelligence, now earnestly expected, of a mutual disposition 
to Reestablish Harmony Between two Nations, in the fate of 
whom my whole Soul is so deeply interested. 

"My principles and sentiments Have long Been known to 
you — the Appeal to liberty in thp old world Has Reminded 
you of our Conversations in the New one — in my doctrine 
of opposition to long despotism, of obedience in a free Con- 
stitution to National laws, you could Anticipate the pain 
which in the several circumstances I Have Had to Act — from 
your knowledge of My Republican Heart you are sensible that 
my objections to the present state of France are not owing to 
Her form of Government But to Her want of freedom — while 
that Government who rescued me out of prison, and with 
whose Agents Abroad I Have every personal reason to be 
satisfied are nevertheless far from wishing to facilitate my 
return or discouraging the nonsense now and then published 
against me, I am not myself in Hurry to witness measures 
which I disaprouve, nor am I uncertain of the National opin- 
ion in my Behalf. But such as I am situated, I cannot Be 
prejudiced By any other influence than my attachement to the 
two Countries, When I now am persuaded that on the part of 
the directory there are actual and sincere dispositions to make 
up this unhappy Quarell. Hitherto I Have not, in my ex- 
pressed Hopes, ventured so far. But now, I repeat it, I Have 
reasons to think that they are in earnest, and to flatter my- 
self that either directly, or through the Batavian Mediation 
which I know is to Be offered to you, matters may Be properly 
and Amicably adjusted. 

"Thus far, altho* the Americans Have Been Materially 
injured, the Moral Advantages remain theirs — it appears to 
me the French Government Had caught the example not long 
Ago Given By that of Britain — this system of oppression on 
the part of the late plunderers and incendiaries of the Country, 
the late prison-ship-managers, the constant ennemies to Ameri- 
can independance, unjustifiable as it was, Had some thing 
less shocking than an imitation of such an unfair policy By 
the early defenders, the first and essential friends of the Unit- 
ed States — no doubt their Rulers were led into it on a sup- 
position that it Had Been the means to Bring about your 



330 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xiii 

English treaty — thank* God, instead of submission they Have 
met with Noble, Spirited Resistance — the dignity of America 
Has Been asserted and a Reconciliation on proper tei-ms can- 
not But leave Her with an increase of national Respectability 
and political consequence — ■ that situation of Hers, in which 
no man can more Heartily exult than I do, would, in my 
opinion, Be lost, if by a Rejection of Honourable Means to re- 
store Harmony Between two Republics, By a precipitation of 
measures unnecessary for self defence, or an eagerness to Be 
too far entangled with other European powers You did Coun- 
tenance the Accusation of Having seised on the faults of the 
Directory to engage elsewhere that independance which you 
are now so justly Applauded to defend. 

' ' The British Court I Dislike and Mistrust — not for their 
intrigues against me, nor for their Vindictive share in my 
captivity — it is a matter of course, nor shall they ever forgive 
American names formerly doomed to proscription. But I 
Have Heard the boasts and Hopes of those men with respect 
to America, I Have known their Machiavelism in Holland, I 
Have witnessed their wicked exertions to vitiate the Revolution 
of France, and while I think England Has many of the more 
enlightened and virtuous friends of true liberty to Boast of, 
while I glory in my obligations to Her fine characters, I am 
convinced that in Her present Government no confidence is to 
Be Had — on the other Hand, altho ' my love to My Native 
Country is unalterable, the arbitrary measures of Her Govern- 
ment at Home cannot agree with me, and notwithstanding 1 
ever expected the doctrine of the rights of men to Be extended 
from France throughout the ancient world as from the United 
States to the rest of America I now Have a due respect for the 
mutual independance of enfranchised nations — ■ nay, there 
Have Been in certain Revolutionary circumstances compliments 
from the United States which I would not Have paid to the then 
Governors of France — and while I don't deny that the idea of 
a war Between those two dear countries cuts me to the Heart, 
you, my confidential friend, Have known that in every trans- 
action Great, or trifling, no man Has Been more than me tena- 
cious of the interest and Honour of the American Republics, 
nor more attached to the Happy System of Federal Union. 
May I not, therefore, However Averse I am to the Actual Gov- 
ernment of Britain, However Bound to My Native Country 
By everlasting ties of duty and Affection, However anxious to 
See the true American principles of liberty, Equality, and Re- 



1798-1799] of James McHenry 331 

publicanism fairly and Honestly spred throughout the world, 
may I not, says I, have my own opinion of the Dangers aris- 
ing from your Connection with England against France, of 
the Advantages to be found in an Honourable Reconciliation, 
and of the dispositions of the French directory to make for it 
a sincere and proper trial. 

"Measures, I Hear, Have Been taken with Respect to the 
piracies which, I really Believe, Have far exceeded the inten- 
tions of Government. Letters from Paris tell me that the 
Neutral Navigation shall soon Be on Better footing, was I not 
fearful to lose the opportunity to write to you, I would Have 
waited for answers I daily expect. I just now Have Hinted 
that Besides direct Communications the Batavian Common 
Wealth is ready to interfere. Mr. Murray Has acquainted 
you with the changes operated in that Country — to judge the 
sentiments of Her actual Governors, one private circumstance 
may help you — on my emersion from the Olmuce Bastille the 
Batavians intended to invite me to their Country — the Janu- 
ary Revolution, Long foreseen put an end to their plan — 
now that the jacobines are out, the new Government Has taken 
up the same idea — my going there, as in their kindness for 
me, I understand it will be Agreeable to them, Appears to Be 
Advantageous in many respects, particularly as it is much 
nearer to my family. Yet I am not Hitherto determined. 

' ' Notwithstanding the efforts and threats of England and 
Russia, the Kings of Danemark and Sweden Have refused to 
part from their system of neutrality — so Has the king of 
Prussia who is satisfied with protecting the North of Germany 
— at Vienna the two Hostile Courts are aided by female 
Neapolitan influence, and it is probable an Austrian War may 
Be Renewed, the result of which will be the Ruin of the Royal 
father in law and Heavy losses to the imperial young man. 
Bonaparte, after the taking of Malcha, Has arrived safely and 
even uninterrupted at Alexandria — that expedition is Big 
with Consequences. 

"The Name and Merits of Vaublanc are not unknown to 
you. He was in 92 a member of the legislative assembly, 
where His l Virtues, eloquence, and Courage Commanded univer- 
sal admiration, and exposed Him to great dangers. His life, 
Highly valuable to His Country and His friends, Has Been 
Happily preserved to make Him Again shine in the Council 
of the Cinq-Cent, and Among the most undeserving victims 
of the fructidorian proscription, there is not a more illustrious 



332 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xiii 

and upright statesman — this excellent patriot is now wander- 
ing out of France to which He shall soon or late Be gloriously 
Restored. His wife and daughter, lately married to Gnl Pink- 
ney's Nephew, are gone to America and intend to land some 
where in Virginia. I beg you, my dear McHenry, I who re- 
quire all other friends to pay them the Attentions that are 
due to their personal merits, and to the Husband and father 
with whom they are Blest — to Him I am under great obliga- 
tions. He Has in 92 stood my defender. He Has Risked His 
life in my Cause. Gratitude and Affection Bind me forever 
to Him. I depend on you to let the two ladies experience that 
my American friends feel with me on the interesting occasion. 

' ' Here is an offer of a quite different Nature — a French 
emigrant of the Aristocratic party Having in a letter to me, 
on my Release from the Coalitionary prisons, exposed, the 
state of misery to which He is Reduced, and Reminded me 
of His Services in the American Army, I Regreted not to 
Have it in my power to present Him with pecuniary assist- 
ance — to the expression of that sentiment it was Natural to 
add an offer to Carry His petition to America — the inclosed 
one He sent to me. But for fear of differing too much, I 
forward it to you who Best know what can be done — the part 
incombent on me, I felt the readier to Act as I Spurn the idea 
that His Having in Europe Belonged to a party opposed to us 
Could make me forgetful of His services to our Cause Under 
American Colours. 

"There goes with this letter one to Gnl. Washington. I 
Beg you to present My Respects to the president, to the Vice 
president, and to Remember me to all other friends about you. 
I Can't know whether or not the expressions of My dutiful 
patriotic Attachement, of My profound and lively Gratitude 
Have Ever Reached the United States — if not, I Hope it will 
not Be imputed to Any deficiency on My part. But I beg 
you to let me know what Has Been received from me. I Have 
written to You UnAnswered letters. My Son George requests 
me to Remember Him to You. I join with Him in affectionate 
Respects to Your Lady and family — adieu, Myf?dear Mc- 
Henry, You know How friendly I am 

' ' Yours 

' ' Lafayette 

"Pay my Best Compliments to my Generous friends Bol- 
man and Huger — no answer from this excellent and Heroic 






H798-1799] of James McHenry 333 

rHuger Has yet Reached me. How Happy I would Be to Hear 
from Him!'' 

From Baltimore James Ash wrote on August 24, urging 
that the Federalists be not too extreme in proscribing members 
of the opposition: 

"The judicious determination by Government, to put 
ourselves in a defensive posture, preparatory for any violence 
which France may offer, has been unanimously obeyed by the 
people. There are however, some characters here, I am as- 
sured intend well towards Government, who have acted very 
indiscreet and unwisely. They seemed to imagine, that noth- 
ing was left to be done, but to exterminate every one who had 
been of the Democratic side. It is true many are to be found 
in the Senate and House of Representatives, who no longer 
deserve to possess the confidence of the people ; and even this 
ought to be taken restrictively. For if any persons of this 
description, from weakness of understanding, have been only 
tools to artful and designing men, and a hope remains of poli- 
tical reformation, I can see no reason why they should be con- 
demned with the guilty. But leaving alone, those who served 
in political capacities ; how must the mind and heart revolt, at 
the thought of the public wickedness, of these characters, being 
visited on all their dupes and followers; uninformed and mis- 
guided men amongst the people. The doctrine of extermina- 
tion would be a delightful way to introduce a civil war, while, 
on the other hand, changing the deluded people by degrees 
from past error, as different dispositions can bear it, will nerve 
our union, Country, and Government stronger than at any 
former period. A remarkable instance of this kind happened 
lately. In a publication written by Mr. Martin, signed a 
'Native American' one Mr. Pechin, a printer, here was Com- 
pletely denounced, not only as a citizen but a printer. Now 
if Mr. Pechin had imprudently done wrong, would it not have 
been the "Wiser way to produce gradual reform in preference 
to extermination ? It appeared to me a miniature of the bar- 
barous cruelties practised by the French. It excited much 
warmth amoDgst about a thousand who were Pechin 's Sub- 
scribers. The publication of the inclosed observation, address- 
ed to Mr. Martin, I have reason to believe had a good effect. 
This made Pechin my friend, and if he were ever hostile to 
Government, he is now as warmly a friend. If extermination 



334 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xiii 

be Mr. Martins policy, I shall never agree with him, because 
it is much better to reform, than to destroy. The one is a 
leading feature in genuine Christianity, and good Government t 
the other the demon of anarchy and confusion. Before this 
newspaper acquaintance I never exchanged Six words with 
Pechin. He now Consults me on every movement of any im- 
portance. Yesterday he gave me a Manuscript pamplet to read, 
and requested my opinion ; at this time he had not read it 
himself. It had a disorganizing tendency, tranquilizing the 
public temper as it respects us with France, and irritable in 
every other respect. I gave him an opinion in writing that 
no one but a Frenchman ought to publish such a Book, or some 
one regardless of his Country's good. He went away well 
satisfied with the impression and advice. 

"I cannot either entirely agree, with some Gentlemen, 
in their views of our next election. Mr. Winchester has offer- 
ed under their support; he comes forward and declares his 
intention is to support the administration. Let us compare 
his professions with his actions, and trace the corresponding 
analogy. In the Day of Democratic Societies, Mr. Winchester 
was not only a member, but a violent one; and I have been 
lately informed from good authority, that he offered some 
resolutions at a meeting, which went to the subversion of all 
government. And when Electors were last chosen to elect a 
President, he voted and declared himself for Mr. Jefferson, 
and now he is to be the Supporter of the administration. 'Let 
no such man be trusted.' The people want a man of judg- 
ment to form opinion, and with firmness to give that opinion 
uniform Support. The whimsical and capricious character, is 
little to be relied on. For these reasons I think him an im- 
proper choice. 

"I hope Gallatin may be turned out. I have written to 
several of my Correspondents, in that part of the Country, on 
the Subject. His Seat as it respects virtue, will be well sup- 
plied by Nevill, who is a man of honor, and worth. 

''From an opinion, that every one should be ready in 
some Capacity, or other to serve his Country, at a period so 
critical, I made a tender of my services to Gen : Washington, 
with a condition that I should have it in my power to attend 
the General Court twice a year, unless called into service." 

A fierce congressional campaign was made during the 
summer of 1798 on the Eastern Shore against Hindman, who 
wrote from Bellfield in Talbot county, on August 29 : 



1798-1799] of James McHenry 335 

"I was very sorry to see by the Papers Some Time ago, 
that You were I?;'d up with a Fever, I hope You are uow in 
perfect Health. Have You appointed the Officers to the 
Army? Col. Hindman perseveres in his military Zeal, & 
would accept of a Regiment in the provisional Army, but 
Nothing' inferior. I wrote to You Some Time ago in Favor 
of Doct : Wm. Nicholson, who wish'd a Captaincy in the P. 
Army, & if not to be had would accept a Lieutenancy ; He is a 
Sensible Man & of great Intrepidity, & what exalts Him in my 
Estimation is his differing from his Relations in Politics, He 
has always advocated my Elections, & is now among my most 
active Friends & can do much ; He & his Brother Jo : are So 
warmly opposed, that I wish it may not produce disagreeable 
Consequence, his obtaining Captain's Commission would aid 
the Federal Cause here very much, & I must confess I have 
his Success much at Heart. 

"The cunning Jacobins discovered, that the People are 
generally incensed against the French, are now the Foremost 
in abusing Them, & affect much Wrath at being thought at- 
tach 'd to that Nation, I hope this Deception will not avail 
Them. I have been laid up for some Time with a sore Leg. 
it is now nearly well. My friends are getting very warm & 
active, which was highly necessary to counteract the furious 
Exertions & infamous Lies on the other Side, Report says 
Seney is losing Ground in Consequence of correct Informa- 
tion respecting many Misrepresentations against Me ; & a Cut 
given by a Mr : Clark in which He says that Mr : Seney avow- 
ed the Sentiment that Mr : Jefferson & Mr : Madison would 
have done better at the Helm of Affairs than Washington & 
Adams, I hear Seney denies it & wants to Strike out Washing- 
ton, conscious that any Thing said against Washington would 
damn Him with the People, it has just transpired, & Puzzles 
Them much, I flatter Myself it will do great Good. I hear 
Seney has got a Cut from an Associate Justice, a poor Crea- 
ture of his, endeavouring to prove a Negative ; what Cheats & 
Impostors these Jacobins are, From Them, good Lord, For 
ever deliver us. Many Betts are laid on the Issue of the Elec- 
tion, a curious One of 3000 Dollars to 130, that I have not a 
Majority in every County ; Some of my Friends are Sanguine 
enough to think I Shall. I will not venture to predict the 
Issue, Things look more favourably than They did, & prob- 
ably will increase. 

"I have just received a Letter from Mr: Campbell & 



336 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xiii 

Doct: Harris, They both Speak doubtfully of Mr: "Winches- 
ter's Election, & I collect They are of Opinion that Genl: 
Smith will be rechosen; if this Should be the Case I shall 
ascribe it to the Want of Exertion on the Federalists, whose 
purses ought to be open on the Occasion. 

"The Yellow Fever must have deranged You all very 
much. ' ' 

So bitter was the campaign against Hindman that, on 
September 16, 1798, J. Sitgreaves x writes McHenry from 
Easton, Pa., that Edward Tilghman has written him that great 
efforts are made to defeat Hindman. Consequently Sitgreaves 
has written Richard Tilghman, of Queen Anne's and suggests 
that McHenry also write as to Hindman 's "Estimation with 
our best public men, in and out Congress, You can bear 
honorable Testimony; and you can assert with equal Confi- 
dence that He has been Confidentially consulted on all the 
Operations of the federal Interest in the House of Representa- 
tives." 

When election came, Hindman 2 and three other Feder- 
alists were chosen from Maryland with four Jeffersonian Re- 
publicans. 

McHenry was now in constant correspondence with 
Washington. On September 3, the latter wrote, 3 acknowl- 
edging lists of applicants, complaining of illness, and asking 
for a list of captains and subalterns in the revolutionary army 
to help in selecting officers from the "wide expance" of the 
southern district. He wished for Pinckney's presence, sug- 
gested that it may be well to raise all of the cavalry in the 
southern states, and urged that our magazines be "well furn- 
ished with all necessary articles of foreign dependence; the 
procuring of which, if the country should be invaded, will not 
only be rendered precarious, but they must come much high- 
er. " The keepers of powder magazines should be directed 
to be attentive to turning and proving powder, that there 
may not "appear to be a store," when there is none "fit for 
use." He urged rigid recruiting rules. "It is much better 
to have a few good soldiers, than a multitude of vagrant and 

1 A prominent lawyer who was member of congress from 1794 to 
178S. 

2 Letters from the McHenry papers on Maryland politics in 1798 
are found in So. Hist. Ass. Pubs., x, 101 (March, 1906), and on Maryland 
politics in 1799 in So. Hist. Ass. Pubs., x, 150 (May, 1906). 

3 Ford, xiv, 79 ; Sparks, xi, 292. 



1798-1799] of James McHenry 337 

indifferent ones, who, besides other imperfections, may desert 
their colors in critical moments." At the end, he writes: 1 
"If any change should take place in settling the relative rank 
of the Major Generals, I shall hope and expect to be informed 
of it." On the 7th, McHenry told him of Adams's deter- 
mination to put Knox first and, as Washington had been ill, 
he added, "It will be proper you should intermit, for some 
time, your attention to business and avoid the early morning 
air, as well as much exposure to the hot sun." 2 On the same 
day, Washington wrote Pickering that possibly he might have 
put Knox before Pinckney, if he could have gotten to Phila- 
delphia in July. The president ought to ponder well before 
he consents to a change in the arrangement Washington sug- 
gested. Washington answered 3 McHenry 's letter on the 
14th, regretting the delay in recruiting and appointing offi- 
cers. For this delay, he blamed the executive, especially as 
that "spirit and enthusiasm which were inspired by the Dis- 
patches from our Envoys, that resentment which was roused 
by the treatment of our Commissioners by the Directory, ' ' are 
I ' evaporating fast ' ' and it is now much harder to secure suit- 
able men. Two months have already been wasted. Wash- 
ington asked for longer letters from McHenry and fuller in- 
formation on certain points. His sacrifices entitle him to this 
and "from McHenry, as a friend and coadjutor, I certainly, 
shall look for it. " Needed foreign articles should be imported 
at once. If war ensues, they will cost more and "the obtaining 
'■ them at all will be attended with hazard and delay. ' ' He 
objects to certain appointments, discusses the question of small 
, arms and so ends this "free and friendly letter." On the 
j 10th and 12th, McHenry wrote him of the proposed address 
! to the president and, on the receipt of the former letter, Wash- 
'. ington said 4 that the news "filled his mind with much dis- 
quietude and embarrassment," but he cannot make any move 
I at this time, "without betraying your confidential communi- 
i cation." He perceived "pretty clearly, however, that the 
matter is or very soon will be brought to the alternative of 
submitting to the President's forgetfulness of what / consid- 
ered a compact or condition of acceptance of the appointment, 
with which he was pleased to honor me, or to return him my 
commission." He, therefore, asks to be furnished with a copy 

1 Ford, xiv, 87. 

2 Sparks, xi, 299. 

3 Ford, xiv, 87; Sparks, xi, 300. 

4 Ford, xiv, 91; Sparks, xi, 302. 



338 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xiii 

of McHenry's letter to Adams written from Mount Vernon 
and of the instructions from Adams, under which McHenry 
then acted. 

On the 19th, McHenry conveyed to Washington an ac- 
count of the change of plan and the decision of the cabinet 
to have Wolcott, who, having been absent in July, would not 
be charged with intrigue, answer Adams's letters of August 
14 and 29, which Wolcott did on September 17, urging 1 that 
Hamilton be placed first. McHenry continued : 2 " Con- 
ceiving the whole of this business of a very serious nature and 
intimately connected with the public interest, I communicated 
the letters from the President to me as thej r were received to 
Mr. Wolcott, Mr. Pickering and Mr. Stoddert, as also my 
answers to him. The services of Gen. Hamilton being consid- 
ered too important and consequential to be easily parted with, 
it was proposed that they should join in a respectful letter to 
the President. After, however, a good deal of deliberation, 
the idea of a joint address was relinquished for a representa- 
tion from Mr. Wolcott alone, who did not appear to be im- 
plicated in his suspicions of intrigue. This has been accord- 
ingly drawn up and forwarded. It contains the grounds upon 
which you were induced to expect your arrangement would be 
adopted and reasons resulting from the relative talents of the 
generals and public opinion." On the same day, McHenry 
gave Washington a detailed account of Adams's conduct. 3 

Of Adams's letter of August 29, McHenry wrote 4 that 
part of the letter, "being personal and unmerited, not a little 
wounded my feelings." On September 6, he wrote Adams, 
asking why he was accused of intrigue and said: 5 "It will 
sir, be a relief to me to be assured of your opinion in this 
particular, because I flatter myself I can convince you that, 
abhorring indirect practices, I never even contemplated any, 
or shall you not be convinced, I can immediately retire from 
a situation which demands perfect and mutual confidence 
between the President and the person filling it." 

Answer to this letter was sent by Adams on the 13th. 
Adams still directed McHenry to issue the commissions on 
successive days and to call Hamilton and Knox into service. 6 

1 Gibbs, ii, 93. 

2 Gibbs, ii, 93 ; Sparks, xi, 547. 

3 Sparks, xi, 542. 

4 Sparks, xi, 542. 

5 Gibbs, ii. 92. Brown's McHenry, 22-34, defends him from the 
charge of intrigue. 

6 J. Adams, viii, 593. 



1798-1799] of James Mc Henry 339 

''Your conduct throughout the whole has been candid. I 
have suspected, however, that extraordinary pains were taken 
with you to impress upon your mind that the public opinion 
and the unanimous wish of the Federalists was that General 
Hamilton might be first and even Commander-in-chief, that 
you might express this opinion to General Washington more 
forcibly than I should have done and that this determined 
him to make the arrangement as he did. If this suspicion 
was well founded I doubt not you made the representation 
with integrity. 

"The question being now settled, the responsibility for 
which I take upon myself, I have no hard thoughts concerning 
your conduct in this business and I hope you will make your 
mind easy concerning it. ' ' 

In his letter of September 19 to Washington, McHenry 
defended himself against the accusation of delay. Adams 
had as yet answered only two of the proposals McHenry made 
on August 4. Arms have already been ordered. Wolcott 
thinks we should fill our magazines first and raise the army 
last and so objects to the purchase of clothes. McHenry 
thinks both should be done at once. "I should have no confi- 
dence in troops suddenly assembled and cannot think it good 
policy to depend upon a militia to meet the first operations 
of an enemy inured to war and having no better support than 
such raw troops." If an invasion come from the south, no 
eastern militia could be used, as eastern regulars could and 
so, if we wait, we may be left, as to the south, to its own 
militia and half the country may be overrun and plundered, 
before anything like a regular force can be collected. Wol- 
cott is alarmed about finances and prefers to trust to chances, 
rather than to raise and pay an army, which may never be 
needed. 1 "These things, my dear and revered sir, are men- 
tioned to satisfy your solemn and affecting inquiries. You 
will now see (although I may not have apprised you of all my 
proceedings) the reasons, in the very nature of the transac- 
tions just detailed, which have prevented me from making to 
you certain communications, until they became unavoidable 
and necessary, as well for your information as my justifica- 
tion. You will also be sensible that I have not been idle, nor 
inattentive to the importance of the objects which interest 
our country and have drawn you into your present situation." 

On the 21st, McHenry wrote again that he had made new 

1 Washington in his reply agreed with McHenry's views. 



340 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xiii 

. * 

representations to Adams about Hamilton and Knox, on re- 
ceiving Washington's letter of the 16th. Adams had shown 
great obstinacy, but McHenry still counted on his acting wise- 
ly and yielding. He cannot resist the display of facts which 
have been laid before him. Four days later, Washington 
wrote l Adams, that he ' ' explicitly declared in July, ' ' he 
accepted, provided ' ' That the general officers and general staff 
of the army should not be appointed without my concur- 
rence." Neither McHenry nor Washington had any doubt 
that this was the object of the former 's mission and lest there 
should be doubt, Washington asked McHenry to declare this 
in his official letter to Adams, as Washington's letter might 
be made public ; and, therefore, should not be encumbered 
with stipulations. Washington asked McHenry to take back 
the commission till Adams 's reply. McHenry said that would 
not be necessary, for silence would be acquiescence and, if. 
Adams did not agree, he would say so. Believing this and 
not wishing to imply distrust of Adams's intentions, Wash- 
ington assented. Now Adams changes the order of the major 
generals and appoints brigadiers without Washington's knowl- 
edge. Washington's arrangement of major generals was de- 
signed. He had heard that the Federalists wished Hamilton 
second and this impression had been confirmed, in most un- 
equivocal manner, by some respectable members of congress. 
If Adams did not like the order, why did he not alter it before 
submission to congress? Hamilton's place would be hard to 
fill. Why does not Adams begin recruiting? The rough 
draft of the letter, covering the foregoing points, Washington 
sent 2 McHenry, on the next day, in strict confidence, as even 
the rumor of a breach between him and the president would 
be attended with unpleasant consequences. If Adams will 
not yield, the people must decide between him and Washing- 
ton. On the 30th, Washington wrote 3 again, warning Mc- 
Henry against giving commissions to the brawlers against gov- 
ernment, "who would endeavor to divide and contaminate the 
army by artful and seditious discourses and, perhaps, at a 
critical moment, bring on confusion. " There are enough Fed- 
eralists to fill the places and '"'you could as soon scrub the 
blackamoor white, as to change the principles of a profest 
Democrat," who "will leave nothing unattempted to over- 



1 Sparks, xi, 304; Ford, xiv, 92. 

2 Sparks xi, 315. 

3 Fold, xiv, 104; Sparks, xi, 317. 



1798-1799] of James McHenry 341 

throw the government of this country." On the same day, 
Adams sent this curt note from Quincy : 

"Quincv September 30th. 1798 
"Sir 

"Inclosed are the Commissions for the three Generals 
Signed and all dated on the Same Day. I am Sir 
"your most obedient &c 
"John Adams." 



Before this letter came, McHenry wrote * Washington 
that, though he has received no word from Adams, he expects 
the affair to terminate happily. He asked for a list of officers 
for the southern regiments, and stated that he had advertised 
for clothes, but that Wolcott still opposed paying for subsis- 
tence. There is news of a new coalition in Europe against 
France. Our conduct seems to have inspired the peoples 
with fresh hopes and courage. 

About this time there must have arrived in Philadelphia 
the letters Murray wrote from the Hague on August 20 and 30, 
stating that his secretary, Dandridge, wished to return to 
America and enter the army and asking that McHenry 's 
nephew, John, might be sent in his place. In a later letter, 
he repeats the request thus : "I am at a great loss for a rapid 
French reader and a writer of that insolent language, that I 
fear is to clothe every right (public) in Europe in its own 
idiom, genius, and dress — curse it, I wish no body spoke 
French. It is not half so vulgar not to speak Dutch — but I 
do come on." The request was granted and, on April 28, 
1799, Murray wrote McHenry that John McHenry arrived 
at Hamburg on 13th instant, after a passage of seventy-three 
days. 2 "We expect him with impatience. He has left Ham- 
burgh and is well." 

In his letter of August 30, Murray said: "This letter 
is on a subject doubly interesting to me, as it relates to the 
determination of Mr Dandridge to leave me, & to the acqui- 
sition of another Secretary. 

' ' Ever since we heard of the martial movements at home, 
Dandridge has been desirous of going to America. He has 

1 On October 1, Washington wrote McHenry complaining- of Adams's 
delay. Sparks, xi, 318. 

2 January 7, 1799, Pickering wrote the United States at Hamburg 
to pay John McHenry $200 travelling expenses. 



342 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xiii 

■ T ■ 

at last asked my consent. I have given it on his repeated 
solicitations — for from the manner in which we have lived, 
he would do nothing to disoblige me in this way. He is a 
most excellent & estimable man & has most fully equalled the 
short but good character which our illustrious Washington 
gave me of him. I have an affectionate esteem for him & a 
brotherly solicitude for his happiness, prosperity & advance- 
ment. He looks to the military career; & though without the 
vanity of ambition, he has its better features — a wish to be 
useful & an ardent desire to support the Independence & 
glory of his country. Dandridge has no pretence & no affec- 
tation of brilliance — but he has, I undertake to say, a sound 
& strong understanding cultivated beyond what his simplicity 
& modesty of manners would lead a stranger at first to attri- 
bute to him — of this accuracy of judgement I have often 
availed my self. He is completely a man for high & delicate 
confidence, in fact I set a great value indeed upon him. You 
know him, but not as well as I have had it in my power to do. 
I do not mention him thus particularly to recommend him, as 
in a mere letter of introduction, but to do him justice — & to 
prove, as far as I can, his claim to a handsome & honourable 
appointment in the army. 

"I then present him to you as a candidate for a commis- 
sion. I hope & believe that you will give one suitable to him 
as a man of uncommon worth — as a true American, well en- 
lightened on the subject matter of our dispute with France 
and as the late Secretary of the late President of the United 
States. I know that you are acquainted with my friend Dan- 
dridge — but I could not let him apply himself, as I feel 
interested in his career & future lot & wish to give him the 
proof of my esteem. He has been our inmate constantly & 
Mrs. M. & myself part from him with sincere regret. He has 
also been very happy with us. So much for my friend, whom 
I part with & whom I commit to your kind protection. 

"Now for the acquisition of another to fill his place. I 
have long thought, that should anything deprive me of Dan- 
dridge, that I would ask you to give me Mr John McHenry, 
your very promising nephew & my correspondent! as I men- 
tioned this to you before I left America, I hope that yoii have 
thought over my proposal. I sincerely wish that nothing may 
oppose itself to this object. I believe he esteems me — & you 
know that he has always stood high in my regard. He shall 
live with us entirely as one of my family & I undertake to say 



1798-1799] of James McHenry 343 

that, if he can be happy out of your paternal family, he will 
be so with us. Both Mrs. M. & I like our young friend ; and 
his relation to you and Mrs. McHenry would endear us all to 
each other & insure harmony & friendship. He will have to 
find his own washing & mending and that is all. That is ar- 
ranged here with ease & perfect snugness — & the salary is 
301. 10 Stirlg a year. He can also pursue any course of read- 
ing that your judgement may dictate. He may learn Italian,. 
Spanish, or German. Stay either as long as I do, or follow 
your directions & entirely your views, without being pledged 
to any time. The business is not laborious to so young &. 
hearty a man viz. Copying, as to the article of Dress and 
clothes — it is not serious. His Philad. clothes are in a better 
style than is common here. Linnen cheaper & the making of 
it cheaper. At his time of life, a tour of this sort will be both 
pleasant &, I should hope, advantageous — & may be so 
shaped, by your advice, as not to disturb any future plans wh. 
you may have in view for him. In fact, I wish to have him 
with me & see no objections strong enough to oppose my plan. 
He had best come direct to Hamburg, or Bremen, or Holland, 
& on his landing speak to the American consul, giving his 
name & I will take care to write to those at these points to 
receive him & put him on the way to the Hague, where he 
will be kindly welcomed as your nephew & my friend. 

' ' Should no ship offer to these places — He had best come 
through England. He can easily get a passage across to the 
Tees or the Maas to Rotterdam & then he is with me. I once, 
in 1784, left London at 4 o'clock in the morning, dined at 
Harich, and next day dined at the Hague. A winter passage, 
say in Nov. or December is not much to — England. I 
came in those months in 1783-4. He can be with me by Xmas 
or in January easily. However, I shall wait for him. 

"Dandridge wishes a commission in the Infantry and, if 
he had experience, I would say that he has character enough 
to be at the head of a Regiment. I forgot to mention this in 
the first part of my application for him. 

"Mrs. Murray sends her love to Mrs. McHenry, pray 
make my kindest compliments to her & give the enclosed (if 
you please) to Mr John McHenry. 

"The Three ministers viz Prince Repnin for Russia, 
Count Cobenzl for Vienna, & Lord Elgin for London, who 
went not long since to Berlin to produce a new coalition have 
left Berlin in utter disappointment — Ld. E. gone home — Ct . 



344 Life and CoiTespondence [Chap, xiii 

, , ■ 

C. gone to Petersburg & P. Repnin gone to Vienna. No coali- 
tion, general. If the war begins again, there will be one be- 
tween Austria & Russia. 

"The energy & great respectability of the United States 
have produced a State of things in the Directory at Paris 
from which we may see the rights of Neutral nations, in gen- 
eral, respected. It would dilate every artery in you to see 
the glory which is spreading over the United States at this 
moment in the eyes of Europe. She comes on the stage at an 
instant highly propitious to eclat. When the heart of the 
continent had sunk — She plants her foot with firmness — 
France recoils — and every body is revived — & in triumph 
— for France does recoil — & I believe reflection will but con- 
firm — what astonishment first produced, & that she will recoil 
further, if we will preserve a steady aspect & a vigorous prep- 
aration. God bless my country, she indeed acts to a charm. 
I will again write, in June I wrote. I am dear friend affec- 
tionly 

"& truly always yrs" 

Murray wrote thus two days later: "Be firm and per- 
severing, my dear minister, and France will recoil, we shall 
triumph and once more establish the law of nations." 4 

On October 5, the letter from Adams, of September 30, 
reached Philadelphia and McHenry copied and sent it to 
Hamilton, saying, "the sun begins to shine * * * This is a 
regal letter and, at the same time, a loyal proceeding. Hasten 
the military regulations. I shall, I expect, soon call upon 
you." To this letter Hamilton thus replied: 

"New York October 9. 1798 
"I thank you, My Dear Sir, for the prompt communica- 
tion of the intelligence contained in your letter by yesterday's 
Post. 

"As to the regulations (if as I suppose you mean) those 
for the tactics & discipline of the army — I must answer that 
hitherto I have done nothing more towards it than some pre- 
liminary reading & reflection. The undetermined situation & 
the necessity of a close attention to my law business (which 
is in such a state I could neither abandon nor diminish) has 
prevented my doing more in respect to the matter in question. 
It will, henceforth, engage my particular attention; but it 
ought not to be precipitated. My plan will suppose a differ- 



1798-1799] of James McHenry 345 

ent organization of the troops & some previous legislative 
measures to precede its execution. Besides the present sistem 
must be essentially the base of another & there is no urgency 
for a change. The course of the Winter will fulfill every use- 
ful idea — & allow time to digest well additions or innovations. 
To organize & to raise the army are the immediate desiderata. 
"I shall be ready to attend your call 
"Yrs affectly 
"A Hamilton 
"PS Young Butledge, late Secy of General Pinckney, is 
himself desirous of going into the army but he cannot, in pro- 
priety, decide upon an application without the previous con- 
sent of his father whose permission he has asked. In the 
mean time, I would suggest for your consideration the exped- 
iency of keeping open for him a Captaincy of Infantry. His 
connections & qualifications give him pretension to look to 
this. You will understand that he cannot now ask & may not 
perhaps be allowed to accept; so that whatever is done, must 
be provisory Ade AH" 

On October 10, Wolcott wrote 1 Hamilton, "You are first 
Major General." "I supposed McHenry had transmitted 
the commissions but find, he still hesitates. I will, however, 
prevail on him to do his duty, if I can. ' ' 

Adams wrote to Washington 2 on October 9, informing 
him what he had done and stating that the difficulties between 
the major generals will be submitted to the general, as com- 
mander-in-chief, and Adams will ratify his action, though he 
has no doubt that the president has authority to determine the 
rank of officers. Adams thus yielded his contention. Before 
the yielding was known, Washington wrote McHenry, 3 on 
October 10, asking what would be the effect of his resignation, 
if Adams disregarded the order of rank of the generals and 
the conditions upon which Washington accepted his post. 
Could Washington "with propriety and a due respect for my 
own character" help from resigning. Washington wished on 
this point to know Pickering's opinion and those of "the 
gentlemen who act with you." Does Pickering like Hamilton, 
Washington inquired, because of the ' ' utility of the measure, ' ' 

1 Hamilton, vi, 365. 

2 Sparks, xi, 54S. J. Adams, viii, 600. If North refuses the adju- 
tant generalship, Adams will nominate Dayton, unless Washington prefer 
another. 

3 Ford, xiv, 105. 



346 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xiii 

or because he dislikes Knox ? Would the New England states 
be disgusted, if Hamilton precede Knox in rank? 

On October 15, Washington wrote 1 again, with refer- 
ence to the appointment of officers in the engineers and in the 
southern regiments, and stated that, in his view, officers should 
be appointed: First, from officers in the revolutionary army, 
who are in the prime of life ; and then from "young gentlemen 
of good families, liberal educations, and high sense of honor," 
but, that care should be taken not to appoint "any, who are 
known enemies to their own government, for they will, as 
certainly attempt to create disturbances in the military, as 
they have done in the civil administration of their country." 
MeHenry submitted his correspondence with Knox to the 
cabinet 2 on October 13 and asked whether they considered, 
that Adams be held to acquiesce in the settlement of relative 
rank, on the principle of and agreeably to the order of nomin- 
ation and confirmation ; whether he should consult Adams fur- 
ther, or send the generals their commissions directly; and 
whether he should send Adams a copy of their repiy to his 
questions. 

Pickering, Wolcott, and Stoddert, on the same day, 3 
signed a reply stating that the only inference they can draw 
is that Adams consents to the arrangement proposed by Wash- 
ington and followed in nomination and confirmation, and 
therefore McHenry should send the commissions, directly, and 
it would not be "respectful to the President to address him 
again on a subject, which appears to have been attended with 
difficulties in his mind and the discussion of which can pro- 

1 Sparks, xi, 322. Sparks, xi, 549, is a postscript to this letter. 
The beginning of the letter and another unprinted postscript follow : 

"Mount Vernon 15th Oct. 1798. 
"Dear .Sir, 

"Your letter of the 2d. and those of the 5th. instant came duly to hand. 

"Those of the latter date were received late in the evening preceding 
my visit to the Federal City, when I was detained several days on busi- 
ness ; and is the cause of their remaining unacknowledged so long. * * * 
"P. S. 

"In treating on the subjects of Regimental officers for the augmenta- 
tions, Colo. William Smith of New York again occurs. I know not on 
what precise ground the nomination of him was rejected by the Senate, 
and therefore to advise bringing him forward again might be improper, — 
nor should I incline to do it, if there was just cause to impeach either his 
integrity or his attachment to the measures of Government. But I have 
always viewed Colo. Smith in the light of an Officer possessing military 
talents, and conceive, if he would accept of it that the Command of our 
Regiments about to be raised in the Middle District of the United States 
could not be better bestowed. 

"G. W. n." 

On Col. W. S. Smith see an article by M. D. Raymond in Mag. Am. 
Hist., xxii, 74. 

2 Gibbs, ii, 101. 

3 Gibbs, ii, 102. 



1798-1799] of James McHenry 347 

duce no public advantage. We also think that no communica- 
tion of our sentiments will be necessary, unless the Secretary 
of War shall discover, hereafter, that we have mistaken the 
President's intentions, in which case it will be proper that 
we should share in the censure." Guided by this opinion, 
McHenry sent the commissions and wrote this information on 
the 16th to Washington, 1 telling him of the course of events 
and that he had written Hamilton and Knox, calling them 
into service. Washington is requested to come to Philadel- 
phia, as soon as possible and at any rate, before November 
10, at which time McHenry hoped both Adams and Washing- 
ton may be together at Trenton, where the government is still 
carried on. This official letter was enclosed in a personal one, 
which is as follows : 

"You will see by the enclosed the step I have taken, and 
the information and aid which I expect to derive from the 
Major Generals, in case it is approved, and also the desire I 
have to draw you for a short time to Philadelphia. I know 
not how all this is to end, and feel perfectly tired of the un- 
certainty in which so many important measures are kept fet- 
tered and involved. 

"I hope you will approve of the exposition I have given 
of my views, and the propriety of my fortifying or correcting 
my own opinions by those of the Generals. I have informed 
Hamilton of the points upon which I shall look for his assist- 
ance that he may come prepared. 

"I am extremely anxious to know the result of your let- 
ter to the President. 

"Yours ever & affectionately" 

Hamilton answered McHenry in two letters written from 
New York on the 19th. In one he expressed his satisfaction 
at the relative rank given him and promised to come, 2 but 
did not expect to arrive at Trenton before November 10, 3 as 



1 Ford, xiv, 115. 

2 Hamilton, v, 141 ; Lodge, vi, 485. 

3 Lodge's Hamilton, vi, 486. "It is my intention," wrote Hamil- 
ton to Washington from New York on October 29, 1798, "to proceed on 
the first of November to Trenton. My aid to the Secretary, to the full 
extent of what he shall permit me to afford, will not be withheld. But every 
day brings fresh room to apprehend that, whatever may be the props, 
the administration of the War Department cannot prosper in the present 
very well disposed but very unqualified hands." 



348 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xiii 

Knox cannot arrive before that date. In the other letter, he 
said : 

"My Dear Sir 

' ' I received yesterday your private letter of the 16th with 
its inclosures, now returned. 

"It was essential for you to take a decisive course & to 
leave the blame of further delay at some other door. There 
can be no doubt of the propriety of combining the aid of 
General Officers. But Pinckney being now arrived, it seems 
to me very proper & necessary that he also should be called 
upon. You will learn with pleasure that he sent me a mes- 
sage by young Rutledge purporting his entire satisfaction 
with the military arrangement & readiness to serve under my 
command. Communicate this to our friends Pickering & Wol- 
cott, as I am not well enough to write them by this post. 

"Yrs Affecty 

"A Hamilton" 

Though Washington wrote 1 Knox on October 21, urging 
him to accept the commission, the latter wrote Adams, on Oc- 
tober 23, before he could have received this letter, 2 that it 
would be impossible for him to serve under officers so much 
his juniors. "No officer can consent to his own degradation." 
Pinckney accepted at once and, on October 26, thanked 3 
McHenry for the commission and hoped to see him in Trenton 
on Monday. On the 31st, he wrote again, promising to be at 
Trenton on November 10, regretting Knox's declination, and 
expressing a willingness to rank below Knox, if that will 
induce him to reconsider. He is glad to serve under Hamil- 
ton, though he outranked him in the last war. On October 21, 
"Washington wrote McHenry, 4 enclosing a copy of Adams's 
letter of the 9th and asking him to burn the note, that its 
existence might not be discovered and confirm Adams in his 
ideas of intrigue. He also asked for information, as to the 
captains and subalterns from the south, who served in the 
revolution, which information he had already requested some- 
time before. 

In another letter, 5 dated the same day, Washington ae- 

1 Sparks, xi, 326. 

2 Sparks, xi, 550. 

3 Hamilton, vi, 373. See Sparks, xi, 551. 

4 Ford, xiv, 114. 

5 Ford, xiv, 115; Sparks, xi, 331. 



1798-1799] of James McHenry 349 

knowledges MeHenry's letter of the 16th and approves of all 
he has done, except the plan to officer the new corps in the 
southern and western states, which relies too much on the 
opinions of members of congress, who press applications often- 
times to get rid of them or ' ' for local and electioneering pur- 
poses. " Washington fears Knox's declination and asks for 
information as to Pinckney, who, he hopes, will accept and be 
of service in picking out southern officers. Washington had 
been ill, but wrote that he would try to be at Trenton on 
November 10, or about that time. On the 23d, he wrote again 
from Mount Vernon: 

"Dear Sir, 

"It gave me very sincere pleasure to find by your letter 
of the 17th reed, last night — that Genl. Pinckney accepts his 
appointment in the Army of the United States. 

"If it would not be too inconvenient for him to remain 
at the Seat of Government until the 10th. of next month (the 
ulterior day, allotted for the Assembling of the Majors Gen- 
eral at Trenton or Philadelphia) and you would advise me 
thereof, immediately, I w r ould make every exertion in my 
power to meet them at that time. 

"For a variety of reasons, which will readily occur, the 
sooner such a meeting could take place the better ; — and 
perhaps no time, — season — or circumstances, would be more 
convenient than the one proposed : — nor more eligable for the 
purpose of concerting a Plan, upon general hypothesis ; — and 
rectifying, as far as possible, the evils, which have preceded 
from delay in Recruitg. 

"With great esteem and regard 

"I am Dr. Sir. Your Most Obedt Serv. 
' ' Go. Washington. ' ' 

Adams wrote McHenry, on the 22nd, that he will confirm 
any appointments which the generals and McHenry recom- 
mend. He cannot come on soon, on account of Mrs. Adams's 
illness. He had dated the commissions on the same day and 
agreed to confirm Washington's decision in the matter. x 
He rather sneers at the recruiting service and says regiments 
are costly and no national plan has been formed for the main- 
tenance of an army, so far as he has seen. Adams was already 

1 J. Adams, viii, 612. On October 26, McHenry wrote Washington 
that Adams had not answered Wolcott and is extremely guarded in his 
expressions, but will not refuse your request. 



350 Life and Cwrespondence [Chap, xiii 

preparing for congress, as is shown by his letter to McHenry 
written on October 10 from Quincy: 

"Dear Sir. 

"The Meeting of Congress approaches, and it is necessary 
to consider whether Philadelphia is a safe Residence for Con- 
gress: and also the Particulars that will be proper to com- 
municate and recommend to both Houses at the opening of the 
Session. I ask the favour of you to revolve these sujects in 
your Mind and write me the Result as soon as you can. I 
have the Honor 

"to be, Sir your most obedient 
"John Adams" 

On October 30, McHenry wrote to Washington that Knox 
declines, Pinckney will assist, Adams can not come, but "we 
wish you about Nov. 10." 

Amid the unpleasant affairs of the season, there were 
pleasant ones and McHenry had loyal friends like Tracy, who 
wrote from Litchfield on the 8th of October, 1798: 

"My Dear Sir — 

"Your favour of the 3d inst. is duly reed. I thank you 
for it — and will endeavor to lay before you, names for an- 
other Corps. I conclude we shall in Connecticut be allowed 
as many Officers as will organize one more Regt. — including 
the provisional Army. If I am mistaken in this, please to let 
me know by an early opportunity. In the mean time, Govr. 
Turnbull, Col. Wadsworth, & I will be selecting the proper 
characters who shall be forwarded to you, as soon as may be. 
I thank you for the foreign news — & should be more thankful 
for the Domestic, if it were more grateful in its Nature. 
Storms we must have, & each must have his share — but it is 
a consummation devoutly to be wished, that they may cease 
from within our own household, as they increase from without. 

"I am aware that we must undergo some difficulty, by a 
hint I had from Knox in a letter, but I said nothing, hoping 
it would blow over without much mischief. As to Wm. S. 
Smith commandg. a Regt., you know the appointment is in 
the hands of the Executive, by law; and it must take its 
course ; but if all I hear of him is true, he ought, by no means, 
to have a Regt. Let it be remarked, that I may be misin- 
formed. I only give my opinion under present impressions. 



1798-1799] of James McHenry 351 

Altho I am of opinion almost any compromise must be made, 
rather than have on our hands so much Executive blocking 
to our movements. The Officers of the 12 Regt. & of the pro- 
visional Army, it seems to me should now be appointed as soon 
as convenience will possibly permit. The ardor of our Coun- 
try will I fear cool — and recruiting will drag heavily. For 
God 's sake let nothing retard this matter much longer — we 
must have our Army in forwardness. 

"As soon as possible, we will forward you another Regt. 
of Officers, you can use them as Provisional or not, as you 
please. Could the Commissns. soon be sent to me, the success 
of recruiting is infallible. Every thing moves at present per- 
fectly right in Connecticut, but too long delay will at any rate 
do no good. ' There is a tide in the affairs of men. ' 

"I am unwilling to tax a busy useful man to write me, 
but must ask you to give me a line, if any thing particular, 
either foreign or Domestic, should occur. I am Sir 
"with esteem & affection yrs. 
"Uriah Tracy." 

McHenry wrote Washington on November 9, that he had 
lodgings for him and that he proposed to bring out a few 
volunteers to give him a military reception. Pinckney was 
delayed, for a short time, owing to an accident to his carriage, 
but, on the 10th, McHenry submitted to Washington, Pinck- 
ney, and Hamilton lists of officers and proposals as to the 
number of officers and men to be taken from each State, ac- 
cording to the census. x Discussion was also had, concerning 
allowances to officers detached on such services as to incur 
expenses on the road and at places, where there are no mili- 
tary posts. 

WashiE.srton answered McHenry 's proposals 2 in letters 
written at Philadelphia on November 13 and 11. The earlier 
of these letters reads thus: 



1 Hamilton, v, 152; Sparks, xi, 552. 

2 Certain other questions were submitted by McHenry to the other 
secretaries about this time. 

"(Private) 

"Dr. Sir 

"I have signed the paper upon which you requested the opinion of the 
Heads of Departments. — I take the liberty to suggest however, that writ- 
ten official Opinions ought not in my judgement to be called for, without 
the direction of the President — 

"I am sir yrs. truly 

"Oliv Wolcott 

"Dec. 7, 1798. 

James McHenry Esq." 



352 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xiii 

"Sir, 

' ' I observe by the concluding paragraph of your letter of 
the 10th. instant, that you contemplate conferences between 
the Secretaries of State and of the Treasury, and myself, for 
the purpose of obtaining auxiliary information from their 
departments. Several of the questions which you state, seem 
indeed, to require such information. But, on reflection, it 
has occurred to me, as most regular, that you should settle j 
with these Officers what it may be reciprocally deemed neces- 
sary and proper for them to communicate ; — to the end, that 
they may themselves, bring forward, either through you, or 
directly to me, as may be agreed upon, but without any prev- 
ious application from me, such communications as the case | 
shall be supposed to require. Whenever, too, I am to report | 
a formal opinion, you will, I dare say, think with me. that the 
data upon which it shall be given ought, substantially, to be 
deposited with me in writing. Personal conferences besides, j 
for more full explanation, may be useful, and will be very j 
agreeable to me. Allow me to request your speedy attention | 
to this Matter. 

' ' I find also, that the Documents ref ered to in your letter 
of the 10th. instant, did not accompany it. As these will be 
necessary in forming an Opinion on several points submitted 
to me in your aforesaid letter, and which I have communicated 
to Major Generals Hamilton and Pinckney, I must beg you 
to furnish me with them without delay. The documents re- i 
f erred to are as follows — viz. 

" 'List of persons who have been recommended for Com- f 
missions in the Army, with their letters of pretensions. ' 

" (N. B. A list of applicants South of the Potomac, and 
their letters, are in my hands. The lists and letters from the 
other parts will be wanting.) 

" 'Returns and Letters from Brigadr. Genl. Wilkinson, 
showing the Stations and number of the Troops on the North 
Western and Southern Frontiers.' 

" 'Return showing the description, places of Rendezvous, 
Stations and number of Troops now on our Sea-board frontier. \ 

" 'Return from the Superintendant of Military Stores, 
showing the quantity and kinds of Cannon, Field Artillery, 
Military Stores, and other Articles now on hand, belonging to 
the United States.' 

" (N. B. This return should also exhibit the places at 
which these are deposited, and the quantity at each place). 



1798-1799] of James McHenry 353 

"To these must be added the estimate which you had 
made out of the monies which jou. conceived would be required 
for Military service, and the times at which the same might 
be wanted. 

"I have in my hands a list of the General and Field 
Officers who served in the Revolutionary war, and of the Cap- 
tains and Subalterns from the States South of the Potomac. 
You will, therefore, be pleased to add to the documents, a list 
of the Captains and Subalterns from the other States, that the 
whole may be before me. 

"I am, Sir 

1 ' With very great esteem & regard, 
"Your most Obedt. Servt. 
"Go. "Washington." 

The second letter, written on the following day, is as 
follows : 
"Sir, 

"In order to form an opinion on the query contained in 
your letter of the 10th. instant, whether it will be best to 
furnish Rations for the Troops by Contracts, or by purchasing 
and issuing Commissaries, it will be necessary that I should 
know the prices of Rations, now by Contract, at the several 
places where Troops are Stationed. 

"You will therefore be pleased to add this to the docu- 
ments which I Yesterday requested you to furnish. 
"With great esteem & regard. 
"I am, Sir 

"Your most Obedt Servt. 
"Geo. Washington." 

These letters he followed, after a month's stay in Phila- 
delphia, with three long official ones dated 1 December 13 and 
16, and drafted for him by Hamilton. Washington forwarded 
with the letters of the 13th a brief personal note : 

"Private 
"Dear Sir, 

"I am really ashamed to offer the letters &c herewith 
sent, with so many erazures &e, but it was not to be avoided, 
unless I had remained so much longer here, as to have allowed 
my Secretary time to copy the whole over again ; — and my 

1 Sparks, xi, 346-376. 



354 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xiii 

impatience to be on my return homewards, on Account of the 
Season — the Roads — and more especially the passage of 
the Susquehanna — would not admit of this. With consid- 
eration & respect I am Dear Sir 

''Your most obedt. Servt. 
"Geo. Washington. 
"P. S. Mr. Lear, you are sensible, was engaged with myself 
& the Genl. Officers ; — of course could not be employed in 
Transcribing what you will now receive, as the result of our 
deliberation at the mom't. we were engaged in other matters." 

The difficulties connected with the appointment of Wil- 
liam S. Smith continued to exist and are the subject of a 
letter Washington wrote x on December 13. 

"Sir, 

"You will observe that in the Arrangement of the Of- 
ficers allotted to New York, there is an alternative of William 
S. Smith, or Abijah Hammond for Lieut. Colonel Comman- 
dant. 

"Various considerations demand that the motive of this 
hesitation should be explained. 

"Had military qualifications alone been consulted, the 
name of Colo. Smith would have stood singly, and he would 
have been deemed a valuable acquisition to the service. Hac 
there been no other source of objection, than the erroneous' 
political opinions lately attributed to him, his honor and at- 
tachment to his Country would have been relied upon. But 
as well myself as the two Generals, whose aid I have had in 
the nominations, have been afflicted with the information, 
well or ill founded, that he stands charged in the opinion of; 
his fellow Citizens with very serious instances of private mis- 
conduct ; — instances which affect directly his integrity as a; 
Man. The instances alleged are various; but there is one 
which has come forward in a shape which did not permit us 
to refuse it our attention. It respects an attempt knowingly 
to pledge property to Major Burrows, by way of security, 
which was before conveyed or mortgaged, for its full value, 
to Mr. William Constable, without giving notice of the cir- 
cumstance, and with the aggrevation that Major Burrows had 
become the Creditor of Colo. Smith through friendship, to an 
amount which has proved entirely ruinous to him. While 

1 A letter of Hamilton dated December 17, treats of the matters in- 
cluded in Washington's letters. 



1798-1799] of James McHenry 355 

the impossibility of disregarding this information forbade the 
selection of Colo. Smith absolutely; Yet the possibility that 
it might admit of some fair explanation, dissuaded from a 
conclusion against him. 

"As it will be in your power to obtain further lights on 
the subject; it has appeared adviseable to leave the matter in 
the undetermined form in which it is presented, and to assign 
the reason for it. 

"You are at perfect liberty to communicate this letter 
to the President. Candour is particularly due to him in 
such a case. It is my wish to give him every proof of frank- 
ness, respect and esteem. 

"Lest it should be supposed that Major Burrows has 
officiously interfered to the prejudice of Colo. Smith, it is but 
justice to him to declare that such a suspicion would be en- 
tirely without foundation. 

"With great consideration & regard 
"I have the honor to be, 
"Sir, 
"Your most Obedt. Servt. 

"Go. Washington." 

A week later, McHenry received Smith's defense. * He 
had been speculating in western lands and his detailed ac- 
count of his conduct proved satisfactory, so that he was placed 
in command of a regiment. 

The great questions of the army were not the only ones 

to occupy McHenry 's time during the summer and autumn. 

On July 27, Washington wrote him to procure colors for the 

• "Gray-heads of Alexandria," 2 who had formed a company 

| for the defence of the town and its vicinity, and about the 



1 See Pickering's Examination of the Adams and Cunningham letters 
p. 144. Adams in his letters to Cunningham, 123, said that Pickering, "at 
the instigation of Hamilton, I suppose, who was jealous of Smith as a 
favorite of Washington and a better officer than himself, excited a faction 
in the Senate against him and, to my knowledge, propagated many scan- 
dalous falsehoods concerning him and got him negatived, though Wash- 
ington had recommended him to me. But no personal or family consid- 
erations would have induced me to dismiss Pickering. My motives were 
public altogether." Pickering (in "Interesting Correspondence between 
his Excellency Gov. Sullivan and Col. Pickering," in which the latter 
vindicates himself against the groundless charges and insinuations made 
by the Governour and others, 1S0S, p. 32 > says Adams never told him 
cause of removal. Smith's defense is published in So. Hist. Assoc. Pubs, 
for 1907. 

2 Ford, xiv, '55. On August 13, McHenry wrote Washington that 
Miss Custis's colors advance. See also note 19. 



356 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xiii 

same time he received a charming letter from the fascinat- 
ing Eleanor Parke Custis: 

"Mount Vernon July 26th 1798. 
"Sir 

"You will perhaps be a little surprised when you see 
from whom this letter comes, as it is not very common for 
Ladies to begin a correspondence, however, as I have had the 
pleasure of your acquaintance some years, and I consider you 
as one of my old Friends; I wave all general rules, & will 
proceed accordingly in this my Epistle to the Secretary of the 
War Department. I hope you arrived in Philadelphia with- 
out accident, & found your family well ; I assure you we re- 
gretted your departure but indulge the hope you will again 
favor us with a visit, & bring with you, Mrs. McHenry and 
your young family. I shall now take the liberty of troubling 
you in regard to the Commission for a Standard, which you 
were kind enough to undertake for me. One of the Volunteer 
Dragoons dined with us today, he mentioned that the Com- 
pany had a colour Staff which from its antiquity & being 
used by the first Company in which Grandpapa was, in either 
the late War, or the French War (I forget which) they prized 
highly, and intended to honour my gift, by placing it on that 
Staff. If they send you the Staff for that purpose, will you 
be so obliging as to have placed on the tops of it — The Amer- 
ican Eagle, hansomely carved, and gilt in the best manner in 
one talon an Olive Branch, in the other, implements of War. 
And also to have my favorite Motto — Conquer or Die — in 
letters of Gold on the Standard, which America is represented 
as presenting to the Dragoon. The uniform, I suppose you 
have been informed of My Company will, I think, be very 
respectable, therefore, I wish My Standard to be the han- 
somest ever seen in America. If the Antique Staff is not 
sent, will you have one, very hansomely made, with the orna- 
ment above mentioned. 

"I hope you will excuse me for adding to your weight 
of business, which must already be allmost too much to bear. 

"I must trust your good nature, which is I believe, all- 
ways gratified by an opportunity of confering favors. 

"I amuse myself sometimes with the recollection of your 
walks up Chesnut Street to your Office. & think you must 
find them disagreeably ivarm, particularly, with your regi- 
mental Coat and Large Hat. 



1798-1799] of James Mc Henry 357 

"Be pleased to present my affectionate regards to Mrs. 
McHenry, & your Children; & to divide with them 

"The best wishes for your Health & Happiness 
' ' from 

"Eleanor Parke Custis. 
"P. S. My regards to all 
the Ladies, with whom I 
have the pleasure to be 
acquainted. ' ' 

Miss Custis 's desire for the standard led her to write 
a second interesting letter on September 6 : 

"My good friend's entertaining letter, and wise admoni- 
tions I received in due time, ivhy I have not answered and 
acknowledged them before this time, perhaps I might find 
some difficulty in accounting for, but no doubt (as Ladies, 
all ways you know are guided by good reasons) I had some 
very cogent and sufficient reason for not doing that which I 
now acknowledge ought to have been performed long since; 
however I hope you will excuse me. I know that you have 
so much good nature, and kind consideration, that I make no 
ceremony of imposing upon it, allways anticipating forgive- 
ness. I beg you will accept my sincere thanks for your very 
polite and friendly expressions, I assure you, your letter gave 
me infinite pleasure, and I often entertain myself with reading 
it over. 

' ' I was very, sorry sometime since to learn that you were 
very ill, but the clouds of regret have been chased away by the 
bright sunshine of pleasure on your recovery; I sincerely 
hope y#u will have no return of your indisposition, and that 
yourself and family may enjoy uninterrupted Health & hap- 
piness. That cruel Malady, the Yellow Fever, has driven 
you from Philadelphia I hear, it is a most unfortunate cir- 
cumstance for the poor Philadelphians, many who are now 
obliged to fly from that distressed City, will probably be pre- 
vented from returning, by the fear of the Yellow Fever be- 
coming a constant Summer visitor. 

"I am afraid the poor Painter who was executing the 
Standard for me has gone to The land of his Fathers — and 
left America, the Dragoon, and the Motto, to the mercy of 
the Yellow Fever ; I assure you, I begin to be a little anxious 
for their fate, as I fear they will come to an untimely end. 



358 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xiii 

__ M . _ . 

How lamentable would such a dire event be, My Troop are 
all uniformed and waiting for the Standard, which they are 
determined to defend with a bravery never excelled; even 
in the annals of Chivalry, and in the earliest ages of romance. 
I am afraid their patience (which is already threadbare) will 
be entirely worn out, if it is much longer delayed, and not 
having 'Conquer or Die' before their eyes, their patriotic 
and Heroic ardor may be exchanged for calculations of Loss 
and Gain and a resolution, — that it is better to stay at Home, 
and make money in Peace, which depends upon the caprice of 
a Foreign Nation, than to fight for their insulted Country, 
and a continuation of Our Independence, gain Honor and 
Glory, but spend their cash and love — their Heads. I will 
here take the liberty of informing you, that the Motto by you 
called sanguinary, has no enigmatical meaning whatever af- 
fixed to it, it is simply this in the literal translation, 'Never 
give up, whilst life remains, or Die rather than be conquered.' 
I never intend, be assured, to die of mortification on any 
account, and more particularly, for the cause you apprehend 
/ mean. The Ten thousand Knights whom I carry along so 
triumphantly in chains, exist only in your Brain, I am per- 
suaded. I beg you to believe, that my intentions are peace- 
ful & charitable and not murderous and monopolizing ; if any 
Chrysostom's wear chains, as they are forged by themselves, 
and worn voluntarily, so the peril be upon their own Heads, 
and the consequences, however disagreeable they may prove 
to them. 

"The beautiful and inexorable Marcella was unjustly 
accused, I think her answer to the charges brought against 
her on Chrysostom's account, is excellent. Heaven, you say, 
has given me beauty, nay such a share of it, as compels you 
to love me, in spite of your resolutions to the contrary ; from 
whence you draw this inference, and insist upon it, that it is 
my duty to return your passion. By the help of the small 
capacity whieh Nature has bestowed upon me, I know that 
which is beautiful is lovely; but I can by no means conceive, 
why the object which is beloved for being beautiful, is bound 
to be enamoured of its admirer. Besides, you are to consider, 
that I did not chuse the beauty I possess; such as it is, God 
was pleased, of his own free will and favour, to bestow it 
upon me, without any solicitation on my part. The scrip of 
paper I received in due time, I am indebted to you for your 
polite attention to my commission, and for employing a 



1798-1799] of James McHenry 35 & 

Deputy, when business prevented you from attending to it 
yourself; I have no doubt I shall be pleased with the execu- 
tion of the Standard, which I am very anxious to see unfurled 
by My Troops, and I flatter myself, that should invasion im- 
pend, this company will be one of the first who march to 
repel the daring invaders ; that they will be endued with real 
spirit, and do justice to the favorite Motto. I acknowledge, 
my mortification would be very great indeed, was I to hear- 
that the Troops had suffered this Banner to fall into the 
hands of an enemy. If you can spare a few moments from 
the multiplicity of disagreeable business with which you are 
encompassed, you will oblige me infinitely by a hint on the 
subject, with information relative to its progression, and 
when I may expect to recieve it. 

''My Beloved Grandparents unite in kindest regards to 
Mrs. McHenry, yourself and Children, My Brother and self 
unite in respects and affectionate wishes to the same. 
"Be assured my respected Friend 
"of the esteem and Friendship of 

"Eleanor Parke Custis." 

A rather amusing letter sent from Mount Vernon on Feb- 
ruary 16, 1799, shows that Miss Custis 's martial ardor did 
not cause her to send those she loved into the field : 
"Dear Sir, 

"The enclosed letter from Major Lawrence Lewis re- 
quires explanation, and it is the purpose of this letter to 
give it. 

"He had, it seems, been making overtures of Marriage 
to Miss Custis some time previous to the formation of the 
Augmented Corps in November last, at Philadelphia; with- 
out any apparent impression, until she found he was arranged 
as a Captain in the Regiment of Light Dragoons, and was 
about to try his fortune in the Camp of Mars. This brought 
into activity those affections for him, which before she con- 
ceived were the result of friendship only. And I believe the 
condition of the Marriage is, that he is to relinquish the field 
of Mars for the sports of Venus. His own letter must speak 
the result. This explanation, after what has happened, I 
thought was due from 

"Dear Sir— Yr. Most Obedt & Hble 
"Go. Washington." 

Delays still continued, so that Hamilton grew impatient 



360 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xiii 

* — 1 

and wrote on December 16, 1798, l If he is to have recruit- 
ing service, please let him know at once and send him instruc- 
tions, that he may gain for MeHenry's "final decision, new- 
lights from officers, who have had experience in this branch 
of the service. ' ' His own experience is very limited ' ' in this 
and, to form a right plan", is of "great importance." 

He has been investigating tactics and will put more time 
thereon but must be paid and have travelling expenses, for 
his practice is falling off and he has a large family. 

McHenry answered at once 2 and said that recruiting 
will be wholly confided to him, but he must await supplies 
of clothing. "It is certain you must have been a loser in the 
way you mention, by accepting the office you now hold, and 
as certain that justice requires that none of the pay or emolu- 
ments annexed to it should be refused." 3 

Indefatigable in work, Hamilton wrote almost daily to 
McHenry on all sorts of military matters and forwarded let- 
ters he had written to others on these subjects, as for example 
his letter of December 22 to General Gunn, a senator from 
Georgia : 

"As to further military arrangement my ideas are these 
— Considering how little has been done towards raising the 
force already voted; that an important tax is yet in the first 
stage of an Essay — that a prospect of peace is again pre- 
sented by the temporizing conduct of France — that serious 
discontents exist in parts of the country with regard to par- 
ticular laws — it appears to me advisable to postpone any 
actual augmentation of the army beyond the provisions of the 
existing laws, except as to the Regiment of Cavalry, which 
I should be glad to see increased, by the addition of two 
troops, and by allowing it to be recruited to the complement 
which has been proposed by the commander in Chief as that 
of the war-establishment. What this is will probably be com- 
municated by the Secretary at War 

"But a considerable addition ought certainly to be made 
to our military supplies. The communications of the Com- 
mander in Chief will also afford a standard for the increase 
in this respect, as far as concerns the force to be employed 

1 Hamilton, v, 180; Lodge, vii, 42 vide p. 3. 

2 Hamilton, vi, 374. 

3 On the 19th, Hamilton wrote that ha is preparing a plan for the 
fortification of New York harbor and wishes certain plans to be bough: 
by the United States and loaned to him. Hamilton, v, 182. 



1798-1799] of James McHcnry 361 

in the field. There are, however, some other objects of sup- 
ply equally essential, which were not within the view of those 
communications. Heavy Cannon for our fortifications and 
mortars for the case of a siege. Of the former, including 
those already procured and procuring, there ought not to be 
fewer than one thousand from eighteen to thirty two pound- 
ers, chiefly of twenty four — of the latter including those 
on hand, there ought to be fifty of ten inch Calibers. This 
you perceive looks to offensive operations. If we are to en- 
gage in war, our game will be to attack where we can. France 
is to be considered as separate from her ally. Tempting ob- 
jects will be within our Grasp. 

"Will it not likewise be proper to renew and extend the 
idea of a Provisional Army? The force which has been con- 
templated as sufficient in every event is 40,000 Infantry of 
the line, 2,000 Riflemen, 4,000* Cavalry, and 4,000 Artillery, 
making in the whole an army of fifty thousand. Why should 
not the provisional army go to the extent of the difference 
between that number and the actual army? I think this 
ought to be the case, and that the President ought to be au- 
thorised immediately to nominate the officers — to remain 
without pay till called into service. The arrangement can 
then be made with sufficient leisure for the best possible selec- 
tion : and the persons designated will be employed in acquir- 
ing instructions. 

"It will likewise well deserve consideration whether pro- 
vision ought to be made for classing all persons from eighteen 
to forty five inclusively, and for drafting out of them, by 
lot »w case of Invasion, the number necessary to complete the 
entire army of fifty thousand. In the case of Invasion, the 
expedient of drafting must be resorted to, and it will greatly 
expedite it, if there be a previous classing with a view to such 
an event. The measure too will place the Country in a very 
imposing attitude and will add to the motives of caution on 
the part of our enemies. 

"These measures are all that appear to be adviseable with 
regard to our military establishment under present appear- 
ances. A loan as an auxiliary will of course be annexed." 

On the copy of this letter sent to McHenry, Hamilton 
wrote : 

"This is communicated in confidence. I send as well be- 
cause I think it proper to do so, as because I wish you to see 
the train of mv ideas." 



362 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xiii 

Two days later McHenry's report on the reorganization 
of the army was sent to Adams and was transmitted by the 
president to congress on the 31st. McHenry's report is quite 
elaborate and states that "A very obvious policy x dictates to 
us a strenuous endeavor, as far as may be practicable, to place 
our safety out of the reach of casualties which may befall the 
contending parties and the powers more immediately within 
their vortices." He proposes to have each infantry regiment 
to consist of ten companies, formed into two battalions ; each 
cavalry regiment to consist of ten troops formed into five 
squadrons; each artillery regiment to consist of four battal- 
ions, each battalion divided into four companies. The title 
ensign should be given up and that of lieutenant substituted 
therefor. There should be fewer officers. Aides should have 
their place filled by others in the regiment. There should be 
a quartermaster general and an hospital establishment. 2 We 
should bring in from the Austrian or Prussian armies one or 
two engineers and artillerists as colonels and have an inspec- 
tor of fortifications and of artillerists. Fit clothing for the 
soldiers can be made by tailors in the ranks. Regulations as 
to rations should be revised. "With regard to liquor, it may 
be best to exclude it from being a component part of the ra- 
tion," while allowing a discretion to commanding officers to 
cause it to be issued. Congress should make allowance for dis- 
banded soldiers to return home. The provisional army act 
and the militia law should be revised. An especial allowance 
should be made to the inspector general. There should be a 
purveyor of public supplies, exclusively for the war depart- 
ment, that the secretary need not be occupied with details of 
lesser concerns. Hamilton, when secretary of the treasury, 
thought that the purchase of military stores and supplies 
should be made through that department and so congress de- 
creed by the statute of 1792. The law was a mistaken one 
and partly responsible for St. Clair's defeat. Yet Hamilton 
advocated the policy thereafter, suggesting that a special pur- 



1 State Papers, Military Affairs, i, 124. Other minor reports of 
McHenry about this time are the following : 

Letter from Sec'y of War, inclosing Statement of the Number of 
Cannon purchased for the use of the Frigates, Revenue Cutters and Forti- 
fications, since January, 1794; etc. pp. 7. Phila. [1798]. 

Letter from Sec'y of War, accompanying his Rep. relative to Running 
of a Line of Experiment from Clinch River to Chilhowee Mountain, by 
Order of Gov'r of the Terr'y of tne TJ. S. South of the Ohio. pp. 18. 
Phila. [1798]. 

2 Ingersoll's War Department, 212, quotes H. E. Brown's Med. Dept. 
of U. S. Army, 73, that the Medical Department was organized in 1798,. 
Stat, at Large, i, 721, and enlarged in 1799, but disbanded in 1800. 






1798-1799] of James McHenry 363 

veyor of supplies be appointed under the secretary of the 
treasury. This was done in 1794 and the conditions so con- 
tinued until July 16, 1798, when the new law provided that 
the supplies should be purchased under the direction of the 
secretary of war. After McHenry 's report, referred to above, 
the act of March 3, 1799, authorized the secretary of war 
directly to make such purchases. As a result of the report 
the establishment of the staff departments may also be placed 
to McHenry 's credit. 

From New York on December 26, 1798, Hamilton wrote 
to inform McHenry that General Huntington has been dis- 
pleased at not having received official notice of his appoint- 
ment with his commission. "I hear nothing of nominations, 
what malignant influence hangs upon our military affairs x 
* * * I left with General Pinckney a project of a Military 
School which he was to have sent me ? Has he quitted Phila- 
delphia? If so have you heard any thing of this paper? I 
want it." 

Two days later McHenry answered that the nominations 
"will probably be made to-day and Smith's will stand." 
Pinckney has gone without leaving a project of a military 
school. A foreigner cannot be put at the head of the second 
regiment of artillery. McHenry asked Hamilton to throw the 
conclusions of the report into a bill and hoped to begin re- 
cruiting soon. At the same time he wrote Washington con- 
cerning his report 2 and the nominations, stating that he ad- 
vised Smith's appointment. 

Washington had written to McHenry 3 from the east 
bank of the Susquehanna on December 16, where he was de- 
tained by wind and tide, proposing that military affairs in 
the Carolinas and Georgia be placed under Pinckney, or that 
Virginia be added to the department, and General William 
Washington be given South Carolina and Georgia, subject to 
Pinckney. All the other troops, including Wilkinson's army 
in the West, should be placed under Hamilton. The new 
recruits from Tennessee and Kentucky should be under Pinck- 
ney. The present force there should be under Hamilton, as 
part of Wilkinson's command. Washington himself will not 
act until the army is in the field. Meantime it will be well 



1 Lodge, vii, 47. 

2 The report was sent Washington on January 5. 

3 Sparks, xi, 374. 






364 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xiii 

to concentrate responsibility and have all orders reach Mc- 
Henry through the two heads. 

On January 6, 1799, Washington wrote again from Mount 
Vernon : 

"Dear Sir, 

"Your favour of the 28th Ulto. I have duly received. 

"I have no wish that any sentiments of mine, handed 
to you officially, should be with held from Congress, or the 
Public. All I should have desired, would have been, that 
such parts of my Report of the proceedings which occupied 
the attention of the two Major Generals and myself in Phila- 
delphia, and fit for Legislative consideration, might have been 
communicated entire; — with the reasons in support of the 
measures 

"Extracts, without these, does not always convey the 
sense, or the intention of the Reporter. 

"It is unnecessary I presume, to add, that such other 
parts of the Report as. depend upon Executive decision, ought 
not to be delayed. Many valuable Officers & Men have al- 
ready been lost by it ; - — and if the arrangement is not an- 
nounced soon, more will be so. The regulations with respect 
to the Uniforms, and Army distinctions, should be announced 
at the same time (if approved) in clear and peremptory terms; 
to guard, in the first place, Officers against unnecessary ex- 
pence — and in the second place to prevent fantastic decora- 
tions at the whim of Corps. I do not recollect whether it is 
so expressed, but it was the meaning, that all Officers who 
are not directed to be distinguished by feathers, are not to 
wear any: but if it is not forbidden at the time of the annun- 
ciation, to those who shall, the practice will still prevail in 
the lower grades; — such is the propensity in favor of it. 

"That those who applied for higher grades than they 
have been appointed to Shd. decline accepting them, was in 
many instances, apprehended — but to find among others, 
who were appointed, unworthy characters, is more surprising ; 
although it is an evidence of the truth of the doctrine I ad- 
vanced, that there was no dependence (except in a few in- 
stances) on the mode of obtaining information — for reasons 
wch. I detailed at the time. 

"The Papers you have asked for went off before your 
letter was received — and safe with you, I hope ere this. 

"I ought to have taken your advice with respect to draw- 



1798-1799] of James McHcnry 365 

ing three, in place of two months pay ; — Not keeping the 
ace. of my expenditures to, from, and at Philadelphia my- 
self — Mr Lear paying them out of the money he received 
there, on his own account. — and not coming to the knowl- 
edge of their amount until I got home, I presumed two months 
Pay &C. would have covered all my expences — but with the 
purchase of a few articles incidental to my journey, I find 
that the aggregate, amounts to $1115.55-100 and the pay 
drawn, to 1039. 50-100 without including in the first sum the 
preparatory expence of equipment, for the jour- 
*One item ney,* 

alone of ' ' This communication is incidental ; not by 

which any application for a further allowance ; — for 

a horse, cost I had rather sustain the loss, and the fatigues 

me $300 of the journey, than it should be thought I was 

aiming to draw an Iota more from the Public, 

than my declaration at the acceptance of my 

Commission would authorise 

"With very great esteem & regard 
"I am — Dear Sir 

"Your Most Obedt. and 
"Affectionate Servt. 
"Go. Washington." 

McHenry answered on January 10th, writing concerning 
Washington's salary and stated that Hite's name was left out 
of the nominations because he and his connections, "who live 
in a very federal part of the country, are stated to be anti 
governmented and Jacobins" so that his appointment would 
excite disgust. 

Hamilton was naturally worried and complained 1 on 
January 7, 1799, of the unascertained situation he held. He 
has lost half his emoluments and he is uncertain as to whether 
he is "to derive from the scanty compensation of the office 
even a partial retribution for so serious a loss." 

McHenry answered 2 at once on January 9: "Dear Ham- 
ilton, An official letter of this date fixes the commencement of 
your pay and emoluments. I shall, soon as possible, define 
your duties and command. In the meanwhile, I should be 
glad to have your own ideas on the subject. You will proceed 
in your report for a system of tactics and discipline. You 

1 Hamilton, v, 186; Lodge, vii, 50. 

2 Hamilton, v, 188. 



366 Life arid Correspondence [Chap, xiii 
. 1 

will also endeavor to ascertain the best positions for your re- 
cruiting parties and general rendezvous &c. ' ' 

On the next day McHenry wrote that General Gunn of the 
senate committee has asked x for a draft of two bills ; one 
based on McHenry 's report as to a regular peace and war 
establishment, and one on all new matters pertaining to the 
provisional army. Gunn also asked that existing provisions 
might be incorporated in these bills. This seemed a judicious 
idea and Hamilton was requested by McHenry to incorporate 
in the two bills all that ought to be retained of existing laws. 
The matter was urgent and on the 11th, McHenry wrote - 
once more, asking Hamilton to lay aside other business and 
occupy himself on the two military bills only, as the session 
is short. 3 McHenry cannot tell what will be done as to appro- 
priations. Hamilton knows the "causes and obstructions 
which have prevented me doing anything" to carry the law 
for raising the army into effect during the past year. "If 
you want money let me know, that I may send you your pay. ' ' 
Hamilton answered McHenry 's letters on the 14th from New 
York: 
"Dr Sir 

"I received on Saturday two letters from you, desiring 
that your different propositions might be thrown into two Bills 
& suggesting the idea of an Incorporation of the several exist- 
ing laws into one system. This idea is a good one, but to ac- 
complish it with sufficient correctness would require several 
days to examine carefully and prepare with accuracy. Be- 
sides this, I incline to the opinion that it will be best in the 
first instance to present the alterations and additions pro- 
posed independently — that the progress of them may not be 
embarrassed by the consideration of an entire System ; and 
I had even thought of a distribution into more than two divi- 
sions to secure at all events the passage of some things. The 
organisation on my plan would form one bill comprehending 

the Sections in the inclosed draft No. 1 to inclusively 

— ■ The Hospital department would form another Bill. The 
provisional army & volunteers a third. The miscellaneous 
points a fourth. The plan however of two Bills is now pur- 
sued, except that I shall preserve the sections for the Hos- 



1 Hamilton, v, 188. 

2 Hamilton, v, 189. 

3 See Ingersoll's War Dept., 25. 



1798-1799] of James McHenry 367 

pital establishment separately; which with the provisional 
army Bill will go by tomorrow's Post. 

"I do not exactly seize your idea about the Inspector of 
Fortifications and, therefore, have prepared nothing on that 
point. Is it essential to have a distinct officer of this charac- 
ter? Or may not the objects of it be fulfilled by some one 
of the Engineers of the establishment? I will endeavour to 
embrace your plan on this head and, if I do, I will throw it 
into the form of a Section of a Bill. 

"I do not lose sight of the idea of an Incorporation of 
the whole Military system into one law ; but I believe you will, 
on more reflection, judge it advisable to make this a subse- 
quent operation of greater leisure and care. 

"I remain with great esteem & 
regard Dr. Sir 
"Yrs. Obed 

"A Hamilton" 

On the 15th, he forwarded x a provision to be incorpor- 
ated in the bill sent the day before and regretted that he could 
not yet send the provisional army bill. He sent the medical 
establishment bill 2 on the 21st. 

McHenry asked 3 Hamilton on the 22nd for a proper 
arrangement of the forces, since Washington declines to take 
an active part. Hamilton replied on the 24th that this is a 
delicate subject for him and suggests that he and Pinckney 
be given authority, as Washington outlined, and that all com- 
munications from the West be sent open under cover of the 
secretary of war, who, in urgent cases and in the absence of 
Hamilton, will himself give orders and, otherwise, will leave 
Hamilton to control matters under the department's instruc- 
tions. "You will take and reject as shall appear to you 
proper, assured always that, personally, I shall be content with 
any arrangement you may think advisable." 

On February 4, McHenry answered, 4 giving Hamilton 
instructions according to the ideas of Washington, and adding : 
"Finally I cannot conclude these instructions, without express- 

1 Hamilton, v, 190, McHenry wrote Tousard on the 16th to inspect 
the fortifications of Newport, Boston, Marblehead, and Portland. 

2 Hamilton, v, 195; Lodge, vii, 3, 54, 28, Gunn, who knew nothing 
of Hamilton's hand in the matter sends Hamilton on the 23d a bill Mc- 
Henry had given him and asks him to prepare one for the provisional 
establishment. 

3 Hamilton, v, 197; Lodge, vii, 59. 

4 Hamilton, v, 199; Sparks, xi, 563. 



368 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xiii 

« — 

ing my most unlimited confidence in your talents to execute the 
high trusts which the President reposes in you and my own 
most perfect reliance upon your cooperation and assistance, 
in everything that concerns the army establishment, and the 
means to remedy whatever defects may be found to exist there- 
in ; and that I shall at all times recognize, in the execution of 
the orders which you may receive, the most perfect evidences 
of your candor and friendship." 

Hamilton answered on the 6th, discussing the recruiting 
districts and regretting that the objection that several "char- 
acters proposed" were anti-federalists prevented their appoint- 
ment. 1 "We were very attentive to the importance of ap- 
pointing friends of the government to military stations, but 
we thought it well to relax the rule in favor of particular 
merit, in a few instances, and, especially, in reference to the 
inferior grades. It does not seem advisable to exclude all 
hope and to give to appointments too absolute a party feature. 
Military situations, on young minds particularly, are of all 
others best calculated to inspire a zeal for the service and 
the cause in which the incumbents are employed." 

On the 7th, Sedgwick wrote 2 Hamilton that he had 
been to see McHenry about hastening supply of clothing and 
enlistments and found that Adams was opposed to an army 
and objected to the title of general. The next day McHenry 
wrote 3 Hamilton that Adams has the recruiting instructions 
and seems in no hurry. They will be sent, as soon as he 
decides on them. Washington had been frequently writing 
to McHenry : on January 27, on the details of uniforms, 4 
on January 28, on the arrangement of the relative rank of 
certain regimental officers ; 5 on February 10, again on his 
own uniform. The last letter is as follows : 
"My dear Sir. 

"Your letter of the 1st. instant is received. Whatever 
appearance or shape, the Uniform intended for me, may take, 
by your direction, will be entirely agreeable to my taste. It 
being the commencement of a distinguishing dress for the 
Commander in Chief of the Armies of the United States 



1 Hamilton, v, 209: Lodge, vii, 62. 

2 Hamilton, vi. 393 ; Lodge, xvii, 54. prints a letter from Hamilton 
to McHenry dated January 16, 1799, and accompanying a draft of a bill 
for a provisional army. 

3 Hamilton, v, 211. On February 16, Hamilton (Hamilton, v, 2 1 r> ) 
asks to have the additional regiments distributed among the states with- 
out delay. 

4 Ford, xiv, 148; Sparks, xi, 394. 

5 Sparks, xi, 396. 



1798-1799] of James Mc Henry 369 

(whom so ever he may be) and probably will be a permanent 
one My wish (although as it respects myself personally I 
have no choice) is, that it may be correctly executed; — for 
which reason I thought it more eligable, in the first instance, 
that the direction concerning it should preceed from the De- 
partment of War, than from myself. 

"I hope it will be made & sent to me by the time men- 
tioned in my last ; — accompanied with the Cockades, and 
Stars for the Epaulets ; without the whole of which the Dress 
will not comport with the order; of course must be incom- 
plete. 

"If my Nephew, Mr. Bushrod Washington, should not 
have left Philadelphia before the above articles are ready, 
and is certain of being here by the 22d. instant, it would 
afford a good and safe opportunity for the conveyance of 
them to me ; — but if he has doubts on this head, I would not 
hazard the receipt of them by him, by that time ; as you will 
perceive by the enclosed letter to Mr. McAlpin left open 
for your perusal and with an excuse for troubling you with 
these small matters, at a time when I presume you are pressed 
by important ones. I am with esteem & regard, and much 
truth 

"My dear Sir 

"Your Affect Hble Servant. 
"Go. Washington." 

While matters were thus progressing slowly, Adams, who 
had never thoroughly favored war, startled the United States 
on February 18 by sending the senate the nomination of Mur- 
ray as envoy to France. 



CHAPTER XIV 

EVENTS AFTER THE NOMINATION OF THE FRENCH ENVOYS 

ADAMS, on June 21, 1798, had stood with the extreme 
Anti-Gallican federalists 1 and had announced that 
"I will -never send another minister to France, with- 
out assurance that he will be received, respected and honored 
as the representative of a great, free, powerful and independ- 
ent nation." He had signed the naturalization, alien, and 
sedition bills. But he was not anxious for war. Twelve 
years later, McHenry wrote: "I shall not pretend to pene- 
trate into all the motives that weighed with Mr. Adams to 
retire from the ground of this declaration and send a third 
mission to France. " 2 In his letters to the Boston Patriot 
defending his administration, Adams acknowledged that he 
concealed this intention from the heads of departments and 
stated that he was equally careful not to inform any member 
of either branch of congress. "I knew," 3 he wrote, "if I 
called the heads of departments together and asked their 
advice, three of them 4 would very laconically protest against 
the measure and the other two 5 would more modestly and 
mildly concur with them." The consequence would be that 
the thing would be instantly communicated to members of the 
congress and a clamor raised against it in the newspapers, all 
of which would probably excite the senate to put their nega- 
tive on the measure. It may be briefly said, in answer to this, 



1 In July, 1798, Col. John E. Howard wrote a letter to Dr. Thomas of 
Frederick, who printed it, stating that Gen. Samuel Smith said, at the 
president's table, that he would have given the douceur demanded by Tal- 
leyrand as the price of hearing our commissioners, that it would have 
been cheaper than war, that he was severely reprimanded by the president 
for his sentiments, that no person except Mr. Bayard present supposed 
him not to be in earnest, that at another time he said he would give double 
the sum, or £100,000 sterling. Adams said he would not give the duty on a 
pound of tea, was surprised to hear such sentiments and had hoped that 
no virtuous American entertained them. (Broadside issued by Federal- 
ists'). 

2 Lodge's Cabot, 204. 
1 3 Letter XI. 

4 i. e. Pickering, Wolcott, and McHenry. 

5 Stoddert and Lee. 



1799-1800] of James McHenry 371 

that the obvious course of obtaining new advisers whom he 
believed trustworthy should have been followed, if Adams 
distrusted his secretaries. 

The sending to the senate of Murray 's name l as envoy 
to France aroused surprise and many objections. 2 To the 
objectors to Murray's appointment to the French mission, 
Adams said that he thought Mr. Murray "a gentleman of 
talents, address, and literature, as well as of great worth and 
honor, everyway well qualified for the service and fully ade- 
quate to all that I should require of him, which would be a 
strict compliance with his instructions, which I should take 
care to provide for him, on all points, in terms that he could 
not misunderstand. That my motives for nominating him, 
in preference to others, were simply because the invitation 
from the French government had been transmitted through 
him and because he was so near to Paris that he might be 
there in three or four days, and because his appointment 
would cause a very trifling additional expense." He nomin- 
ated an envoy because a letter written by Talleyrand to Pichon 
on September 28, and sent from the Hague by Murray to 
Adams, approved the preliminary overtures Pichon had made 
and gave continued assurances that an American minister 
would be treated with proper respect. Murray was rejected 
by the senate, and Adams then nominated 3 on February 25, 
Murray, Oliver Ellsworth of Connecticut, and Patrick Henry 
of Virginia. When Henry declined, he was succeeded b\ 
William R. Davie of North Carolina. Murray's nomination 
was not altogether a surprise to him, as is evident from his 
letter to McHenry of January 30. 

"You say nothing of my letters in Augt. respecting my 
friend John whom I begged of you as my Secretary, Dand- 
ridge having gone by my consent in Sept. to Mr King — & I 
having taken a temporary Secretary for Three months unless 
Mr. J McHenry arrived sooner. This temporary Secretary I 
took (Mosr. Montflorence) from Genl. Pinckney's introduction 
& because he had been very faithful to Govt at Paris in the 
worst of times. I continued hin till the 20. Deer. Mr. McH 
not coming. I continued him the 20. Jany. — & then till the 



1 February IS. J. Adams, ix, 249. On Murray see Clement Sulli- 
vane's article in Southern Historical Society Publications, v, 151, and 
Carey's Am. Museum, ii, 2 20. 

2 J. Adams, ix, 249. In his letter to the Boston Patriot. 

3 McMaster, ii, 429. 



372 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xiv 

. | . — 

20 next month — always under the terms express & ' unless 
Mr. McH. should arrive sooner.' After the 20th Feb. I will 
not have any Secretary, unless John come, as I sincerely hope 
he will. I wish he had written five lines, by five ships, some 
one would have got to me — but I every day expect to see 
him enter & announced by old Will. He will be quite at 
home with us — & I recall more identically our pleasant even- 
ings at your house — at Philada. — that charming city so dear 
to my memory what dreadful affliction it has suffered! Mr 
Hill I hear is dead — Miss Breck — Miss Westcot — good old 
Mr Anthony and poor Fenno — Bache too has still kept him 
company vis a vis ! But doubtless many others have gone whom 
I knew — here I know nothing of what passes except by your 
letters & one I had at the same time from Mr Bingham — I reed, 
a letter yesterday from My brother of 20. May 1798 ! & I hear 
from a Dutch gentleman not long from St Thomas's that the 
Delaware & a 44 gun frigate were there as envoys. He seemed 
almost as much delighted as I was — & from Mr Smith at 
Lisbon I hear to day that a new 28 was launched & coppered 
at Newbury Port in 74 days ! — from Hamburg I learn also 
to day that on the 7th. Dec the President was too much 
indisposed to meet the Houses & of course no speech then. 
I sincerely hope that he has recovered & been strong enough 
to look them full in the eye & give them a firm determination. 
"My dear Sir one half of the miseries which is brought 
upon the Sevl. nations whom french power has swallow 'd up j 
has been owing to the timidity of the Executive power. It is 
true that generally that was the centre of all power on this 
continent — this however only serves to illustrate more strong- 
ly the folly of timidity at all, in govt. The treasons wh. have 
latterly disgraced the very species of Man were in a great 
degree the consequences of this timidity in the Head of the I 
Govt. That timidity, temporising, shuffling & rank cowardise jj 
could but be seen by those in places of high trust & in the > 
army — when discovered a new principle of calculation was i 
gradually formed in minds long weakened by a philosophy I 
that refines away the coarse but more valuable properties of 
our nature, and each man becoming a politician, in the low & 
selfish sense, balanced, doubled, feared the success of french 
enterprise, & gradually was prepared so to act before hand as 
to be in a sort of character, by wh. he might avail himself of 
unlucky contingencies, if they came on. Thus Treason is 






1799-1800] of James McHenry 373 

really more a moral than a political disease in many of the 
public functionaries all over this continent! The People, on 
the contrary, true to nature, are willing & anxious for that 
energy in the protecting Govt. wh. would save them from 
foreign domination. The gentry, call them nobles, in general, 
destitute of energy, seem to me incapable of high spirited 
action — of course when a moment comes, like that the other 
day at Turin & all over Piedmont, in the Roman & Neapolitan 
Territory all was policy without energy — & submission wt. 
out salvation ! 

"We have nothing official of the Neapolitan army since 
3 Jany inst. Then Mack well fortify 'd in Capua had offered 
an armistice to Championnet wh. was haughtily refused. It 
is believed that there has been immense Treason in the N. 
army! That the French slid, have retired from the Tuscan 
Territories, wh. it is believed they have done, is. a singular 
thing if true — & leads some to believe that the Emperor & 
France will yet agree — a thing wh. seems to me almost im- 
possible ! "We have as yet nothing official on these things. 

1 ' The insurrection in Belgium still rages — sometimes in 
battles of 3 — & 4000 well fought — often in skirmishes from 
woods, & harrassing better managed. The dear silky gentry 
are out of the struggle — but they will not escape, many rich 
men have been taken up & sent to Paris on suspicion of secret- 
ly aiding with money the insurgents, who are literally poor & 
hardy peasants, fighting with the cross marked on their 
clothes. The french suffer exceedingly in this kind of desul- 
tory war & the soldiers prefer any sort of battle to that with 
which they are regaled if they show themselves in smaller par- 
ties — of this sort we could give them a plenty. 

"I had written thus far when Colonel Hitchborn 1 (431. 
1512. 1238. 1246. 1451. 710.) was announced. He is just 
from Paris. He seems much altered in his opinions as he now 
most heartily curses them. My particular reason for men- 
tioning him here is this — a circumstance that has made me 
think with rapidity & pain ! He says that after he & those 
with whom he associates of our country knew what the pro- 
posals were wh. Woodward & Mr Gerry carry 'd out last sum- 
mer, he & they recommended me (1050) as the person to whom 
government shd. send a commission if any minister were named ! 

1 The numerals are written in the text of the letter and the mean- 
ing of the cipher was written over them after the letter was received 
by McHenry. 



374 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xiv 

— » _ _ 

I regret this whole affair & so told him. I know the state of 
parties. I know their ways of thinking on hearing of such an 
unsought unthought of thing. I feel that it is due to you & 
myself (920. 1463) to declare solemnly that I (1308) 
never hinted even such a thing — never expected it — 
& NEVER WISHED IT! and that it is teetotalhj with- 
out a hint from or to (me) 1050! In fact I have but 
one character on this great question particularly. Those 
of both parties who know me, know what it is — to make 
proselites to the great cause of our Govt. & our country's 
Independence, I do certainly vary my small means occasion- 
ally & adapt them, as far as I can penetrate, to the characters 
of those whom I would save if possible & bring over — but not 
a moment do I disguise my opinions. This gentleman passed 
a week here in Sept. on his way. I had heard of his violence 
agt. our Govt. &c &c &e — he paid me a visit. I treated him 
with politeness — & after that often canvassed things with 
him. I found we differed — but whether his politeness short- 
ened the difference or whether a knowledge of what he saw 
here had worked, he spoke rationally & apparently with sound 
views. I there pointed out what I believed to be the intention 
of France as to general Dominion, at least in Europe. He did 
not think with me. Since, to day — He has declared to me that 
he is now convinced of that truth. That plunder & repine & 
Dominion are their objects. That they slid, so treat us had 
they the power &c &c &c. 

"His son in law (612. 489. 948. 1457. 1005.) has been late- 
ly put in the Temple at Paris, & he. (954) ordered to quit 
Paris — he stay 'd at Passy a few days. As those letters from 
that party at Paris may reach your ears I thought it due to 
you my dear Sir & to myself & the Govt, to make this explan- 
ation — & Col. Pickering, who will have the goodness to 
decypher for you, will also do me justice in reading this letter 
Happy here — dreading storms & quicksands, my ambition 
goes not higher. You wd. never hear such remarks from me, 
indelicate but in such circumstances, had I not got at the in- 
telligence wh. I have troubled you with. I am always 

' ' My dear Sir most truly & aff ecty yrs. ' ' 
Written on cover of letter by Murray was : 

"Observe my seal. Tis the old one. The 
cock for a crest. The Goose — that vigilant 
guardian of the Capitol, I see with pleasure, 



1799-1800] of James McHcnry 375 

is yours. But why a wild one — for I see 
it is chained ! It is however a good device, 
"on reflection — I wish that nothing- may be said to Col. P. 
or anyone on the particular intelligence which I have mention- 
ed. Unless circumstance render it proper — because protes- 
tations, even agt. such an idea are indelicate to be first men- 
tioned. If you copy the cypher on a bit of paper it can be 
decyphered without showg the whole. 

"Since writing the inclosed, there is reason to suspect that 
french affairs in the Neapolitan Domn. are not so flourishing 
! — and it is said & believed that the French retired from Tus- 
cany in consequence of a threat from the imperial Genl. — 
doubtful I think. A report circulates this evening that Eh- 
renbritstein has surrendered. Peace appears to me impossi- 
ble, while power remains in such hands as wield it at Paris. 
Personal safety & views impel them to exterior war. They 
would tear out the very vitals of F. had they exterior peace! 
Feb. 1799." 

Congress meanwhile considered 1 and passed the medical 
establishment act on February 25 and the act for better organ- 
izing the troops on March 2. By the latter act the army was 
directed to consist of four regiments of dragoons, one regiment 
and a battalion of riflemen and forty regiments of infantry. 
This act, of course, caused a great increase in efforts to recruit 
troops, of which subject the following letters of Hamilton 
treat. 

"private New York March 10. 1799 

"Dr Sir 

"Ought it not to be a rule to forward from your depart- 
ment to the Major Generals, as they are passed, copies of all 
laws respecting the military establishment ? At any rate you 
will oblige me by sending those of the session just finished. 

' ' I believe in the 5 § of the Recruiting Instructions, filled 
up in Manuscript, the term of enlistment is five years. The 
law for augmenting the army § 2 directs the enlistment to be 
'for and during the continuance of the existing differences 
between the U States & the French Republic' If there be 
any thing varying this, it has escaped me. "Will you inform 
me? This inquiry is suggested by a new revision of the re- 
cruiting instructions. 

As it may yet take time to prepare for me a complete list 

1 Hamilton, v, 218-233. 



376 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xiv 

» — __ 

of the officers of the army, I should be glad to have one of the 
field officers only, with a note of the stations or destinations 
to which they have been assigned. I want much to place them 
over the detached posts & to concenter the direction. 

"I observe the XIII § of the Kecruiting Instructions au- 
thorises the appointment of certain Courts Martial. Where 
is the power for this Regulation? 

"Sometime since I requested you to send me the organ- 
ization of the officers, as reported by the Commander in Chief. 
You replied that no such document had come to you. I 
imagine that I must not have expressed myself clearly, for I 
well remember that the document, which I mean, was made 
out in Mr Lear's hand writing for the purpose of being sent 
by you. It was an arrangement or distribution of the Officers 
who were nominated into Regiments, batalions, and Compan- 
ies, assigning to each company, by their names, its proper 
complement of Officers. 

"It appears to me very important that the Regimental 
Pay Masters & Quarter Masters should be designated without 
delay. They are the proper organs through which all issues 
of monies & supplies ought to pass. If I remember rightly, in 
the late war, the Q. Master & Adjutant were appointed by the 
commander of the Regiment. The Paymaster was designated 
by the Officers of each Regiment. What has been the practice 
lately? Whatever be the mode, I wish very much to be in- 
structed to have the thing done. 

"Will it not be advisable speedily to direct the field Offi- 
cers of each Regiment to report for the consideration of the 
President an arrangement of the relative rank of their officers 
in the Regiment. This will not work any inconvenience as to 
the corps, of which the Officers have not yet been appointed. 
And it being done will facilitate future operations. 
"Yrs very truly 
"A Hamilton" 

"Private New York March 14. 1799 

<£ Dear Sir 

" It is a construction of the law warranted by usage that 
the President shall appoint the requisite number of Lieuten- 
ants & leave three of them to be designated for Quarter Mas- 
ter & Pay Master in the manner practiced in the late army. 
But if this is supposed not to be a good construction, the end 



1799-1800] of James Mc Henry 377 

may be produced by making it a rule that recommendations 
shall come through the described Channels to the President & 
that, unless for some extraordinary reason, he will, as of 
course, nominate or appoint. 

"But whatever be the mode, pray let it be adopted at 
once & put in a train of execution that these essential officers 
may be appointed. Yrs. truly 

"AH 
"P. S. 

' ' Since writing the above, it has occurred to me as worthy 
of consideration whether it will not be expedient to enlist 
indiscriminately for all the corps and to insert an alternative 
in the call as to the term of service thus — ' for and during the 
continuance &c or for the term of five years, at the option of 
the U States. ' As there are soldiers of both descriptions to be 
enlisted, I incline to think the laws will bear out the alterna- 
tive in point of executive propriety ■ — & the option would be 
evidently valuable. The principal question is whether sol- 
diers would not more readily enlist for the casual duration of 
existing differences than for the known time of five years." 

The indefatigable Hamilton wrote daily, sometimes even 
twice a day. He sent acceptable amendments 1 to the recruit- 
ing regulations, and submitted arrangements of districts 2 for 
recruiting from Connecticut and the Middle States, offering 
to do so also for all New England, Maryland, and Virginia. 3 
He did not understand that he might begin recruiting at once 4 



1 McHenry on the 18th accepted Hamilton's work. Hamilton, v, 23 5. 

2 March 15. Hamilton, v, 234. 

3 Pinckney may do it for the Carolinas and Georgia, and residents 
of Kentucky and Tennessee for those states. March 16, Hamilton, v, 234. 

4 March 17, 1799 
Dr Sir 

I send you the draft of a third Bill. I shall quickly send you that of 
a fourth which will comprise whatever more remain. 

Yrs truly 
A. H. 

Private New York March 18. 1799 

Dr Sir 

If my memoranda be right I sent Wilkinson's letter, by duplicates 
through you. If so I presume it is not necessary for the certainty of 
conveyance to send a triplicate. If I am mistaken in the first idea, or if 
any thing more is requisite, be good enough to say. If otherwise, no reply. 

It is very extraordinary that I receive no acknowledgement of my 
letters from the commandant at Fort Mifflin (Elliot I believe) Duplicates 
went through you. Can you inform me? Has not this officer too strong 
a love of independence? 

Mr. Tracy seems to have understood you that it was left to my discre- 
tion to begin the business of recruiting whenever I thought proper. I 
have so understood the matter. If this be your idea be so good as to 
express it 

Yrs Affecly A Hamilton 



378 Life and Correspondence [Chap xiv 
— — . 

and urged that there he an agent for the commissariat at 
Philadelphia. * 

McHenry's position was a hard one and he had not enough 
sternness to surmount all the difficulties of a procrastinating; 
president and a cautious secretary of the treasury. Wash- 
ington again admonished him, 2 in a long letter, which was not 
only private but "a friendly one from George Washington 
to James MeHenry. " The general added, most generously: 
"If the sentiments which you will find in it, are delivered with 
more freedom and candour than are agreeable, say so, not by 
implication only but by explicit language ; and I will promise 
to offend no more by such conduct, but confine myself, if oc- 
casion should require it, to an official correspondence." He 
complains that commissions are kept back, the recruiting ser- 
vice arrested, and himself left uninformed. Washington is 
not a "mercenary officer," but, came forth through a "high 
sense of the Amor Patriae ' ' and should be told all that occurs, 
"though detached from the army" at present. The "golden 
opportunity" for recruiting and the idle winter months have 
nearly passed. In the busy summer, recruiting will be ex- 
tremely difficult and the "rif raf of the populous cities, con- 
victs and foreigners" must be taken. Such regiments are no 
better than militia. Washington first intended to stop with 
these remonstrances; but, reflecting that he may not again 
write with such freedom, continues with the further complaint 
that the five weeks' work of the two major generals and himself 
at Trenton and Philadelphia has been set at nought, for ' ' any 
member of Congress who had a friend to serve, or a prejudice 
to indulge." Special instances are referred to and the better 
course is emphasized of following absolutely the arrangement 
made by the board of general officers. The president had 
power to make any promotion he pleased, but must observe 
rules and attend to the feelings of the officers, if "he wishes 
to preserve the peace and harmony" of the army. 

' ' There is one matter more, which I was in doubt, whether 
to mention to you or not, because it is of a more delicate na- 
ture than any I have touched upon ; but finally friendship has 
got the better of my scruples. It respects yourself person- 
ally. 3 

<<* * * Whilst I was in Philadelphia, and after the Mem- 

1 Hamilton, V, 2 36. March 19. "Please send list of Connecticut offi- 
cers. Is not the Adjutant General exofncio the deputy inspector general?"" 

2 Ford, xiv, 158; Sparks, xi, 406. March 25. 

3 This paragraph has never before been printed. 



1799-1800] of James McHenry 379 

bers of Congress had begun to assemble it was hinted to me in 
pretty strong terms by more than one of them, that the De- 
partment of War would not, nay could not, be conducted to 
advantage (if War should ensue) under your auspices; for 
instead of attending to the great outlines, and principles of 
your office, and keeping the Subordinate officers of the Depart- 
ments rigidly to their respective duties, they were inattentive, 
while you were bewildered with Trifles." 

Washington calls to McHenry 's attention the fact that 
he had already advised McHenry to leave details to others and 
''bestow your thoughts and attention to the more important 
duties." These "were alone sufficient to occupy the time and 
all the consideration of the Secretary." The delay in issuing 
commissions and beginning recruiting, which "excited general 
reprobation and blame," causes Washington to recur to the 
subject and to say that most people attributed the delay to 
"the want of system and exertion in the Department of War." 
Washington writes this, "as a private man to his friend," and 
knows such a letter would be improper from the commander 
in chief to the secretary of war. If McHenry does not receive 
it in good part, the purity of his intentions is the best apology 
Washington can offer. In any case, he is McHenry 's "most 
obedient and affectionate humble servant." 1 McHenry soon 
answered, defending himself from the blame of the delay. He 
was not offended at the rebuke, but wrote: "Accept my sin- 
cere thanks for your letter and let me intreat you to continue 
to give me such proofs of your friendship, as often as you 
think they will be useful to apprise me of the public expecta- 
tions, or any omissions or faults into which I may fall." The 
delay in issuing commissions is due to the fact that ninety-five 
men, to whom they have been offered, have not answered Mc- 
Henry 's letters and the relative rank can not be settled, until 
all are heard from. To issue a partial list of commissions 
would be a questionable proceeding. The delay in recruiting 
was due, first, to the pestilence in Philadelphia ; next, to the 
troubles concerning Hamilton and Knox ; thirdly, to the condi- 
tion of the federal treasury. The United States cannot furn- 
ish sufficient white cloth for vests and overalls. The pur- 
veyor has as many men as he can get making clothes. Lastly, 
the president's procrastination and opposition to the expense 
of the army have delayed recruiting. Adams has said, "Why 



1 Ford, xiv, 166; Sparks, xi, 413, 420. March 31. 



380 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xiv 

should any one enlist for $5 per month, when he can get $15 
at common work" and that "there was no more prospect of, 
seeing a French army here than in heaven. " " The situation 
into which I have been thrown, during the past year, by others, 
who prevented all those measures from being carried into ef- 
fect, which the public expected would necessarily take place 
in conformity to the laws, could not fail to attach to me much 
censure and excite in the minds of persons, who could not be 
informed of the facts, that I wanted capacity for the proper 
conducting of my department. ' ' 

Washington was satisfied by McHenry's defense of his 
official conduct and answered, "While I was at Philadelphia 
and since, when I heard your conduct arraigned, for not hav- 
ing the augmented force organized sooner, and for the conse- 
quent delay in recruiting ; I did then, and on all other proper 
occasions, declare that circumstances over which you had no 
control were the causes thereof and that no blame ought to be 
attached to you. ' ' About the delay of the commissions, how- 
ever, Washington felt something must be done. If the depart- 
ment of war waits to receive answers to its letters, "months, 
nay even a year," may be consumed. 

' ' Those who live in Post Towns — near Post Offices — or 
who are in the habit of enquiring at these places for letters, 
would have been enabled to answer your address to them in 
time ; but a number of others may be uninformed of your letter 
to them at this hour — especially as many of them have been 
sent to wrong offices, & will only be heard of by the adver- 
tisement of them." 

To avoid this delay, he suggests the insertion in the news- 
papers, which nearly every one sees, the names and grades of 
the men from whom no answers come, with the request that 
such persons reply without further delay. 

On April 23, Washington sent McHenry word that he ap- 
proved of his plans, but regretted greatly that the favorable 
moments for recruiting had passed. He spoke of certain offi- 
cers and assured McHenry that his own purpose was merely 
to have the general good advanced. 1 Adams left Philadel- 
phia early in the season. On March 29, he wrote 2 McHenry 
asking that a record of vacancies and recommendations be sent 
him, before any army appointments be made, and, on April 



1 Ford, xiv, 174 ; Sparks, xi, 420. 

2 Adams, viii, 629. 



1799-1800] of James Mc Henry 381 

1, Wolcott 2 wrote Hamilton, "We have no President here 
and the appearances of languor and indecision are discourag- 
ing to the friends of the government." He complained of 
McHenry who "does the best in his power, yet his operations 
are such as to confirm more and more a belief of utter unfitness 
for the situation. ' ' 

The tireless Hamilton transmitted, on April 8, a plan 2 
for improving methods of procuring and issuing military 
stores, which plan McHenry approved, thinking it like that of 
the Revolutionary army and thus supported by experience. 3 
Courts martial caused some concern, as the United States were 
not now in a state of general hostility, nor at war ; Hamilton 
transmitted 4 a sentence against a deserter without acting 
upon it, though he thought an example should be made, and 
asked 5 that sentences be not referred to him, where the courts 
were instituted by the department and not by him. Adams 
was inclined to show clemency towards deserters sentenced to 
death and the proceedings of courts martial, at times, showed 
"culpable ignorance of the rules of war. " On May 27, Hamil- 
ton wrote McHenry 6 that desertion prevailed to a ruinous 
extent. The remedies for it are a greater attention to disci- 
pline, 7 to which Hamilton will look ; better care in furnishing 
supplies, to which McHenry will doubtless see; forbearance 
to enlist foreigners, and energy in punishment of offenders. 
As to the last, Adams should be urged that severity is indis- 
pensable to uphold discipline. 8 McHenry answered at once 9 
agreeing to Hamilton's arguments, stating that one of the de- 
serters should be executed and that apprentices should not be 
enlisted. To this last point, Hamilton agreed. 10 On the 
question of executing the deserter, considerable correspondence 
passed. Adams wrote n McHenry, that he did not object to 
sentencing such persons to death, but wished to be sure that 
the officers of the court martial were regularly commissioned 
and objected to the fact that it accepted a plea of guilty. 

1 Hamilton, vi, 406. 

2 Hamilton, v, 247; Lodge, vii, 69. 

3 Hamilton, v, 25.2 : Hamilton, v, 248. On the 17th, Hamilton notified 
McHenry that he was coming to Philadelphia for a personal conference. 

4 Hamilton, v, 249. April 20. Lodge, vii, 76. 

5 Hamilton, v, 250. April 23. Lodge, vii, 77. 

6 Hamilton, v, 263 ; Lodge, vii, 88. 

7 McHenry had suggested this step on May 9 and Hamilton adopted 
it in his letter of the 25th. Hamilton, v, 261; Lodge, vii, 87. 

8 Hamilton, v, 264. 

9 May 28. Richard Hunt. 

10 May 29. 

11 June 5. Adams, viii, 654. 



382 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xiv 

McHenry was doubtful as to the regularity of the commissions 
and Adams replied that he will approve the death sentence, 
if the court be considered regular by the unanimous vote of the 
heads of departments. 1 A month later, Adams wrote that 
another deserter should be hung and, probably, also the one 
first spoken of, but that the question should be submitted to 
McHenry 's colleagues. 2 

The cabinet thought the judgment of the court martial 
probably legal and Adams finally left the question of clem- 
ency in McHenry 's and Hamilton 's hands. 3 Unless they ad- 
vised mercy, the man should be hung. McHenry consulted 
Hamilton as to this and found the latter to incline towards len- 
iency. 4 ' ' The temper of our country is not a little opposed 
to the frequency of capital punishment. Public opinion in 
this respect, though it must not have too much influence, is 
not wholly to be disregarded. There must be some caution, 
not to render our military system odious, by giving it the 
appearance of being sanguinary. Considering the extreme 
lenity in time past, there may be danger of shocking even the 
opinion of the army by too violent a change. The idea of 
cruelty inspires disgust and, ultimately, is not much more 
favorable to authority than the excess of lenity. ' ' So Hamil- 
ton proposed merely to degrade the deserter, unless McHenry 
sent word to the contrary. In the early autumn, Adams au- 
thorized. 5 McHenry, if he desire to do so, to pardon, at the 
foot of the gallows, a soldier who was not only a deserter, but 
aided two prisoners to escape from confinement, when he was 
sentinel in charge of them, and lost his own arms and accoun- 
trements. A noteworthy question as to duelling led to a letter 
from Lee to McHenry. 

' ' Office of the Attorney General 
"Philadelphia 26 april'l799 
"Sir 

' ' I had the honor to receive your letter of the 9th. instant 
which, enclosing a statement of the case of Captain Vance, 
propounded several questions to which my answer is requested. 

"The challenge contained in Capt Vance's letter of the 2d. 

1 Adams, vi, 659. In another irregular court martial case, which 
occurred about this time, Adams instructed McHenry to approve of the 
dismissal from the service of the men court martialled. Adams, viii, 656. 

2 July 13. Adams, viii, 665. 

3 Adams, viii, 667. 

4 July 29. Hamilton, v, 2S9 ; Lodge, vii, 100. 

5 Adams, ix, 3 ft. 



1799-1800] of James Mc Henry 883 

of april to Mr. Simmons is expressly predicated by Capt. 
Vance on the expressions of Mr. Simmons threatning to 
punish him personally as soon as the trial before a court mar- 
tial should be concluded. If these expressions were used by 
Mr. Simmons, I do not know how it is possible they can have 
been either necessary or proper in the exercise of his official 
duties as accountant in the war department, and especially if 
uttered in the absence of Capt Vance. Though the latter part 
of the letter alludes to the motives which he ascribes to Mr. 
Simmons for the part he took in prosecuting him before a 
court martial on another charge, yet the challenge appears to 
me to have proceeded from the threats of personal punish- 
ment declared by Mr. Simmons in the presence of Capt Butler. 
If these threats had not been expressed, there is no probable 
cause to Delieve the challenge would have taken place. The 
affair is therefore to be considered as a private one, to which 
the principle of protecting civil officers in the discharge of 
their official duties, from the resentment or violence of military 
officers ought not to be extended. Consequently the president, 
in my humble opinion, ought not to be advised to dismiss 
Capt. Vance from the service of the United States before a 
trial, nor ought a trial before a court martial to be ordered of 
his transaction. 

"The letter undoubtedly amounts to a challenge, which 
is by the laws of Pennsylvania deemed an offence, that is 
cognizable and punishable in the ordinary courts of common 
law jurisdiction. 

"There certainly are cases where an officer of the army 
should be made to answer before a court martial, for his mis- 
conduct or crime in relation to other citizens; as for instance 
if he should, with the aid of the soldiery seize, and punish 
with stripes of his own motion a citizen of the United States, 
or if he should steal the property of a citizen, or commit any 
other enormity manifestly degrading to the station of a Mili- 
tary officer : the present case is not in my opinion to be consid- 
ered of this kind. 

"The sentence of a military court in the case of Capt. 
Vance and Mr. Simmons, would not be a legal bar, to a prose- 
cution in a court of civil jurisdiction. 

"I have the honor to be sir your most 
"obedient servant 
"Charles Lee" 



384 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xiv 

Adams felt 1 that McHenry 's doubts as to whether the 
president could appoint to newly created offices in the recess 
of the senate were ill-founded and said such appointments were 
his right and duty. Hamilton differed from this and wrote 2 
McHenry that the president had no power to appoint the 
new officers in the recess, as no vacancy existed. A vacancy 
is a power to fill a place, after a casualty, not to make an 
original appointment. Lee, the attorney general, agreed with 
Hamilton, although the title of the act authorized the presi- 
dent to "fill certain vacancies in the army and navy," and 
Adams decided 3 that, as there was a difference of opinion 
and no need of haste, he would defer appointments until the 
senate should meet. 

McHenry, therefore, asked 4 Hamilton 's opinion as to 
the best rule to be adopted, with reference to promotion of 
officers in the twelve additional regiments, and received the 
following replies: 

"Philadelphia April 26th 
"1799 
"Dr. Sir 

' ' I have reflected, as you have desired, on the most proper 
principles for regulating the relative rank of the field officers 
of the Twelve additional Regiments. 

"It is always prudent, when no special reasons dictate a 
deviation, to adopt for cases of this kind a rule which steers 
clear of comparison of personal merit and avoids the danger 
of wounding the pride of any of the parties concerned. With 
this view (since I am not aware of any special reasons that 
recommend a different course) I am of opinion that as to all 
such of the Field officers, who have served in the army of the 
U. States, it will be advisable, among those now of equal grade, 
to let their relative rank at the close of the war govern. This, 
according with military prepossessions, will be most likely to 
be satisfactory to all. 

"As to those who may not have served in the army, con- 
siderations of personal merit and weight of character can 
alone decide, except that where they may have served in the 
service or Militia, other things being equal, their relative rank 
there may guide. 

1 Adams, vili, 632. April 16. 

2 Hamilton, v, 255. May 3. Lodge, vii, 80. 

3 Adams, viii, 647. Letter of May 16. 

4 Hamilton, v, 250. Letter of April 23. 



1799- 1800 j of James Mc Henry 385 

"As between those who have served in the army and 
those who have not, it appears to me expedient to prefer the 
men who have served in the army, except where very superior 
qualifications may manifestly claim a superiority 

"With great esteem & regard 
"Yrs Obedly 

"A Hamilton" 

"Philadelphia April 
26. 1799 
"Dr Sir 

"I have a second time maturely reflected on the proper 
rule for promotions in the army, and I continue to adhere to 
that which was adopted by the General Officers last winter, & 
which is recapitulated in your letter. I am persuaded that, 
in the general course of things, it will work well and satis- 
factorily 

"A moment's hesitation as to its uni- 
versal application arose from the situa- 
tion of the four Regiments of the old 
establishment. The understood rights of 
The promotions the older Captains, as resulting from 

to field offi- past usage may appear to be enfringed — 

eers should be But this inconvenience must be encoun- 

complete before tered — perhaps mitigated by a distribu- 

te rule is tion of the oldest Captains among the 

applied four Regiments. There cannot with pro- 

priety or order be two Rules — That 
which is proposed will after a little time 
operate favourably every where & give 
equal chances. 
"With great esteem & regard 
"I am Dr Sir 

"Yr obed servt. 

"A Hamilton" 

Hamilton was urgent, 1 before he left Philadelphia, that 
the artillery regiments be organized into companies and dis- 
posed of and submitted McHenry a plan for this, asking 
that McHenry settle the arrangement and communicate it to 
the major generals. McHenry wrote Washington, on April 
29, of the promotion plans and that he will now push the 

1 Hamilton, v, 251. Letter of April 26. 



386 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xiv 

T 

recruiting and the supply of clothes. As to the speed of the 
preparation of clothing, Hamilton was very sceptical and 
wrote on his return to New York: 

"New York April 30. 1799 
"My Dear friend — 

"I hear of no cloathing arrived. The recruiting service 
is now actually begun here and elsewhere. I trust that the 
cloathing and other articles will certainly reach the Regi- 
mental rendezvouses before any of the men are there. It will 
be a discouraging omen, if it proves otherwise. I beg you to 
appreciate the importance of having the articles forwarded 
as soon as they can be, even to those places where the busi- 
ness is not yet completely organised, in the reliance that what 
remains to be done must be quickly completed. 

"Yrs. truly 
"A H" 
"P. S. 

"I find by a return of Cloathing just received from Mr. 
Hodgsdon that the process in preparing the Cloathing con- 
tinues to be very slow — proving more & more the expediency 
of changing the button No. 1 on the six hundred and odd 
suits — I pray you to let such articles as are ready be for- 
warded to the several destinations, for it Mall damp extremely 
the recruiting service which is now begun, if the supplies for 
the recruits are not ready to be delivered to them — fast as 
they may be raised." 

McHenry suggested, on April 29, that Hamilton corre- 
spond with Washington. He did not know that his friend 
was so doing and that the correspondence was not always 
friendly to him. Thus, on May 3, Hamilton wrote: "It is 
understood that the President has resolved to appoint the 
officers to the provisional army and that the Secretary has 
thought fit to charge the Senators 1 of each State with the des- 
ignation of characters." The clothes are still delayed and 
report states that Adams and Wolcott do not wish to accelerate 
the raising of the army. Yet, if McHenry 's "energies for 
execution were equal to his good Dispositions, the public 
service under his care would prosper as much as could be 
desired. It is only to be regretted that good dispositions will ! 

1 This reference to senators produced trouble in New Hampshire. 
Lodge's Hamilton, vii, 79; Granite Monthly, xxxviii, 123. 



1799-1800] of James McHenry 387 

not alone suffice and that, in the nature of things, there can 
be no reliance that the future progress will be more satis- 
factory than the past." 

On May 5, Washington wrote 1 McHenry that, while 
the officers who lived near the capital should draw pay from 
the time of their acceptance, they should not hold relative 
rank from that date, for such a course would be most unjust 
to officers appointed from a distance. 

Two days later, Adams wrote concerning appointments. 
"Merit I consider, however, as the only true scale of grada- 
tion in the army. Services and rank, in the last war or in 
any other war, are only to be taken into consideration, as 
presumptive evidence of merit, and may at any time be set 
aside by contrary proofs. ' ' 2 

Hamilton wrote constantly. What shall be the disposi- 
tion of troops for the summer, why does not the accountant 
pay money more promptly, why should not the colonels rec- 
ommend officers for promotion, why not annex Maryland to 
Pinckney's command and give Hamilton command of all the 
forces in the West ? 3 Such are some of the queries which 
are sent during the early days of May. McHenry answers 
and gives various directions that Maryland had better not be 
taken away from Hamilton's command at present, that en- 
listments are for five years, that the colonels are to recom- 
mend, but that even they are not exempt from partialities, 
that no foreigners are <to be enlisted, if it can be avoided. 4 
He is also busy making contracts for the supply of rations 
to the forces. About this time, 5 Washington wrote, con- 
cerning the officers to be appointed from Virginia, whom he 
had been asked to select. He feels not sufficiently acquainted 

1 Sparks, xi, 426 ; Ford, xiv, 174. He approves of McHenry's plans 
for promotion. May 2, McHenry wrote, asking who should suggest officers 
from North Carolina, where the governor was not sufficiently impressed 
with the need of real federal men. 

2 Adams, viii, 640. 

3 May 30, McHenry informed Hamilton that Tennessee would be 
under Pinckney. 

4 May 2 3, McHenry asks Hamilton to recommend officers from New 
York. 

5 May 13, Sparks, xi, 429. Sparks leaves these sentences unprinted: 
"Sir, 

"Tour favour of the 2d. inst. concerning dispatches of the 10th ulto. 
was brought to me by the messenger who carried my letters to you (of the 
5th & 6th.) to the Post Office in Alexandria. * * * There are many matters 
necessary for me to settle before I could leave home with any tolerable 
conveniences, and many things, the providing of which would run me to an 
unnecessary expence, if I am not called to the Field. * * * " 

Sparks, xi, 447. August 12, Washington wrote that there was no im- 
mediate prospect of officering the Virginia quota unless some other method 
of finding officers be provided. 



388 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xiv 



with the people to do this alone, but has summoned the aid 
of Generals Morgan, Lee and Marshall, and Colonels Heath 
and Carrington. The task is delicate, for he must find 
whether men will accept positions, which may not be offered 
them. He suggests, therefore, that the war office give public 
notice that it may have to raise the twenty-four additional 
regiments and that it requests that "all those, who are de- 
sirous of serving their country on the terms specified in that 
act, would signify the same" to Washington, or to whomever 
the department should appoint in any state to receive the 
applications. These applications should be in writing and 
accompanied by testimonials and would be of great use in 
selecting persons to receive appointments. Washington 
thinks, from Adams's acts, that "stronger indications of hos- 
tility have been received" and asks to be told at once, if this 
be so, that he may prepare for active service. He also urges 
that the "most prompt and pointed attention be given to the 
procuring and instructing" men in artillery and engineering; 
in which the "great advantage of the armies of France" lies. 
McHenry answered, six days later, that he feared to adver- 
tise for officers, lest people should say the service was unpop- 
ular. To this subject, Washington recurred in a letter of 
June 6, enclosing letters from Marshall and Lee, which show 
they can be of little assistance. He promises to pursue the 
search for officers from Virginia to the best of his ability. 
Washington transmits 1 a number of applications for ap- 
pointment as officers and discusses them, reverting especially 
to the position of chief of engineers, for which he thinks no 
Frenchman ought to be employed at this time. 

We also learn of Virginia matters from a letter sent from 
Charlottesville on May 3 by John Nicholas. 

"Your inclosures of the Commissions to the Officers of 
Capt, Hay's company of volunteer rifleman, together with a 
letter to myself, & another to Cap Hays, have been duly re- 
ceived ; the delay of which I can readily believe imputable to 
no other cause than those you have assigned. The propriety 
of the govt's giving incouragement to federalism in this quar- 
ter of the Union, where its' sparks, I am sorry to say, are 
too rare, can not be unknown to those in the President's and 
your situation. It was my great zeal for those principles & 
that conduct which I have ever approved of in the administra- 

1 Sparks, xi, 432. 



1799-1800] of James Mc Henry 389 

tion of our govt., I undertook to recommend the volunteer 
corps of riflemen of Albemarle; & am not a little gratified, I 
can assure you, to find that recommendation has met the 
approbation of the President & yourself, altho' all "the requi- 
sites of the law have not been complyed with." Those re- 
quests shall be attended to, & the necessity of a complyanee 
with them fully impressed on that little band, which I will 
also endeavour to have enereased. But I have to inform you, 
which is the principal object of troubling you at present, that 
the 'printers copy of general regulations,' mentioned in your 
letter to me, was not inclosed ; owing, no doubt, to the variety 
& multiplicity of other and more important business of your 
department. You will, therefore, oblige me by inclosing a 
copy of those regulations as soon as the business of your office 
will admit. 

"You will, before you receive this, have learnt the state 
of our elections. As far as they are yet known, there is 
great reason to hope we shall obtain a federal majority from 
this state. At any rate we have secured Marshall (& Goode 
in the room of T. Claiborne) two important changes. I have 
lost my own election by a very great majority, owing to the 
powerful influence, the well known opinions and great exer- 
tions of my good friends & much admired patriotic Country- 
men T. Jefferson & James Monroe ; but if I mistake not, the 
first of those gentlemen will feel the influence of a majority of 
the citizens of his own state against him at the next election 
for a vice president. I flatter myself the northern states 
will join us in the election of Marshall or Pinckney to that 
office; & in case of our present good old president's declining 
(which God forbid) either those two, or Hamilton & one of 
them to the two offices. 

"With due consideration, I am Dr. Sir 
"Your most obedient huble servant" 

Washington wrote again about his uniform l on June 7. 



1 Mount Vernon 7th. June 1799. 

Private ) 

When I began the enclosed letter (left open for your perusal) I in- 
tended to addres it to Colo. Biddle ; who transacts all matters of that sort 
for me in Philadelphia ; but as I wrote on, it occurred that, possibly, 
the Quarter Master might be a more appropriate character to accomplish 
my order : — for this reason, I have left the letter without a Superscrip- 
tion, in order that you might direct it to the one, or the other as you shall 
dee m best. — and I give you this trouble for the reason which is assigned 
on it ; and for which, & troubling you with such trifles, I pray your excuse. 

I had thoughts once, of asking Genl. McPherson to execute this 
Commission for me; (believing, thereby, that it would be well done) but 
never having been in the habit of corresponding with him, I declined it. 



390 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xiv 

The question of uniform was an engrossing one. Hamil- 
ton had written MeHenry x that he did not like the hats 
provided for the soldiers. "Nothing is more necessary than 
to stimulate the vanity of soldiers. To this end a smart dress 
is essential. The Federal government can afford to provide 
this and should do so. ' ' He urged also that arms be speedily 
provided and no time be lost in teaching the recruits their 
use, in performing guard and other duties. The provision of 
supplies was still tardy and Hamilton wrote concerning this: 

''private & confidential New York June 14. 1799 

"I use, my Dear Sir, the privilege of an old friend to 
write to you in language as explicit as the occasion requires. 
The fact is that the management of your Agents, as to the 
affair of supplies, is ridiculously bad. Besides the extreme 
delay, which attends every operation, articles go forward in 
the most incomplete manner. Coats without a corresponding 
number of vests. Cartouche boxes without belts &c &c noth- 
ing intire — nothing systematic. Tis the scene of the worst 
periods of our revolution war acted over again even with 
caricature. 

"Col Stevens tells me that lately materials for tents were 
purchased here and sent to Philadelphia. This is of a piece 
with what was done in regard to eloathing and it is truly 
farcical — proving that the microscopic eye of the purveyor 
can see nothing beyond Philadelphia. It is idle to pretend 
that the materials in such cases cannot be made as well else- 
where as at Philadelphia and that double transportation and 
the accumulation of employment in a particular place beyond 
its means can tend to economy or any other good end — and 
the delay is so enormous as to overbalance any minute advan- 
tage, if any there be, that attends the plan. 

" It is a truth, My Dear Sir, and a truth which you ought 
to weigh well that, unless you immediately employ more com- 
petent Agents to procure and to forward supplies, the Service 
will deeply suffer and the head of the War Department will 
be completely discredited. 

on reflection ; — and of course the Stars for my Epaulets have stood sus- 
pended, & I would thank you for sending them to me ; — and if it is not 
heaping too many trifles upon you, also for requesting Mr. McAlpin (if 
he has been able to obtain the gold thread) for letting me have my 
Uniform Cloaths by the Anniversary of our Independence — forwarded 
in the manner he has heretofore been directed. I am always and very 

Affectionately Tours 

Go. Washington. 

1 Letter of May 18. Hamilton, v, 256; Lodge, vii, 80. 



1799-1800] of James Mc Henry 391 

"The object will very soon be much enlarged to an extent 
to which such men and such measures can never suffice. 

"You must immediately get a more efficient Purveyor & 
I believe a more efficient Superintendant — or nothing can 
prosper. 

"My frankness & plain dealing are a new proof of the 
cordial friendship which I must always cherish for you Adieu 

"Affect yrs 
"A Hamilton" 

McHenry replied, on the next day, that Hamilton's at- 
tacks on the purveyor * and superintendent 2 are but too well 
founded. He expects to appoint an assistant to the former 
but the latter "has so strong a supporter, that I dont see how 
to get rid of him." 

McHenry was much interested in the development of a 
permanent laboratory, or arsenal, in Philadelphia and wrote to 
have Captain Elliott sent there. He also enquired why Major 
Toussard should be sent to the Potomac, instead of completing 1 
the duty which McHenry had assigned him. 

Hamilton answered McHenry 's letter thus: 

"New York June 17. 1799 
"Dr. Sir — 

"Your favour of the 15th. is received. I am very glad 
you have determined on changing the Purveyor. I think it 
likely that Mr. Williams will be a good substitute. 

"As the subject of the Q. M. G' — removal to the seat of 
Government began with you. I think it best that you should 
write the definitive order. 

"My instruction to Major Toussard only communicated 
his eventual destination. It was my idea that he should first 
execute the duty to which you had assigned him. I shall take 
care that there is no misapprehension. 

"I have not time to recur to my letter ordering Capt 
Elliot to Philadelphia. But I believe the idea was included 
of his calling upon you for orders. The inclosed will settle 
the matter Yrs. Affecly 

"A Hamilton" 

In his frequent letters to McHenry, Hamilton urged the 
sending of supplies and bounty money ; 3 suggested that there 



1 Tench Francis. 

2 Colonel Stevens. 

3 Hamilton, v, 272. Letter of June 18. 



392 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xiv 

be fast sailing vessels £nd signals before the principal ports, 
that we be not entirely surprised by the enemy; and, contin- 
ually pressed for steps to be taken to increase the supply of 
clothing and tents. If blue cloth cannot be found x in suffi- 
cient quantity to avert the terrible delays, he proposes to take 
some other color for whole regiments. The delay in raising 
cavalry seemed to Hamilton especially grievous and he sug- 
gested raising one troop and enlisting the non-commissioned 
officers of the other and then enlisting all the officers for in- 
struction and exercise. 2 Cavalry tactics must be established. 
That arm of the service is not brought to perfection even in 
England. This plan McHenry thought well of, but seems to 
have done nothing at the time, from a desire to husband his 
means and guard against interrupting the infantry recruit- 
ing. 3 Hamilton thought the engineers and artillery should 
be separated and complained 4 that the artillerists were not 
uniformly drilled. About this time, McHenry proposed to 
offer Count Eumford the positions of lieutenant colonel and 
inspector of artillery or of engineer and superintendent of the 
proposed military school, a project McHenry had at heart. 
Adams approved of the plan and McHenry made proposals 
to Rumford, through Eufus King, but without success. Rum- 
ford had written King suggesting that he would be happy to 
present to the proposed military academy of which King had 
told him, his collection of military books. King thereupon 
wrote McHenry suggesting that Rumford wished to revisit 
America and that his experience might be useful for the 
academy. McHenry at once conferred with Adams and on his 
consenting to the offer, asked Rumford, through King, to take 
charge of the academy, but Rumford, after considering the 
matter, declined to accept the position and King on September 
28 transmitted McHenry this declination. 5 

From Litchfield, Connecticut, Uriah Tracy sent cheerful 
news of the recruiting on June 10: 

" * * * The recruiting Officer in this Town has nearly his 
number, & can have the whole in an hour, but I have advised 
him to wait a little & pick the best. He has a fine set of stout 



1 Hamilton, v, 271. Letter of June 16. Lodge, vii, 94. 

2 June 21 and 25. Hamilon, v, 275, 276 and 278; Lodge, vii, 93. 
July 2, Hamilton wrote again. Hamilton, v, 284. 

3 July 27. Adams, ix, 4. 

4 Hamilton, v, 278. Letter of June 2S. Adams, viii, 660. Letter of 
June 24. 

5 Ellis's Life of Rumford, pp. 352 to 359. 



M799-1800] of James Mc Henry 393 

[orderly Yanky's as you would wish to see — and the recruiting 
is very successful all over the State — as I am informed. ' ' 

"NB. Are we to have a minister from France? If so, 
[ought not the Senate to be collected?" 

He wrote again from Litchfield on June 24: 

"* * * In the county where I live, there is one compleat 
Jcompany raised, & three more can be raised here in a month, 
laltho' the busiest season of the year — & in next autumn, I 
can raise a Regt. here in this single county in a month — & 
they shall all be natives, & the best of men for activity, size, & 
character. This looks like bragging, but it is not so. I de- 
clare it is a sober statement of facts, as I really believe. Capt. 
Ramsey, the recruiting officer here, informs me he is troubled 
i to get rid of men, who wish to inlist — & that he could have 
inlisted 200 by this time, had he had money & clothing. I 
I will write to Mr. Sedgwick, but not disclose my knowledge of 
his letter. 

"If the Devil should send a French Minister to the U. 
States — altho' I dread a journey to, or stay at Philada. in the 
hot season, yet by all means let the Senate be convened. I 
had rather risk it, than not to have it in my power to say at 
once, as I will most certainly, that he ought, be he who he may, 
to be seut directly back again. I will not consent to say a 
word to a French Minister on the subject of negociations. 1 
sincerely wish it were so, that the Executive could & would 
dismiss him instanter. If he offered an indemnity for past 
injuries I would accept, but go no further, we want no con- 
tract, league, or covt. with that set of wretches. 

' ' I trouble you often, & now with a long letter, your good- 
ness will excuse me." 

Even there, however, there was complaint concerning 
supplies, as we learn from a letter written at Litchfield on 
June 17, by John Allen : 

"Your favour of the 12th. relative the proposed Contract 
for officers shoes is duly reed. It furnishes me, too, with the 
knowledge of the Cause of the very miserable manner in which 
the soldiers are supplied with that article. Capt. Ramsey, 
who is stationed at this place, unites his protestation with 
those of his men against the scandalous frauds practiced on 
them. The shoes which have been dealt out to the men here, 
& I understand the same to be the fact at all the other stations, 
are of the very worst leather and, worst manufacture. A 
inarch of 20 miles would totally ruin the greater part of them 



394 Life and Coi*respondence [Chap, xiv 

— and the heels of many of them drop off immediately on 
handling them. The hats of the Soldiers are of the same 
quality, a rain or two has rendered several of them utterly 
useless — and the Cloaths are but little better, particularly 
in the making. 

"By these things the public service is discouraged, & the 
Government itself discreditted. Very many respectable people 
impute these defects to circumstances that should not be ofteu 
named — they surely deserve, & I trust will undergo a rigid 
scrutiny — they must he traced to their source. 

"Permit me also to inform you that the recruiting ser- 
vice has met with very handsome success. Capt. Ramsey, 
here, already has 56 fine fellows. But Sir, why are they not 
furnished with Arms 1 ! The appearance of so many soldiers 
scattered thro' the Country, part of them only properly clad, 
& none of them with Arms, makes the whole business assume 
too much of the air of a farce. The people call out for more 
promptness & energy in their business — and really, sir, if the 
Administration is to be saved from contempt & ridicule of the 
Country it must be by a more vigilant & irresistable pressing 
forward of the proper measures. 

"I am induced to write thus plainly by the Murmurs of , 
both Citizens and Soldiers, and which the Interest and honour 
of the Government demand there should no more causes for." 

There were obstacles at Philadelphia, whence McHenry 
w 7 rote Hamilton 1 that Wolcott had prejudices against aug- 
mentation and said the revenues were inadequate, that either 
the army or navy must be suspended or dropped, and con- 
templated a statement on these points to Adams. McHenry 
felt that "peace, honour, and respect, at home and abroad, 
depends upon the permanency of our litle army ' ' and intended 
to press forward, as he could. Pickering seemed favorable 
to vigorous measures and McHenry thought of writing para- 
graphs for Fenno's newspaper, showing "the necessity of our 
army." He exhorted Hamilton to "keep up, among your 
Eastward friends, a due sense of the propriety" of action. 

At this time, Hamilton wrote: 2 "It is a pity, my dear 
sir, and a reproach that our administration have no general 
plan. Certainly, there ought to be one formed without de- 
lay." Among other things it should be agreed what precise 
forces should be created, land and naval, and this should be 

1 Hamilton, vi, 408. Letter of June 26. 

2 Hamilton, v, 2S3 ; Lodge, vii, 99. 



,1799-1800] of James McHenry 395 

proportioned to the state of our finances. We should have 6 
ships of line and 20 frigates and sloops of war. He offered 
to come to Philadelphia, if advisable, and try to form a gen- 
eral plan, in consultation with the cabinet, feeling that, if the 
chief is too desultory, the ministry ought to be united and 
steady. 1 ''Besides eventual security against invasion, we 
ought certainly to look to the possession of the Floridas and 
Louisiana and we ought to squint at South America." The 
United States has money enough to do what is needful. Mc- 
Henry felt the truth of this last statement and wrote Adams : 2 
"Being a nation and, not of the lowest order, there are 3 
things essential for the maintenance of our proper grade 
among the powers of the earth: (1) An army and means 
adequate to its support, (2) A system calculated to keep its 
wants regularly supplied, (3) Genius in the general who com- 
mands it. If we can combine these things with a navy, and 
I believe we can, we shall have nothing to fear from without 
or within." 

A sportive side of the war is found in McHenry 's sending 
Washington and Hamilton small boxes called the game of 
Tactics containing military figures, as a substitute for chess- 
men. In acknowledgment, Hamilton wrote : 

"June 21, 1799. 

"I thank you, My Dear Sir, for the military figures you 
have sent me. Tactics, you know, are literally or figuratively 
of very comprehensive signification. As people grow old, they 
decline in some arts, though they may improve in others. I 
will try to get Mrs. Hamilton to accompany in games of Tac- 
tics new to me. Perhaps she may get a taste for them & 
become better reconciled to my connection with the Trade- 
Militant. 

"I will endeavour to get the Book you mention. 

"Adieu Yrs. 
"A. H. 
"In answer to a private letter long since received from you, 
I ought to tell you that I am in the habit of writing to General 
Washington.'" 

The postscript shows a slight shame that he had concealed 
this correspondence so long. 

1 McHenry wrote Hamilton "The army and the expenses attending 
it are not to all equally desirable. The Secretary of the Navy has no 
objection to a few regiments, but thinks the rest of the revenue would be 
better applied to the marine. I go on." 

2 Adams, viii, 662. 



396 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xiv 

, — _ — . — . 1 

Another point urged by Hamilton was the promotion of 
Wilkinson to the grade of major general. McHenry did not 
trust Wilkinson, and even Hamilton urged the promotion, 
chiefly, because it would be good policy to avoid all just 
grounds of discontent and to make it the interest of the indi- 
vidual to pursue his duty. 1 

' ' Half 2 confidence is always bad. ' ' Hamilton wrote : 
"This officer has adopted military life as a profession. What 
can his ambition do better than be faithful to the government 
if it gives him fair play?" McHenry answered 3 that he 
would not oppose the promotion, if Washington desired it, but 
wished nothing to be said of the matter to Wilkinson and 
added, "until the commercial pursuits of this gentleman, with 
his expectations from Spain, are annihilated, he will not de- 
serve the confidence of government." Washington asked Mc- 
Henry how the promotion would be made and was 4 told that 
he should recommend it, in an official form, to be laid before 
the president. Washington declined to do this, saying that 
other officers had been appointed to important places, without 
consulting him, and there should be consistency in the course 
of the administration. He especially objected to shouldering 
the responsibility, in doubtful cases such as this. 5 He also 
regretted that Howard and Lloyd declined to recommend offi- 
cers from Maryland and said he did not know the people of 
that state well enough to do it himself. Even in his own state, 
as the secretary would not advertise for applicants, Wash- 
ington finds a difficulty in obtaining suitable men, which could 
be avoided only by dividing the state into districts and com- 
mitting the recommendation from each district to some one 



man 



6 



1 Letter of June 15. Lodge, vii, 92. On promotions see Hamilton's 
letter to McHenry of June 15, printed in Lodge, vii, 98. 

2 Hamilton, v, 278. 

3 Letter of June 27. .See Washington's letter to McHenry of June 25. 

4 Letter of June 29. 5 Sparks, xi, 44.J. 
6 A little later Washington wrotf : 

"Private) Mount Vernon 14th. July 1799. 

"My dear Sir, 

"After reading, and putting a wafer into the enclosed letter, be so kind 
as to send it as directed. — 

"The young Cornet (in my family) is anxious to receive his Military 
equipments. Daily fruitless enquiries are made of me to know when they 
may be expected. — 

"Perhaps if you were to jog Mr. Francis, the Purveyor, the sooner 
they might be purveyed and the young gentleman gratified. — 

"I wish them to be handsome and proper for an Officer, but not expen- 
sive. In my last on this subject I requested that the Sword might be 
silver mounted. Yet any other mount, such as the Officers of Cavalry use, 
would answer just as well. With esteem and regard — I am always 

"Your Affect Humble Servant 

"Go. Washington." 



1799-1800] of James McHenry 397 

The plan which McHenry sent Adams on 1 June 29, for 
providing and issuing military supplies, seemed to Adams one 
which the presidential authority alone was not adequate to 
establish and he wrote McHenry, asking whether he wished 
the project adopted by congress, and that he look into it care- 
fully with Wolcott and Pickering, before recommending it for 
enactment as law. Adams refers to McHenry 's zeal for his de- 
partment thus, "As it is an excellent principle for every man 
in public life to magnify his office and make it honorable, I ad- 
mire the dexterity with which you magnify yours, by repre- 
senting an army and means adequate to its support, as the first 
thing necessary to make the nation respected." 

McHenry 2 wrote to Samuel Sewall, chairman of the com- 
mittee of defence, on June 28, 1799, stating that, as the ord- 
nance is in bad condition, and the secretary of war cannot visit 
foundries, etc., there should be an inspector of artillery, to see 
that contracts are properly carried out. He took up the 
subject of a military academy and stated that instructors in 
arithmetic, geometry, mechanics, hydraulics, and designing are 
needed to teach artillerists and engineers the art of forti- 
fication. 

Matters went far too slow for the assiduous Hamilton, 3 
who wrote on July 10 : 

"Why, My Dear friend, do you suffer the business of 
providing to go on as it does. Every moment proves the in- 
sufficiency of the existing plan & the necessity of auxiliaries. 
I have no doubt that at Baltimore, N York, Providence, & 
Boston additional supplies of Cloathing may promptly be pro- 
cured & prepared by your Agents & it ought to be done, 



1 Hamilton, v, 285; Adams, viii, 662. 

2 .State Papers, Military Affairs, i, 128. 

3 New York July 15. 1799 
My dear Mac 

If Meade was here he would tell you there never was an Irishman but 
would now & then discover the potatoe on his head — 

I did not mention the particulars you cite in the case of the Hollander, 
because the very necessity of troubling you on the subject implied that he 
was not naturalised & was without the letter of the Regulation 

Agreeably to your permission, I shall give a special authority to Col 
Ogden to enlist the man in question. 

Yrs. truly 

A H 

My dear Ham. If you will read your case you will perceive it was 
impossible that I should find the Hollander within the spirit of the regula- 
tions where you seemed to have placed him. If it had been so I should 
have tho't a special permission unnecessary. 

Tours, 
J M H 



398 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xiv 

though it should enhance the expense. 'Tis terrible at this 
juncture that there should be wants any where. 

"So of Tents. Calls for them are repeated from Massa- 
chusetts, where better and cheaper than any where else they 
can certainly be provided. 

' ' Pray take a resolution adequate to the exigency & rescue 
the credit of vour Department. 

"Yrs Affeclv 
"AH" 

McHenry answered at once, 1 that recruiting must stop ; 
unless clothes can be provided. Last year, the contract for 
clothing failed, because not enough white kersey for vests and 
overalls could be found in the United States and, this year, no 
person could be found to make a contract, because of a well 
founded belief that not enough white and blue cloth could be 
procured in the United States, in season to complete the needed 
number of suits before late autumn or early winter. Most 
of the cloth was imported, after the arrival of the spring ves- 
sels, which explains the delay. Now 400 suits per week can 
be furnished. Will this number suffice? On the 22nd, Ham- 
ilton replied that two-thirds of the quantity of clothes prom- 
ised would suffice. 

Rations and winter quarters for troops also commanded 
Hamilton 's attention 2 and he wrote concerning them : 
"My Dear Sir 

"I perceive by your letter of the 16th that mine of the 
12th has not been rightly understood. 

1 Hamilton, v, 288. July S, letter from Hamilton to McHenry, 
answering one on questions of rank and promotion. Lodge, vii, 9S, see 
p. Ill for a similar letter of August 2 5. 

2 July 17, he wrote McHenry about stationing troops where rations 
were cheapest and July 30 (Hamilton, v, 292) he sent regulations for 
delivery of fuel, stationery, and horses, and wrote concerning the barracks. 
Hamilton, v, 28S ; Lodge, vii, 107, prints a letter of August 19 about or- 
ganizing supply departments, etc. 

' Private "New York July 1799. 

"Dear Sir 

"I return you enclosed your draft of a letter dated the 2 5th instant to 
the several contractors <&c — with a paragraph at foot which is submitted 
to be added for reasons that itself will announce. 

"The doubts you mention are natural. They had occurred to my mind. 
But considering that the Public is entirely free as to the stationing of 
the troops, I think that with candour and good policy the measure may be pursued. 

"I hesitate whether the invitation ought to extend to the contractors 
for Massachusetts. Their price is as low as it can well be. The position 
heretofore intended for three Regiments is in Massachusetts, and it seems 
just that the moderation of the contractors there should be rewarded by 
the enjoyment of the advantage. The competition of Connecticut New 
York & New Jersey may be excited with a view to the three regiments, 
which were intended to be placed in the vicinity of Brunswick. 

"With great regard 
"Yrs. truly 
"A H" 






1799-1800] of James Mc Henry 399 

"Its principal object was the supply of the present year. 
This it aimed at cheapening by exciting a competition among 
the actual contractors, on the ground that the troops, while 
not required for actual service, might be stationed collectively 
where the supply was cheapest, as at Brunswick or Trenton in 
New Jersey, or East Chester in New York or Bristol in Penn- 
sylvania, it being immaterial whether three Regiments are at 
one or the other of those places and the Government having 
its option to station them at either. Thus the contractors in 
Pennsylvania, New Jersey, & New York might be induced to 
bid against each other. So the contractors in Maryland & 
Virginia, it being indifferent whether the three Regiments 
shall be on one or the other side of the Potowmack. 

"In Massachusetts, the ration is Eleven cents & five Mills. 
This is reasonable & shews how it may be afforded. In the 
State of Rhode Island it is fourteen Cents. No reason for this 
difference. In Connecticut it is still higher with still less 
reason. The three Regiments for the Northern Quarter will 
of course be stationed in Massachusetts in the vicinity of Ux- 
bridge. 

"The Price in New York where issues exceed 400 is 10 
cents & 5 Mills. This is much too high though predicated on 
the old ration. At Brunswick in Jersey it is 16 cents & 2y 2 
Mills predicated on the New Ration. This is higher still. At 
Trenton it is 16. This is still too high. But the difference 
ought in my opinion to give a preference to Trenton over 
Brunswick. I think, however, upon my plan a reduction may 
be obtained at both places. And 'tis by care in operations 
of this kind that economy on a large scale will be attained. 

"I hope I have now explained myself sufficiently. If 
your views vary in consequence of the explanation, you will 
inform me officially — if not privately. And I shall govern 
myself accordingly. It was my intention to have written 
myself to the Contractor respecting Winter Quarters, after 
having settled with you the General Principles. But if you 
think proper to do so yourself, it will be equally agreeable to 
me. But I shall be glad previously to know your intention 
& submit to you some ideas. 

"Yrs. Affectly 
"A Hamilton 
"P S 

"My suggestions as to the Contract for next year were 



400 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xiv 

• 

merely incidental. I had not seen your advertisement as I 
recollect." 

McHenry had written Adams, on July 12, that an army 
and navy establishment is essential to the present and future 
interests and greatness of the United States and that "we 
must run the risks which other nations have run ' ' and Adams 
agreed to this, but still thought congress must approve the 
plan for supplying the army. 1 He is satisfied, however, to 
agree with the heads of departments, if they think the powers 
already given are sufficient. 2 When dissatisfied with Mc- 
Henry 's department, Hamilton did not hesitate to say so, as 
is shown by a letter written July 22, on which McHenry 
endorsed, "This is not so, this error arises from the articles 
being forwarded at different times. ' ' Hamilton 's letter reads : 

"The return lately sent me shows strongly the want of 
system of your Agents. Instead of an equal apportionment, 
while some Regiments are altogether without certain articles, 
others have a full, a very ample supply of them. This ap- 
pears particularly as to Muskets, Cartouche boxes, Knapsacks, 
& canteens — with regard to some of these articles, indeed, I 
know that orders have been given for supplies which do not 
appear in the return. But as to others, I am not informed 
of any similar circumstance. I call your attention to these 
particulars that the inaccuracy may not, in the pressure of 
your business, escape your observation. 

"An apportionment, where all cannot be fully supplied 
tends to distribute accommodation & to prevent discontent." 

Still Hamilton wrote, 3 on the same day : "I count al- 
ways upon your confidence, as well in my personal friendship 
for you as in my zeal for the public service, and having no 
inclination to spare myself, it only remains for us to trace 
together the plan, in which I can best second your operations 
and promote the service." To this letter, he signed himself, 
' ' Yours with true attachment. ' ' 

Towards the end of July, 4 Adams wrote to McHenry 
that he has no objection to raising a troop of cavalry but adds, 
' ' I never think of our means without shuddering. The system 
of debts and taxes is levelling all government in Europe. We 



1 July IS. W. S. Smith sent McHenry his revolutionary record 
On August 10, McHenry wrote him that no allowance was made for fuel 
to officers. 

2 McHenry submitted the question to Pickering on the 21st 

3 July 30, Hamilton wrote McHenry asking that the routine of pro- 
motion be followed and the rules which govern it be promulgated. 

■1 July 27. Hamilton, v, 288. 






1799-1800] of James Mc Henry 401 

have a career to run, to be sure, and some time to pass, before 
we arrive at the European crisis, but we must ultimately go 
the same way. There is no practicable or imaginable exped- 
ient to escape it, that I can conceive. ' ' At this time, McHenry 
referred the question of establishing another arsenal to the 
other heads of departments. The answers of Lee and Stod- 
dert are preserved. 

' ' Sir Philadelphia 1 August 1799 

"1st. I am not satisfied that there is a necessity for estab- 
lishing a fourth arsenal with magazines at the present time, 
when the three which have been established, are not carried 
to the extent of usefulness of which they are obviously capa- 
ble. It appears to me to be an unnecessary expenditure of 
public money, because such an establishment will not for 
sometime to come be requisite, the three others answering all 
the present purposes. 

"2d. The buildings and alterations at Springfield should be 
immediately commenced. 

"3 The buildings at Harpers ferry should be prosecuted. 
"4 The buildings at Rocky mount should be commenced. 

' ' I have the honor to be very respectfully your most obed- 
ient servant. 

"Charles Lee" 

"Navy Department 

*"1 August 1799. 
"Dear Sir 

"I am unwell & cannot attend the meeting without pain. 
I will however give you my opinion on the subject of a fourth 
Arsenal — for I presume it is a fourth — & that neither of 
the others are to be declined. 

"If the three Arsenals already Fixed on, were completed 
& filled with Arms, I should suppose — it might be proper to 
establish a fourth a fifth & a sixth — provided there was 
money — but under present circumstances, I really think it 
will be most wise, to go on with great spirit, with the three 
already, determined on, and which, in my opinion are properly 
placed — One being to the East — One to the South — & one 
in the middle of the States — and to let a fourth alone, until 
these three are filled with arms. 

"I think your submission contained a query, whether 
"Work begun at Harpers Ferry should be finished — or whether 
addl. works should be made there. 



402 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xiv 

1 

"Judging as an officer of the United States, with a view to 
the Interest of the whole — & on this principle only, will I 
judge while I remain in office — it is most clearly my opinion, 
that the Arsenal at Harpers Ferry, should there be an differ- 
ence in point of magnitude in the three, should be the more im- 
portant — the Mother Arsenal. It is without comparison the 
most convenient of the three to the Western Country. It is 
more convenient than either of the other places to all parts of 
the States. It is nearly in the centre. 

"Your submission also, If I recollect right, contained a 
quere — whether additional Works should be made at Spring- 
field. There is no question with me, that all the works neces- 
sary to the object, should be made there, without hesitation or 
delay. 

' ' To sum up in few words — my opinion is — that the 
three arsenals, in the places designated by the Genl. officers, 
viewing with a military Eye, the land, should be pushed with 
all possible vigor — and that, when money can be spared after 
filling these, it will be time enough to think of other Arsenals. 
Excuse my abruptness. I write in pain. I have the honor to 
be with great respect Dr Sir Yr ms Obedt Servt. 

"Ben Stoddert. " 

Another difficulty with Hamilton occurred concerning one 
Captain Frey whom McHenry had ordered to discharge cer- 
tain men and to report to Major Hoops, commandant at New 
York. Of this Hamilton wrote: 1 

"N. Y. July 31 1799. 

"You will see, my Dear friend, in the case of Capt. Frey, 
the evil tendency of correspondence, by the head of the War 

1 Hamilton had previously complained of McHenry's directly dealing 
with officers. 

"New York May 2d. 1799 
"My Dear Sir 

"Your letter having informed me, that you some time since encouraged 
Capt Willing to expect a furlough, and having learnt from him that in 
consequence of this encouragement he had made arrangements and enter- 
ed into engagements for the voyage, I thought it would compromit you 
to refuse the request. I have therefore very much against my own judg- 
ment complied. The precedent in my opinion is a bad one. Let me in- 
treat you on future occasions to avoid the occasion of similar embarrass- 
ment 

"Yrs. Affectly A H" 

On October 24, McHenry wrote Hamilton that Elliott wishes hia 
own men at the Philadelphia Laboratory and asked McHenry for them 
directly. Hamilton was hurt, wished Elliott to go to the field and wrote 
that, if the "representations of a particular officer, founded upon a detach- 
ed view of the subject and addressed to the Secretary of War, are to 
decide in the 1st instance the propriety of the employment of any given 
force, there will remain very little continuity in our military establish- 
ment." McHenry did not yield, but said, "Send any 25 men." 



«ar 



1799-1800] of James McHenry 403 

Department with inferior officers, when there is a superior. 
For a thousand good reasons, it cannot be too carefully avoid- 
ed. Perhaps a sudden emergency, when the superior officer 
is in a situation that recourse to him might defeat the object 
is the only exception. 

"Yrs truly 
"A. H." 
He also issued a general order, stating that Frey exceeded 
his powers, ' ' Nor can the seeming countenance which was sub- 
sequently given to his acts by the department of war vary 
their real nature. The circumstances which had intervened 
were probably unknown and a disposition to give facility to 
the service must be presumed to have caused the Secretary to 
have overlooked the incompatibility of the proceedings with 
his instructions." This stricture, wrote McHenry, was not 
necessary and "should have been avoided. The head of the 
department of war ought not to be held up in a general order 
as having been ignorant of or having been inattentive to his 
duties." "I perceive you entertain an opinion that I have 
wantonly or ignorantly given orders to inferior officers within 
the command of their superior. This is not the case, whatever 
may have been insinuated to you to the contrary. ' ' McHenry 
I ' always received from his friend his intimations with, at least 
a disposition to benefit by them;" but this accusation was 
unjust. Hamilton's idea of the relations of the secretary and 
the various officers was as follows: "In my conception, the 
true rule is this, The Secretary of war and his subordinate 
agents may correspond immediately on the business of ex- 
penditure and supply in its various branches, with all those 
officers who are charged with it, such as Quartermasters, com- 
missaries, paymasters, and other descriptions of persons, form- 
ing what is commonly called the civil staff, but they ought to 
hold no communication with any merely military officer, i. e. 
any officer not attached to the business of expenditure or sup- 
ply, other than the principal officer of an army or within a 
military district or command. This rule would confine the 
communications of the Secretary of war to Gen. Washington 
and the 2 Major Generals. It is true that there are special 
cases, in which it may be proper to depart from the rule, such 
as sudden and unforeseen emergencies, where the public inter- 
est or service might suffer by a delay incidental to a communi- 
cation with the chief and there may be geographical circum- 
stances which may require exceptions, but these ought to be 



404 Life t and Correspondence [Chap, xiv 

previously settled with the chief, defining the extent and the 
objects — complaints by inferiors of injuries received or sup- 
posed to have been received from the chief, but the cases are 
and must always be supported by some important reason of a 
special nature." 

He had not intended to offend McHenry and wrote : 

"New York Aug. 5th. 1799. 

' ' If there be any thing in my general order lately sent you 
which imputes to the Secretary of War ignorance or inatten- 
tion, I agree with you, my Dear friend, that it ought not to 
have been there. I add that, if done with design, it would be 
a very culpable indecorum. But if it does bear this construc- 
tion, I have very clumsily executed my own intention. And I 
give you my honor that so far from being sensible of it, my 
aim was quite the reverse. 

"I have already told you my opinion, that the letter from 
you to Capt Frye was, in the view of Military Etiquette, ir- 
regular. It ought to have been addressed to Major Hoops. 
If my memory serves me right, it refers to the matter by Capt. 
Freye & thus gives him the pretext of your sanction. It was^ 
necessary to do away this reference — and at the same time 
to obviate, on the mind of the army, the idea of irregularity, 
on your part. My object was to reconcile these two things. 

"The means, I employed, were these two suggestions — 1 ! 
That the intermediate circumstances were unknown to you 
In this, you see nothing amiss. 2 That from a disposition tc 
give facility to the service, you overlooked the inconsistency 
of what was done with your instructions. Does this imply ig- 
norance or inattention? I think not. Every superior some- 
times overlooks, that is forbears to take notice of, the incom- 
patibility of the conduct of an inferior with his instructions, 
though he clearly perceives (and, consequently, acts neither 
from ignorance nor inattention) that incompatibility — but 
willing to give facility to the service in the particular instance 
he thinks it best to wave any objection to what has been done 
& even to give effect to it. In civil & military life this has 
happened to myself; and yet to have it stated would not in 
my opinion charge me either with ignorance or inattention. 
There may often be good reason for overlooking a fault which 
we perceive. To overlook is very different from not to see or 
not to attend to. It is in one sense to excuse, to forbear to 






1799-1800] of James Me Henry 405 

punish or animadvert upon And it seems to me that it is 
plainly in this sense that it is used in the general order. Most 
certainly it was intended so to be. 

"Now let me rebuke you in turn. How would you imagine 
that I entertain an opinion that you have wantonly or ignor- 
antly given orders to inferior officers within the command of 
their superior? It is to injure my friendship for you to 
suppose that I could think you had wantonly done so. That 
you may have done so, through want of a strict habit on the 
subject, or perhaps from some incorrectness of ideas with re- 
gard to military Etiquette, I have indeed believed but nothing 
worse. And I cannot think that this belief ought to give you 
pain. It only implies that you have not been long enough 
called by situation to contemplate or practice upon that eti- 
quette to have formed exact notions of it and a habit of con- 
forming to it. I do not myself pretend to be an adept in this 
species of knowledge ; though I have endeavored to systema- 
tize my ideas on the subject. They are these, in brief, that 
the Department of War may regularly correspond with the 
Civil Staff or a officer charged with the business of expenditure 
& supply in its various branches without passing through the 
medium of the Chief Military Officer. But that, in all other 
matters, the correspondence ought to be with them exclusively 
— saving the case of sudden emergency, in which the object 
would suffer by using him as the medium. 

"Yrs Affecty. 
"A. H." 

To the latter letter McHenry thus replied on August 10, 
"I am fully satisfied my dear Hamilton, from what you say, 
that you had no intention to insinuate in the general order 
anything that could affect my character in the eye of the 
public or army and I am no longer uneasy. Upon the other 
point, let me assure you that the military rule or correspond- 
ence, which I have departed from in some instances, as rela- 
tive to General Wilkinson, did not take place without sub- 
stantial cause. I am in possession of my justification, were it 
necessary to stir the subject. There may be, however, partic- 
ular cases, independent of these where I have erred through 
inattention and, who is it will not, with so much business to 
attend to as I have. ' ' He sends a military text book and adds, 
' ' The book has merit. But as Aristotle 's rules never produced 
a good tragedy; neither, in my opinion, will the best military 



406 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xiv 

- 

books produce a great general. Both characters are the result 
of the energies of genius." 

Meanwhile matters had gone on slowly at Paris. 2 La- 
fayette had written McHenry on April 18, in his joy over the 
news that the war had been averted for the time, 2 " I must 
express the happiness I have felt in hearing that plenipoten- 
tiary ministers are going from the United States to bring 
about a reconciliation with France. I am persuaded, as I 
have formerly written, that the French Government are in 
earnest." 

McHenry 's own town of Baltimore, where a fort had been 
established, called by his name, 3 and destined to become fam- 
ous in connection with Key's poem, was much concerned about 
the fortification and Samuel Smith wrote Adams from Balti- 
more on July 24 : 

' ' I Do myself the honor to Inclose you a publication of 
the Committee of this City, whether it will have the desired 
effect contemplated I cannot yet determine. The following 
Expression Induced me to address you. We are informed by 
the Sect, of War that the Finances of the U. S. did not admit 
of a larger appropriation than twenty thousand Dollars to- 
wards the fortifications to be erected near our City. 

' ' This information is Certainly not Calculated to make a 
very favorable impression on the public Mind. What will 
foreign powers think when they are told from the Sect of War 
that our finances are Such that more than twenty thousand 
dollars Could not be Spared to fortify A City known to be of 
the Commercial Consequence of Baltimore. But is the Secre- 
tary correct - — on recurring to the Appropriation Laws, I find 
that, in May 1798, the Sum of two hundred & fifty thousand 
dollars were appropriated for fortifying the Ports & harbours 
&, in June following, a further sum of twenty five thousand, 
making together, with the Amount unexpended of former 
appropriations, a sum between $420 & $440 thousand dollars, 
of which there remained unexpended on the 30 September last, 
agreeably to the report of the Secty. of the Treasury 326 thou- 
sand dolls. And of this last Sum, I am inclined to believe, 
a Considerable proportion remain still unexpended. From 
this Statement, I cannot but hope & believe that you will be 
of Opinion that a larger Amount than twenty thousand dollrs. 

1 April 20, Adams wrote Pickering approving the statements of the 
heads of departmens concerning our relations to St. Domingo. 

2 J. Adams, viii, 628. 

3 There was also a Fort McHenry on the Mississippi. 



1799-1800] of James McHenry 407 

ought to be granted. I am informed that the last Estimate 
►States 60 thousand Dollars as the sum required — however, 
I presume that twenty five thousand, in Addition to that 
already expended, would be as much as Could be expended 
this summer. With the greatest Respect 

' ' I have the Honor to be 
''your Obedt Servt" 

Adams transmitted Smith's request from Quincy on Au- 
gust 5 : 
"Sir 

"1 return you Col. Hawkins of 23 of May inclosed in 
*yjuio u£ 29. July and am happy to find that all accounts agree 
in holding out expectations of a continuance of Peace with the 
Indians. 

"Inclosed is a letter to me from Gen. S. Smith of Balti- 
more, dated 24 July with an address to the Citizens of Balti- 
more from the Marine Committee, in a slip of a Newspaper. 
I wish that Justice may be done to that City, and that it may 
have its proportion of Aid in the fortification of it. I wish 
also to know, "What Sum is destined for the fortifications of 
Castle Island & Governors Island in Boston Harbour. I wish 
also to know the plan for appointing Surgeons & Mates for 
Garrisons & Regiments &c. 

"J. Adams." 

Many of the Federalists were displeased with the French 
mission and Robert Goodloe Harper wrote McHenry from Bal- 
timore on August 2 : 

"* * * I always thought the mission an ill-judged & 
unlucky measure, but having been adopted I think that the 
policy and dignity of the government, equally demand that it 
should be persued in a spirit of fairness and liberal good 
faith. The question, then, is, whether the engagement of Mr. 
Talleyrand such as it appears in Mr. Murray's communica- 
tion, does not fully imply an audience of the Directory? I 
think it does; and, therefore, that a formal answer in the 
affirmative, to that condition, was not necessary. He says 
'they shall be received according to their functions, and re- 
spected according to the Law of Nations.' Can this be done 
without an audience? I should suppose not, since, as far as 
I am informed, an audience is one of the marks of respect in- 
variably allowed, to foreign ministers, by the Law of Nations. 

"The French, it is true, might refute it, and shelter them- 



408 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xiv 

selves under the evasive silence of Mr. Talleyrand, but it would 
be a manifest and paltry quibble, which must disgrace them 
still further, and add new strength to our cause: whereas 
should we avail ourselves of this silence to break off the affair, 
we should give them, and their party, an opportunity of 
throwing the blame upon us, and charging us with insincerity 
from the beginning and I confess that I should fear the effect 
of this charge among our people. 

''Besides, the President, in his communication to the sen- 
ate, which will, probably & perhaps with reason, be considered 
as the measure of the assurances, makes no express mention 
of this audience : from whence it seems to have been consid- 
ered, by him, as included within the general expressions. To 
insert a particular measure of it afterwards, and make their 
silence upon it a ground for breaking off, would, in my 
opinion, be a very hazzardous, if not a very improper conduct ; 
to which, I think, it would be very difficult to reconcile the 
American mind. 

' ' In fine, my dear sir, I see in this silence, and in the inti- 
mation of Mr. Talleyrand which you have noticed, the marks 
of that paltry spirit, combined with insolence, whereby the 
Directorial counsels have, at all times, been distinguished. 
If they mean to lay a snare for us, the best way of avoiding 
it, as it appears to me, will be to accept the assurances, and 
send the ministers; with instructions, at the same time, to 
insist on an audience as part of the promised reception. Thus 
we may save our own dignity and disappoint their acts. But 
I am already of opinion that it will never do, to retain minis- 
ters on account of this silence, whether accidental or designed, 
of Mr. Talleyrand. 

"Who is to supply Henry's place? It would afford one a 
pleasant opportunity of seeing France, and Europe, of judg- 
ing by the eyes as well as the ears. 

' ' God be with you & your 's is the sincere wish of, my dear 
sir, "Your friend & Hble servt." 

Washington felt 1 that the conditions were critical and 
wrote McHenry: "I think you Wisemen of the East have 
got yourselves into a hobble relatively to France, Great Brit- 
ain, Russia, and the Porte, to which allow me the privilege of 
adding our worthy Demos. All cannot be pleased ! whom will 
you offend? Here then is a severe trial for your diplomatic 

1 Au&ast 11. Ford, xiv, 193. 



1799-1800] of James McHenry 409 

skill. But to be serious, I think the nomination and appoint- 
ment of Ambassadors to treat with France would in any event, 
have been liable to unpleasant reflections (after the Declara- 
tions which have been made) and, in the present state of 
matters in Europe, must be exceedingly embarrassing. The 
President has a choice of difficulties before him in this busi- 
ness; if he pursues the line he marked out, all the conse- 
quences cannot be foreseen. If he relinquishes it, it will be 
said to be of a piece with all the other acts of the administra- 
tion — unmeaning, if not wicked, deceptions, &c, &c, &c, and 
will arm the opposition with fresh weapons, to commence new 
viVuk'rs upon the Government, be the turn given to it, and the 
reasons assigned, what they may." He asks the truth con- 
cerning certain charges of bribery brought against public of- 
ficers in the Eepublican newspapers and is most earnest in 
urging the prosecution of the makers of false charges of this 
sort. Adams 's tarrying in Massachusetts disturbs him and he 
inquires, "Is the President returned to the seat of Govern- 
ment? "When will he return? His absence (I mention from 
the best motives) gives much discontent to the friends of gov- 
ernment, while its enemies chuckle at it and think it a favor- 
able omen for them. ' ' 

Hamilton, still impatient over delays, l wrote thus: "Be- 
lieve me the service is every where suffering for the want of 
proper organization. It is one thing for business to drag off — 
another for it to go on well. The business of supply in all its 
branches (except as to provisions) proceeds heavily and with- 
out order or punctuality — in a manner equally ill adapted 
to economy on a large scale, as to efficiency and the content- 
ment of the army. It is painful to observe how disjointed and 
piece meal a business it is : — among other evils is this that 
the head of the War Department and the chiefs of the several 
divisions of the army exhaust their time in details, which, 
beyond a general superintendence, are foreign to them and 
plans for giving perfection to our military system are unavoid- 
ably neglected. Let me repeat, my dear friend, my earnest 
advice, that you proceed to organize without delay the sev- 
eral branches of the departments of supply ; that is to fix the 
places and appoint the agents." 

McHenry, answering on the 29th, defines what he regards 
the scope of his duties; "I consider it the duty of a com- 

1 Hamilton, v, 300. August 13, 1799, Hamilton to McHenry concern- 
ing his own position. Lodge, vii, 103. 



410 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xiv 

» 

manding general not only to make returns of all articles, 
among these clothing, wanted for his troops, but to make them 
in such season as to allow of making up and transporting 
them to their destinations. That I consider it to be my duty 
to direct as far as practicable and as promptly as may be, a 
compliance with the requisitions made, by causing the deliv- 
ery of the articles called for to the Quartermaster General for 
transportation. I suppose my duty is completed by such de- 
livery to the Quartermaster General and that all ulterior 
orders respecting the destination and distribution of the arti- 
cles proportionately at different posts should exclusively 
emanate from the commanding general." Any case of u?- 
glect should be reported to the tSecretary of War. McHenry 
explained the law as to pay and said he issued warrants on 
the treasurer who applied moneys according to the warrants 
and orders of the commanding general. Hamilton was already 
considering the question of winter quarters for which he pro- 
posed huts to be built by the soldiers with the assistance of a 
few carpenters. 1 He suggested that three regiments may 
be quartered in the barracks at Carlisle. 2 At first McHenry 
thought that place too remote, but afterwards favored placing 
troops there and at New Brunswick. Hamilton also asked for 
an allowance for quarters and fuel for himself. 3 He was 
not rapacious, but he needed the money. The fortifications on 
Governor's Island in New York harbor and the regulations 
concerning promotions also occupied the joint attention of the 
general and the secretary. 4 The latter wrote that the estab- 
lished practice was to fill vacancies in newly created regi- 
ments with new men and, when the regiment marched nearly 
complete to headquarters, relative rank was settled according 
to the officers' succession. McHenry expected to appoint two 
cadets in each regiment and to promote according to merit. 
Hamilton was not satisfied with the secretary's principles of 
promotions to new regiments and wrote 5 that commissions 
ought to be held as rejected, if not accepted in three months. G 
McHenry 7 answered that the commanding general had 
the declaration definitively of relative rank of majors and 

1 Hamilton, v, 299, 308, 341. September. 

2 Hamilton later changed his mind and preferred Greenbrook. 
Lodge, vii, 105. 

3 Hamilton, v, 297. 

4 August 25. Hamilton, v, 303. 

5 September 19. Hamilton, v. 331. 

6 Hamilton, v, 326. September 11, Hamilton wrote for an allow- 
ance for officers' servants and that there should be a corps of invalids. 

7 September 23. 



1799-1800] of James Mc Henry 411 

company officers in each regiment and that "military etiquette 
on the subject of succession is the production of rank once 
settled," after which settlement it "has been tenaciously ad- 
hered to, most probably with beneficial results." 

Hamilton replied 1 that the introduction of new char- 
acters into a corps once organized should be confined within 
narrow limits. The right of succession he "considered as the. 
primary reward of service." It "has its foundation in nat- 
ural justice and in very strong passions of the human heart. ' ' 
As soon as a corps is organized, the expectation of promotion 
arises spontaneously and the time of the definitive arrange- 
ment is too uncertain to make it a fit criterion of the right of 
succession and would make regiments, completed at different 
times, have a different relative rank, which would be preju- 
dicial to the service. Washington felt 2 that lieutenant col- 
onels and majors, who have been in service, should come first, 
but wrote that his information as to others is not sufficient to 
arrange them nor indeed to arrange among themselves those 
who have seen service. His own position was that he was 
serving the country without pay, 3 other than "reimburse- 
ments of actual expenditures, unless, by being called into the 
field, I shall be entitled to full pay and the emoluments of 
office." To do otherwise, is to run into danger of miscon- 
struction and, though put to considerable inconvenience, 
through the necessity of entertaining visitors, he declined to 
take the two months ' pay which MeHenry offered him. Wash- 
ington recommended very few persons for commissions, and 
at least once, in the case of John Tayloe, wrote from Mount 
Vernon on the 5th of May to request that a resignation be 
accepted : 

1 September 2 7. 

2 Ford, xiv, 202. September 15. An interesting unpublished letter 
of Washington's follows : 

"Private Mount Vernon Sept. 1st. 1799. 

"Dear Sir — 

"I find by looking over my files that your favour of the 14th & 24th. 
of August have never been acknowledged, — I now do — the receipt of 
them. 

"I thank you and through you Governor Davie for his 'Instructions to 
be observed for the formations and movements of Cavalry' and would ask 
you to mention this to him when you shall see him which must be soon 

"I pray you to direct Mr. Francis the purveyor to furnish me with the 
cost of the equipment of Washington Custis as a Cavalry Officer. I have 
had a small sum in the Bank of Pennsylvania locked up being afraid to 
touch it lest there might not be enough left for that event & should find 
difficulty in remitting the Bal'e. I regret exceedingly the cause of your 
removal to Trenton and am My dear Sir — With great esteem 

"Your Affct. Hble Servt 

"Go. Washington." 

3 Ford, xiv, 201. September 14. 



412 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xiv 

"Sir, 

"This letter will be presented to you by John Tayloe 
Esqr. — whom the President of the United States was pleased 
to nominate and appoint to a Majority in the Regiment of 
Light Dragoons. 

"Mr. Tayloe waits upon you to explain his motives for 
declining that honor, at present, the propriety of which, I 
persuade myself you will not only acquiesce in, but applaud, 
as the result of laudable and Patriotic principles. 

"This Gentleman is a Senator in the Legislature of this 
State — The Politics of which you are not to be informed of. 
A part, however, of which, is to suffer no person to remain in 
either house thereof — nor to enjoy any office under Its gov- 
ernment, who holds any Commission, or Appointment of 
whatsoever Nature or kind, under that of the General Gov- 
ernment. The consequences then of his accepting the Mili- 
tary Appointment would be, the vacating of his Senatorial 
Office ; and as he informs me, the probable introduction of 
an opposition Member in his place. 

"Mr. Tayloe 's patriotism leads him to serve his Country 
in any capacity wherein he can be most useful ; — either in 
the Civil or Military line; and having been pleased to ask 
my advice on this occasion, I have frankly given it as my 
opinion, that under his statement, and in the present aspect 
of our public affairs, I thought his services in the first — that 
is in the Senate — were more immediately necessary and im- 
portant than they would be in the latter — because they are 
now actively employed in the one case, and may lye dormant 
in the other, unless hostilities on Land Should be the result 
of French politics. 

"To this opinion he has yielded, or seems inclined to 
yield; — with a hope however (as there may be an impro- 
priety in keeping the vacancy open) that, if the exigency of 
the times should render it expedient to raise more Cavalry, — 
the service to which he is most attached — that his motives 
for declining his present appointment may be not forgotten — 
but aid his pretentions to, and solicitude to obtain a new one. 
Having requested me to relate these circumstances, it was 
but just I should do so ; — and to add, that with great re- 
spect — 

"I am Sir 

"Your Most Obedt Hble Servt. 
"Go. Washington." 



1799-1800] of James McHcnry 413 

From Adams and Hamilton came letters as to individual 
appointments, one of which affords additional proof of the 
purpose of the administration to nominate for commissions 
in the army only "Federal characters." 

"NewYork Jan. 19. 1800. 
"Dear Sir 

' ' The inclosed letter speaks for itself. 

"I think upon the whole unless there are objections, of 
which I am not aware it will be expedient to place Mr Wilson 
in the new Batalion, so as to reinstate him fully in the situa- 
tion in which he would have been if he had not left the Ser- 
vice. He appears to me a genteel sensible young man — and 
as to his morals has been well spoken of. You best know if 
there are any faults in his character which render the matter 
ineligible — If there are not I shall learn with pleasure that 
he has been appointed. 

"It seems to me a very obvious policy will lead to the 
gratification of the wish expressed in the close of the letter. 
This may be a means of bringing new interest to the support 
of the army. And I am not afraid of introducing a propor- 
tion of very young men whose connections are not of very 
sound politics. The Military State has a very assimilating 
influence. Let me add that it may be useful to make me the 
instrument of affecting this appointment. You will easily 
understand my meaning. 

"Yrs Affecty 

"A Hamilton." 

Hamilton was still unsatisfied and, though he admitted 1 
that some of the officers' complaints are baseless, yet others 
have foundation and the defects in the public plan, causing 
these complaints, should be remedied. "It is an opinion of 
some standing with me that the supply of the army except in 
the article of provisions has been most commonly so defective, 
as to render a considerable degree of discontent a natural con- 
sequence. In a revolution, lack of supplies may be acquiesced 
in, but not in a mature state." Hamilton does not wholly 
blame McHenry for this, as "I well know your disposition 
to ameliorate our plan." 

In another letter, Hamilton returned to the same question 

1 Hamilton, v, 306. September 3, Pickering recommended that a 
cargo of saltpetre at Boston be not purchased for the government. 



414 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xiv 

■ ■ ■ — 

and stated that "The want of a proper organization of agents 
in the various branches, of the public service of a correct and 
systematic delineation of their relative duties has been a 
material cause of the imperfect results, which have been ex- 
perienced, that it continues to embarrass every operation and 
that, while it lasts, it can not fail to enfeeble and disorder 
every part of the service." The amount of supplies pur- 
chased depends on the establishment and not on the opinion 
of the commanding officer and so the Secretary of War must 
gauge the amount. 

Hamilton wished the forming of permanent arsenals, ! 
the separation of the business of procuring and issuing sup- 
plies from the duty of a particular commander, and an ar- 
rangement of deputy paymasters. 

McHenry laid this plan before Adams and he asked that 
it be submitted to the heads of departments for an opinion, 
as it involved much expense and possibly needed legislative 
action. The old system is "defective in particulars, too 
weakly manned in some of its branches and susceptible of 
amelioration," but we can not change it at once. For the 
present, it must be kept. McHenry gave Hamilton a detailed 
statement of his understanding of the actual conditions as to 
supplies: 1. Clothing. Until recently it was the duty of 
the secretary of the treasury and now it is the duty of the sec- 
retary of war to provide annually by contract for full comple- 
ment. This implies a surplus, as the army is always below the 
establishment and the additional quantity is ordered for ex- 
igencies, deposited in the public stores and drawn through req- 
uisition by the commanding general on the secretary of war 
and by the latter on the superintendent of military stores, who 
packs, sends, and charges it to the various officers. The quarter- 
master general then takes and delivers the clothing to the of- 
ficers, who give to the soldiers, taking receipt from them. 
2. Ordnance and other military stores and camp equipage. 
The secretary of war has the duty to supply these in accor- 
dance with the appropriations. These sometimes are particu- 
lar and specific and sometimes aggregate, with much discre- 
tion. In the latter case, he should ask information from the 
commanding general. These supplies are distributed in the 
same manner as clothes. 3. Medicines, surgical instruments, 
and hospital stores. There is no medical purveyor or apothe- 

1 Hamilton, v, 320. 



1799-1800] of James McHenry 415 

cary, but the senior surgeon of each hospital or garrison, etc., 
makes a return to the commanding general and he sends these 
returns to the secretary of war, who directs the ordinary pur- 
veyor (sometimes after advice of experienced physicians) to 
purchase and turn the supplies into the public store, whence 
they are distributed, as are the clothes. 4. Quartermaster's 
stores and means of transportation. Sometimes the quarter- 
master must buy directly and again he may get better prices, 
etc., from the purveyor of the war department. Requisitions 
are sent from the commanding general or the quartermaster 
general and the quartermaster at a post, or a confidential 
sergeant, if the post be small, keeps the supplies. 5. Pay of 
the army. Rolls properly made out go to the paymaster gener- 
al and the secretary of war must put sufficient sums in his 
hands to pay. There are agents in distant places, but the rolls 
are never dispensed with. "The existing system of supplies, 
executed as I have delineated, will bring the wants of the ser- 
vice, in a great degree, if not completely, before the com- 
manding general, consequently, will enable him to exercise 
the superintendence expected from him with much effect. It 
would seem too that the general superintendance of all mili- 
tary concerns peculiarly belongs to him, as he can exercise it 
to most advantage. The observation applies to every com- 
mander of a separate army or great military districts." Esti- 
mates must be made in good season. 

Pay to the soldiers fell behind. McHenry wrote 1 that 
the treasury would not advance the money. Hamilton said, 
if the muster rolls are not in good form, 2 accept them pro- 
visionally. The pay department needs reforms. He admitted 
he drafted the form of muster rolls, when secretary of the 
treasury, but thinks it may be departed from. The troops are 
uneasy. McHenry 3 repeats that the treasury will not pay 
without proper muster rolls. 

In contrast with Hamilton's ceaseless activity, we hear 
but little of Pinckney. In September, he wrote McHenry 
that he was at Newport for his wife's health and wished 
quarters found at Harper's Ferry for the regiments i he 
should command. During October, Hamilton is continually 

1. September 16. Lodge, vii, 125. 

2 Hamilton, v, 334. September 21. Lodge, vii, 141. 

3 September 28, October 25, November 16. 

4 Sparks, xi, 466. On November 5, Washington wrote McHenry about 
the winter quarters. 



416 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xiv 

writing on the brigading of the regiments, 1 on the disposi- 
tion of the permanent regiments, 2 on courts martial, and 
judge advocates. 3 He is often accused of British sympathies, 
but his letter of October 12, on the arrangement of troops 
shows he leaned to no foreign power. He therein states that 
the existing "good understanding" between the United 
States and Great Britain justifies an arrangement, not of the 
highest efficiency, "but the permanency of friendship be- 
tween nations is too little to be relied upon, not to render it 
prudent to look forward to more substantial precautions, than 
are immediately meditated." 

On August 5, Murray wrote that Talleyrand would re- 
ceive an embassy and some held that, as the president had 
directed the commission to proceed, whatever opinions may 
have been entertained respecting its original propriety, the 
nation's honor and dignity demanded that it should be pur- 
sued in a spirit of fairness and liberal good faith. Other 
Federalists dreaded sending it, as did Tracy, who wrote from 
Litchfield on September 2: 

"My Dear Sir — 

" Is it true that Govr. Davie is appointed a French Envoy 
in room of Patrick Henry? 

"Is it true that Mr. Ellsworth and he are going to 
Europe? I am mortified & discouraged for fear this is all 
true — and I shall be much obliged to you to let me know : — I 
do not say, I will do nothing more, if they all should turn 
out fact — but I am really in pain for fear they will turn out 
so. Do pray, my Dear friend, let me know, if it be not a 
State secret. 

"I have sacrificed as much as most men or at least as 
much as any individual to support this Govt, and root out 
Democracy, & French principles, but, really, Sir, I feel it to 
be lost and worse. What will it signify to send you on a list 
of Officers ? — my time & property have been devoted to my 
Country & still should be, if any good can accrue ; I will make 
no rash promises now ; — but you may rely upon it, I will 
know what is about to be done before I stir another step in 

1 Hamilton, v, 345, 347, 355, 356. Other letters of this period are in 
Lodge, vii, viz. p. 113, September 2, 134, September 17, 141, September 19, 
149; October 12 (on brigading the army), 151. 

2 McHenry disapproved this on November 15, but approved of another 
arrangement on February 27, 1800. 

3 See Am. State Papers, Military Affairs, i, 145. November 12, 1799. 



1799-1800] of James Mc Henry 417 



public business. I can & will resign, if all must be given up 
to France & our Democrats. 

"With much esteem I am 

"Sir yr. friend & humble, servt . 
"Uriah Tracy" 

Fever in Philadelphia in the summer again drove the de- 
partments away. Trenton was again their temporary abode, 
whither Adams came on October 10. 

He found Hamilton and Davie there 1 and determined, 
apparently with some suddenness, to dispatch the embassy at 
once. Sometime previously he had sent instructions to the 
envoys to Pickering for revision and had received in response 
a letter of which Adams wrote, some years afterwards 2 that 
it was signed by all five secretaries, earnestly entreating him 
to suspend the mission. It was really signed only by Picker- 
ing and probably not approved of by Lee. Adams had also 
received two letters from Stoddert, urging him to come to 
Trenton at once and revise the instructions in person. 3 He 
jtated, in his later defence, that he "determined to go to 
Trenton, meet the gentlemen face to face, confer with them 
coolly on the subject and convince them, or be convinced by 
them." Three days after Adams's arrival, Ellsworth came 
rather unexpectedly and, on the 15th, Adams called the cab- 
inet together and carefully went over the instructions. His 
later impressions were that he found all the people in a sur- 
prising pitch of enthusiasm and expecting immediate news of 
Louis XVIII 's restoration and that he in vain argued against 
the possession of such views by the heads of departments. 
Both Stoddert and McHenry denied that there was any such 
discussion or that the subject of suspension of the embassy 
came into their meetings, which were merely devoted to revis- 
ing the instructions. Having "respectfully offered their opin- 
ion, their duty terminated." 

Hamilton had come to Trenton to consult with McHenry 
about Wilkinson/ and McHenry wrote, in after-years, that he 
had no reason to"suppose that he knew Adams was coming, nor 
did Hamilton ever mention to McHenry what passed between 
him and Adams at that time, nor whether anything was said 
respectin g the mission. Adams wrote that he found Ellsworth 

1 Lodge's Cabot, 206. See Adamis's letter to Ellsworth of September 
22. Adams, ix, 34. 

2 In letters to Boston Patriot. Adams, ix, 253. 

3 Adams, ix, 19 and 2 5. 



418 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xiv 

and Davie ready to embark and that Hamilton urgently dis- 
suaded him from sending the mission. 

On the morning of the sixteenth, 1 Adams sent Pick- 
ering orders to have the envoys depart for Europe imme- 
diately. The cabinet had not been consulted in regard to the 
matter of the immediate sending of the envoys, though Adams 
had previously left them in virtual charge of all the affairs 
of government for six months. 

'After years had passed, McHenry wrote of this act of 
Adams's and of his defence of it with a bitterness which time 
had not softened: 

"Throughout these letters 2 Mr. Adams affects to con- 
sider a President of the United States as every thing in gov- 
ernment and the heads of departments little more than mere 
clerks. I cannot subscribe to this hypothesis. Do not the 
heads of departments like him hold a high and responsible 
station in government? In offering advice to a President, do 
they not perform an incumbent duty. What more did we do? 
Less we ought not to have done. Not, therefore, to our rec- 
ommendations or advice, but to his own wayward disposition, 
his own wavering and changeable policy are to be charged the 
humiliations our country has since experienced." 

On October 18, Adams wrote McHenry thus from Tren- 
ton: 

"Sir 

"As a few Weeks only intervene between Us and the 
Meeting of Congress I request the favour of you to turn your 
Thoughts to the Subject of Communications both of Informa- 
tion and Advice necessary to be made to that Body at the 
opening of the Session : and in particular I propose a Sum- 
mary of the Rise, Progress, declension, and Suppression of the 
Rebellion in Pennsylvania. Every thing in the Indian De- 
partment and on the Mississippi as well as all other things 
relative to military Service necessary to be laid before the 
Legislature and, in general, your Sentiments on the State of 
the Nation at large & abroad will be very acceptable from 
Mr McHenry to his faithful humble Servant 

"John Adams" 

Three days later, 3 Hamilton, who had just returned 



1 Adams, ix, 39. 

2 Lodge's Cabot, 206. 

3 Hamilton, vi, 414. 



1799-1800] of James McHenry 419 

from Trenton, wrote Washington that Adams had determined 
to send commissioners to France, in which step Wolcott and 
McHenry were not consulted. He regrets it and hopes it 
may not lead to an alliance with France against her enemies. 

Pinckney, on his return from Rhode Island, wrote x 
Hamilton : ' ' The envoys are then to sail. I presume this must 
he a very deep measure — much too profound for my penetra- 
tion. ' ' On November 10, still smarting from the slight Adams 
had put upon his cabinet by not consulting them upon this 
important matter, 2 McHenry wrote Washington, having been 
too busy to do so before this date. The prevailing rumor of 
disagreement in the cabinet and the difference of opinion be- 
tween Adams and the heads of departments concerning the 
French mission is true. Adams had nominated Murray, early 
in the year ' ' without any consultation, or giving the least indi- 
cation of his intention" to any of the secretaries. Even if 
such a course were necessary, it was "such a departure from 
established practice as could not fail to excite considerable 
sensibility." During the summer, because of conditions 
abroad, the heads of departments presented to Adams "the 
propriety of a suspension of the mission." He took no no- 
tice of the subject of this letter, but a few days after arriv- 
ing at Trenton, ' ' convened the Secretaries to agree on instruc- 
tions and ordered the commissioners to sail. ' ' 3 He knew 
that, "three of the heads of departments have viewed the mis- 
sion as impolitic and unwise." Stoddert had joined in the 
summer's letter, but Adams does not class him with the other 
three secretaries and both Stoddert and Lee appear to enjoy 
his confidence. The president seemed especially displeased with 
Pickering and Wolcott, "thinking they have encouraged op- 
position to his plans to the eastward," but appeared to Mc- 
Henry less displeased with him and "received and treated" 
all the secretaries with "apparent cordiality." 

It is uncertain, McHenry continued, whether he will think 
it expedient to dismiss any of the cabinet. Lee and Stoddert 
are believed to think "he ought, and would, perhaps, if asked, 
advise the dismission at least of one. There are, however, 
powerful personal reasons, especially at this juncture, which 
forbid it ; and it is more than possible, as these chiefly respect 
the eastern quarter of the Union, they will prevail." Mc- 

1 October 2 5. 

2 Sparks, xi, 573. 

3 See McMaster, ii, 449, 490. 



420 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xiv 

Henry thinks, however, that "the evil does not lie in a change 
of Secretaries, as these may be replaced with good and able 
men, but in the mission, which, as far as my information 
extends, is become an apple of discord to the Federalists, that 
may so operate upon the ensuing election of the Federalists, 
as to put in jeopardy the fruits of all their past labors, by 
consigning to men, devoted to French innovations and demor- 
alizing principles, the reins of government. ' ' 

The election in Pennsylvania of October 10, in which 
McKean, the Republican, defeated James Ross for governor^ 
showed that the anti-Federalists were most vigilant. They 
have given a "false coloring to the intentions of government" 
and have made much of certain recent negotiations with Tous- 
saint in St. Domingo, whereby certain merchants were en- 
abled to sell him various needed goods, these supplies being 
sent in the same vessel which carried our agent. They also 
dwelt on the charge of ' ' British influence ' ' and Adams 's letter 
to Tench Coxe, stating that the appointment of Pinckney as 
minister to England was due to British influence, is shortly to 
be made public by the opposition. 1 All these causes made 
McHenry "confess I see more danger to the cause of order 
and good government, at this moment, than has, at any time 
heretofore, threatened the country." He appealed to Wash- 
ington to say what ought to be done. For his own part, he 
thought the dismission of Pickering and Wolcott would be 
unwise and considered the "wisest expedient" would be for 
Adams "to conciliate his ministers by a conduct, which does 
not reduce them, on great occasions, to ciphers in the govern- 
ment and, by this means, endeavor, at least, to restore mutual 
confidence and harmony of action." It is uncertain whether 
Adams will see this, or whether he will yield to "the irritation 
which his mind suffers from those who flatter him, or badly 
advise him." "I see rocks and quicksands on all sides and 
the administration in the attitude of a sinking ship. It will, 
I imagine, depend very much on the President, whether she is 
to weather the storm or go down." 

On November 17, Washington replied, 2 in the last let- 
ter he ever wrote McHenry. He has "been stricken dumb" 
by McHenry 's epistle and believes it better to "remain mute, 
than to express any sentiment" on these important matters. 



1 See C. C. Pinckney's Life of T. Pinckney, p. 170. 

2 Ford, xiv, 215. 







GEORGE WASHINGTON 

Reduced in size from miniature owned by the heirs of 
Dr. James McHenry 

(Copyright, 1907, The Burrows Brothers Company) 



1 



1799-1800] of James Mc Henry 421 

He has for some time x viewed national politics with an 
"anxious and painful eye. They appear to me to be moving 
by hasty strides to some awful crisis; but in what they will 
result, that Being, who sees, foresees and directs all things, 
alone can tell. The vessel is afloat, or very nearly so, and 
considering myself as a passenger only, I shall trust to the 
mariners, whose duty it is to watch — to steer it into a safe 
port." 

On December 14, 1799, Washington died. On the ISth, 
McHenry wrote Hamilton, 2 "You and I, on this solemn oc- 
casion, experiencing, in common with our fellow citizens, deep 
regret for our country's loss, have our sorrows lightened by 
a recollection of his friendship towards us both and the many 
days we have spent as members of his family and sharers of 
his confidence." The country should "show the most rever- 
ential testimonials of that profound grief with which every 
good heart must be penetrated at the loss of a citizen, states- 
man and commander, so eminently distinguished for virtues, 
talents, and services." 

The following order was issued to the army: "The 
President with deep regret announces to the army the death 
of its beloved chief, General George Washington, sharing in 
the grief which every heart must feel for so heavy and afflic- 
ting a public loss and desirous to express his high sense of the 
vast debt of gratitude which is due to the virtues, talents, 
and ever memorable services of the illustrious deceased, he 
directs that funeral honors be paid to him at all the military 
stations and that the officers of the army and of the several 
corps of volunteers wear crape on the left arm by way of 
mourning for 6 months." 

Washington's death put no conclusion to the strained re- 
lations between Adams and his secretaries. On December 
29, Wolcott wrote Fisher Ames, "The President's 3 mind is 
in a state which renders it difficult to determine what pru- 
dence and duty require from those about him. He considers 
Col. Pickering, Mr. McHenry, and myself as his enemies ; 
his resentments against Maj. Gen. Hamilton are excessive; 



1 He asks for further information as to the British influence charge 
against Pinckney, which is a "perfect enigma" to him. 

2 Hamilton, v, 38S. 

3 Gihbs, ii, 313, Hildreth, v, 371. The attack on McHenry on p. 
373 seems unfair. There is no evidence that he took the same position 
as Pickering. 



422 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xiv 

lie declares his belief of the existence of a British faction in 
the United States. 

"Among the officers of government there is a sensation 
of unhappiness. I do not know whether you are acquainted 
with Mr. McHenry ; he is a man of honour and entirely trust- 
worthy; he is also a man of sense, and delivers correct opin- 
ions when required, but he is not skilled in the details of 
Executive business and he is at the head of a difficult and un- 
popular department. The diffidence which he feels, exposes 
his business to delays and he sometimes commits mistakes, 
which his enemies employ to impair his influence." 

In November and December, Hamilton and McHenry 
were engaged in preparation of tactics, uniforms, and the 
needed revision of the articles of war, especially as to court 
martials and the punishment for desertions. 1 

Early in January, a number of reports were made to 
congress on military affairs. 2 Adams formally recommended 
a military school on the lines of Hamilton 's letter to McHenry. 
There should be a fundamental school for all officers, with a 
two years' course, and a subsequent course of one year each 
for the navy, for cavalry, and for infantry, and of two years 
for engineers and artillerists. He also recommended a modi- 
fication of the two regiments of artillerists and engineers and 
the establishments of three regiments in their places, one of 
horse artillerists, one of foot artillerists, and one of engineers. 
The report recommended revision of the militia laws and dis- 
cussed the artillery in French and Austrian armies, 3 show- 
ing close reasoning on the subject. Recommendation of forti- 
fication of harbors and dock yards was also made. The en- 
listments in the twelve regiments were reported, as well as 

,1 Hamilton, v, 3S4, 385, 386, 392. Hamilton suggests that officers 
ought to be required to provide their own servants and not be allowed to 
use the soldiers. 

2 State Papers, Military Affairs, i, 130. January 6, on expenses of 
the Springfield armory since its establishment in 1795. Military Affairs, 
i, 132. January 13, refers to Military Academy report. Military Affairs, 
i, 133, January 14. Military Affairs, i, 142, January 31. Annals of Con- 
gress, 1S00, Appendix, 1397, 1800-01 Appendix, 1415. An important letter 
from Hamilton to McHenry about the Military Academy is found in Lodge, 
vii, 179, onel on tactics on p. 187, one on uniform on p. 188, one on 
servants for officers on p. 189, one on the articles of war on p. 194 and 
two on accounting on pp. 197 and 203. 

3 The President requests the Secretary at War to have an Extract 
made from the Precis des evenemens militaires, translated into our lan- 
guage and printed of all those Parts which relate to the Horse Artillery, 
and to consider whether this system cannot be introduced into our military 
system and especially into a Militia Law or Volunteer Corps. When 
printed in Sufficient Numbers, the public attention will be turned to th& 
subject and our officers will be furnished with copies. 

January 9, 1800. [Note from Adams to McHenry]. 



1799-1800] of James McHenry 423 

the proposed revision of the articles of war and of the tactics, 
and increased pay was asked for the paymaster general. The 
supplemental report on the proposed military school shows 1 
wide reading. An extract from it is of interest. "Whether 
our country is to be plunged into a war, or enjoy, for a 
length of time, the blessings of peace and interior tranquillity ; 
whether the portentous events which have afflicted Europe, 
and, in their progress, threatened the United States, are to 
subside into a settled state of things ; whether the blessings 
of peace and the customary relations among the transatlantic 
powers are to take place, or hostilities shall be continued, 
protracted, and extended beyond their present limits ; in 
either view, it is equally a suggestion of policy and wisdom, to 
improve our means of defence, and give as much perfection 
as possible to such establishments as may be conceived essen- 
tial to the maintenance of our rights, and security from in- 
sults. The unavoidable collisions growing out of trade and 
the reciprocal restrictions of great commercial states ; the ap- 
prehensions and jealousies natural to powers possessing con- 
tiguous territory; the inefficacy of religion and morality to 
control the passions of men or the interest and ambition of 
nations ; the impossibility at times for governments to adjust 
their differences, or preserve their rights, without making sac- 
rifices more to be dreaded than the hazards and calamities of 
war — all these considerations, illustrated by volumes of ex- 
amples, teach the soundness of the axiom — si vis pacem para 
helium. And what time more proper to prepare the ma- 
terials for war, than a time of peace, or more urgent, than 
that in which a nation is threatened with war." 

On receipt of McHenry 's reports, William Pinkney 
wrote from London on the 20th of March, 1800: 

"I am much obliged by your enclosing me your excel- 
lent Report to the President on the subject of our military 
System. Of any thing contained in it, except its general 
principles, I am a very poor judge; but, so far as an atten- 
tive reading of it can authorize me to have any opinion, I 
should think the arrangements you propose will, if adopted,, 
be beneficial to a very important Extent. The Manner in 
which your Details are given must have the Merit of perspic- 
uity, for even I, who am as little of a military Man as it is 
well possible to be, believe that I perfectly understand them. 



1 Military Affairs, i, 142. January 31, 1800. 



424 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xiv 

»- ■ 

Your introductory Remarks, and those of a similar Nature to 
be found in different parts of the Report, are capable of 
being properly estimated by every Man of understanding — 
and of their Force & Solidity there can be no Doubt. I wish 
most cordially that they may produce their just Effect, and 
that the country may be indebted to your labors for the se- 
curity you aim at giving to it. 

"I w'd ask you to drop me a line now & then, when 
you shall have Leisure. It has been stated to me that you 
devote yourself to the Duties of your office beyond a due Re- 
gard to your Health — and I will not desire to put upon you 
the additional Burthen of writing to me. And yet, if at any 
Time a vacant moment sh'd occur in which it might be Relax- 
ation rather than Fatigue to tell a sincere Friend that you 
continue to think of him, I cannot avoid saying that you will 
gratify me much by so employing it." 

During January, the suspension of recruiting * was dis- 
cussed in congress and McHenry feared it would be ordered 
by the house, as occurred late in the month. 2 On February 
18, McHenry wrote Hamilton, enclosing the draft of the naval 
academy bill and telling him that the senate has "yielded to 
the supposed momentum of public opinion and stopped en- 
listments. The navy is to ingulph everything and it is cer- 
tain, should we give to it all our money, it cannot give us in 
return adequate protection. Both establishments are indis- 
pensible, I mean the military and naval. Some, however, 
think one of them sufficient and that, to undo the one, is to 
secure funds for the other. You find, by my report, that I 
have pursued a different course and presumed both neces- 
sary." 3 Hamilton wrote McHenry as to the question what isj? 

1 January 17 and 25, Hamilton, v, 400. 

2 Pickering writes concerning the salary of the chief clerk in the 
war department on January 22. January 13, McHenry joined all the cab- 
inet but Lee in signing a paper stating that John Randolph's contemptuous 
language towards the President requires censure. Adams, ix, 46 ; Hamil- 
ton, v, 396, 397. 

3 Hamilton, v, 401. On February 10, C. C. Pinckney wrote from 
Shepherdstown that soldiers should not dig a canal but study tactics. 
Hamilton wrote McHenry on February 19. 

"New York, Feby 19. 1800. 
"DMT ^ii* 

"I have read with great pleasure your letter to the Committee of 
Defence. It presents the subject in a very correct and interesting man- 
ner, such as I should expect much good from ; if I did not begin to think 
with Chief Justice Elsworth, that there is in a government like ours a 
natural antipathy to system of every kind. 

"Yrs. Affecty. 
"A. H." 



1799-1800] of James McHenry 425 

a separate military district and on the undue care, as it seemed 
to him, shown by the accountant in payment of money appro- 
priated to be used according to the discretion of the command- 
ing officer and directed by him to be disbursed by a subordin- 
ate agent. In such case, the "charges ought to be admitted, 
without difficulty, and the superior officer made responsible for 
improper directions, in his office or in his pocket, both ac- 
cording to circumstances." A month later, in a similar vein, 
Hamilton asks for sanction of a certain account, which neither 
paymaster nor accountant can adjust, l and called it a 
"fresh instance of the want of some interior regulation of 
your department, by which cases out of the general rules may 
be decided with due dispatch. Every day shows me, more 
and more, the embarrassments which, from the same cause, 
perplex and distress every military agent who has anything 
to do with directing or making expenditures. ' ' 

On March 21, Hamilton wrote 2 again that the accoun- 
tant was w r rong in saying that no authority, short of congress, 
can make allowances to an officer, beyond the emoluments 
fixed to his office by law. On May 5, we find Hamilton still 
objecting 3 to the accounting system of the war department 
and proposing to extend the functions of paymasters to pay- 
ing traveling expenses, postage, and stationery of officers of 
the line, expenses for apprehending deserters, etc. 

On March 1, McHenry, who felt himself too busy to do 
justice to the subjects, wrote Hamilton asking him to prepare 
bills (1) for the modification of the two artillery regiments, 
(2) for the fundamental school and the school of artillerists 4 
and engineers, (3) for other matters referred to in McHenry 's 
report which require legislation, (4) for a definition of the 
officers who are entitled to double rations. 

Hamilton wrote on that same day to Henry Lee: "Be- 
lieve me I feel no despondency of any sort as to the country. 
It is too young and vigorous to be quacked out of its political 

1 Hamilton, v, 402. February 28, 1801. 

2 Hamilton, v, 409. On March 19, McHenry told Hamilton he 
thought the accountant was wrong. 

3 Hamilton, v, 423. 

4 Ingersoll's History of the War Department, 35, states that the 
reports establishing the corps of engineers and the military were more 
ciear and convincing than those of any other head of the "War Department 
from the beginning. (See Stat, at Large, i, 552) Boynton's "West Point, 
18, says McHenry's military academy plans were "equally illustrative of 
the comprehensive and discriminating talent of their author and of the 
beneficial consequences to be anticipated from the establishment of a 
military academy." The bill failed in the house (Journal of 5th and 6th 
Congress, 634). 



426 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xiv 

« _l 

health and, as to myself, I feel that I stand on ground which, 
sooner or later, will ensure me a triumph over all my ene- 
mies." He was not sure how far enlistment had been sus- 
pended and wrote from New York on March 3, 1800 : 

"Private 
"Dr Sir, 

"I am told, though I really have not seen the law, that 
one has passed suspending the Recruiting Service for the 
Twelve Additional Regiments. You are aware that an in- 
struction from your Department ought to precede my agency 
upon that law. 

"Yrs. Truly 

"A Hamilton." 

McHenry replied, telling of the establishment of the 
quartermaster general's office in Philadelphia and of the sus- 
pension of enlistment. In the twelve regiments 8,418 non- 
commissioned officers and men were authorized ; but, by the 
last returns, ^only 3,399 had enlisted and there was, probably, 
enough clothing on hand to last through the year. As to the 
bills, Hamilton wrote twice, as follows : 

"March 8. 1800. 
"Dr. Sir 

"Herewith you have the draft of a Bill respecting the 
Corps & Engineers & Artillerists. I vary in mode but not in 
substance from your report by defining the Regiment of Ar- 
tillerists at its Complement (say four batalions &c.) and I 
suspend the organising & raising of one batalion. This 
comes to the same result & appears to me most correct & 
systematic. I leave a blank for the privates, suppose there 
may be a mistake in printing as I cannot make out the prin- 
ciple of 700 privates to three batalions 65 — (an odd number) 
to a company. Perhaps the actual establishment is a pref- 
erable standard say 48 per Company excluding Artificers, 
which for a full Regiment will amount to 768 

"I cannot endure your two Colonels to a Regiment of 
Engineers. Tis Monstrum horrendum informe &c. 

"Yrs. truly 

"A. Hamilton ' 

"I am preparing a third Bill." 



1799-1800] of James McHenry 427 

" March 9, 1800. 
"Dr Sir 

"Some ill health joined to much occupation has delayed 
longer than I wished The preparation of the Bills you desired. 
Herewith I send you one of them. 

"I regret extremely the dismembrement of the School of 
the Navy from the rest. Clear I am that all ought to be 
united under the Director General, who might himself be sub- 
ject to the orders of the Secretary at War in relation to the 
three first Schools, of the Navy in relation to the last. There 
is a manifest incongruity in the idea of a Fundamental School 
embracing the Navy and that of the Separation of the School 
of the Navy. This elementary institution may without im- 
propriety & with much advantage be united. 

"To be at the same place will facilitate instruction & con- 
duce to economy. To be at the same place without union will 
lead to collision & disorder. 

"I have not filled up the particulars to be taught in 
each School Your report seems to contemplate something dif- 
ferent from my plan & yet does not present the detail. That 
which was in my plan was maturely thought of. The most 
difference seems to be that you regard the business of the 
other Schools (except the fundamental) to be the application 
of what is learnt in the fundamental School to the practical 
purpose of the others. My plan supposes that it is not neces- 
sary or proper in the fundamental School to do more than 
give that elementary instruction which is equally necessary 
for all the corps — leaving the higher branches necessary for 
particular corps to be prepared in the appropriate Schools. 
The one idea or the other requires a very different distribution 
of the branches to be taught. You can easily fill the blanks, 
as you finally take the one or the other course. If you prefer 
the scheme in my letter, you will only have to insert from it 
verbatim, or nearly so, the objects to be taught in each School. 

"You will observe some auxiliary ideas incorporated, but 
they have an eye to the results in your report. The principal 
alteration is the latitude in the first instance as to the appoint- 
ment of Director General. I think it very probable that a 
more fit character for this important trust may now be found 
out of the army than in it. 

"Another difference is that small additional compensa- 
tions are proposed for Directors who may be Officers. It will 
be, I fear, impracticable to find fit men willing to undertake 






428 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xiv 

. _ 

the constant drudgery of these stations without some addition- 
al rewards. 

"Yrs truly 
"A. H. 
"I have put between Brackets what may be omitted to accom- 
modate the Bill entirely to your Report" 

On March 19, McHenry wrote Hamilton that he was try- 
ing to push the naval academy plan, but feared failure. Ten 
days later, he sent a copyl of the bill, as it came from the 
committee, adding the words "you forgot, when you thought to 
combine all into one plan," that "the little passions are great 
inter-meddlers in the most important affairs." 

Of Pinckney and his forces, we have two glimpses; in a 
letter from Hamilton to McHenry and in one from Pinckney 
himself to the secretary concerning the dismission of an officer, 
Hamilton writes: 

"New York March 17, 1800. 
"Dear Sir 

' ' General Pinckney has transmitted me confidentially the 
copy of a letter which he has written to you respecting the 
employment of the troops during the Ensuing Summer. I 
agree with him in the inexpediency of employing new troops 
in operations not military, as the digging of Canals &c and in 
the propriety of some extra compensations to any troops, who 
may be so employed, as a douceur and a guard against discon- 
tent. This will certainly disorganise the troops, before they 
are yet formed by a course of instruction and discipline, and 
it will prevent the introduction of a just military pride among 
them. 

"If our troops are to be continued, it were most eligible 
for them that they could be left without any other occupation 
than that incident to a course of instruction. But I am well 
aware that there are considerations which may oblige to a dif- 
ferent conduct. And I have reconciled my mind to the idea 
of drawing them in Brigades towards the principal points to 
be fortified on our Sea Coast, there to be engaged in working 
upon the fortifications, by detachment. This will not violate 
prejudices and the matter may be so managed as to leave a 
good deal of time for exercise. 

"General Pinckney has also mentioned a suggestion of 
yours on the point of allowances for travelling Expences to 
General Officers and their suites. The substance is that Gen- 
eral Officers should be allowed all reasonable extra expences & 






1799-1800] of James McHenry 429 

that the general regulations respecting extra compensations 
shall apply to the aides. He remarks on the difficulty of sep- 
aration — as one table must serve all &c. 

"I think the remark well founded & do not perceive how 
the discrimination can be reduced conveniently to practice. 
If adhered to — it must come to this that the Expenditures of 
the General and his suite, which are inavoidably blended will 
be included in an account — and credit given for the allow- 
ances to the aids — the ballance, if otherwise reasonable, to be 
paid to the General. This would be a complication without an 
object. 

1 ' With true esteem & regard 
"I remain Dr Sir 
"Yrs. Obedt Sr. 
"A. Hamilton." 

On March 7, Lafayette wrote from La Grange, commend- 
ing Madame de Fleury to McHenry and referring to Washing- 
ton 's death as depriving the world of "His Greatest Orna- 
ment." 

Murray, who had been so regular a correspondent, now 
writes rarely and we find only one of his letters dating from 
this winter. 

"The Hague 2d. Dec. 1799. 
"My dear Sir 

' ' I have received your favour of the 22d Octr. John, who 
is an excellent young man, has yours. We live happily. 

' ' With yours, I received some others ! ! ! I have reason to 
believe that my letters to Talleyrand of 5 & 18 May last make 
a noise against me. 

"Why in the name of Diplomacy & of all regularity were 
they given, as well as the assurances to the public, if at all 
given ? Why were they not more maturely considered in their 
character, properly speaking they were not — at least the first 
official, but private letters. I said I wrote by order of Gov- 
ernment ; but I was, in relation to the Govt, which I addressed, 
an Individual, a traveller, Unknown to it officially Mr. T. 
knew Mr. M. but I speak as a Diplomat, I say I was unknown 
as a man having authority to communicate the intentions of 
my Govt, to a foreign Govt, for the purpose of their doing a 
high Governmental act in consequence of such a communica- 
tion ! At most it is impossible to make my letter more than 
semi-official. 






430 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xiv 

"As to the air of pleasure with which it was written, I was 
to presume that success would be agreeable. It was to a Gov- 
ernment. No matter good or bad, hated or not. The career 
once opened, the incidents followed from the principle adopted. 

"The air of empressement which I gave then to a thing 
to be received from a man whom they did not officially know 
whose authority, nor they nor any but myself had seen — that 
air upon an occasion presumed to be agreeable — was, I aver in 
the true spirit of an inofficial letter of that sort & not repug- 
nant to that of an official one ! 

"If this affair have made a noise as I rather think it has, 
I beg you as a candid man — even if you too have thought 
these letters improper, to show this letter or rather to mention 
my grounds at least to the President & to Genl. Washington. 

"As to Pichon you will hear more of him. I have writ- 
ten to Harper yesterday. 

"Let what will come, I am ready. I have been greatly 
worry 'd here & injured in health & exhausted in Spirits, I 
have acted with Zeal & honour. I have not been inactive. I 
was ordered to be active, So I have as little to reproach me 
with as most men, who act in such times & with very little 
guiding. 

"It is impossible to say what Bonaparte means, ultimate- 
ly, he & Seyes. This is certain, that there are symptoms of a 
pacific principle at work. These may be the winter curtain 
to cover the preparations for another campaign ! There are 
other symptoms too — more moderation, more liberality in 
France — better Diplomats though Revolution men, yet mod- 
erates & some of the old aristocracy are sent abroad, Bour- 
going goes to Copenhagen. The Jacobins displaced. Many 
Emigrants of the Royal constitution of 1791 expressly rased 
from the list & permitted to return as the Maubergs (son of 
La Fayette) Leancourt — Genl. Valence (of Doumourier's 
family) &c &c & I believe soon La Fayette himself. No power 
in Europe will be disarmed by professions, & I pray that we 
may not be ! however, there may actually be more decency & 
more moderation of manner towards us or them. 
"I am alwavs affectionatelv vours 
"My dear Sir" 

Relations with the president continued outwardly pleas- 
ant although grown more formal. McHenry still attended 
the drawing rooms and, at one of them in April, Mrs. Adams 



1799-1800] of James McHenry 431 

told him that, if* any regiment went to Rhode Island, she hoped 
it would be the one W. S. Smith commanded. 1 

The president requested McHenry to send him a list of 
officers appointed in the recess of the senate 2 and asked him 
with the other heads of departments, if there should not be a 
public printer. McHenry took counsel with Chase 3 on the 
matter and answered, favoring the project, but doubting the 
power of the president to establish an office with a fixed com- 
pensation and suggested the passage of a law authorizing 
such an officer. The list of officers in the 12 new regiments 
was transmitted to the senate 4 on April 15, with the recom- 
mendation that vacancies in the old regiments be filled from 
the most deserving of the disbanded officers and that all vacan- 
cies, henceforth, be filled by promotion, as a failure to do this, 
has a bad effect. 5 

1 See Lodge, vii, 206. 

2 March 31, Adams, ix, 4>S. April 23, Adams, ix, 50. 

3 Samuel Chase's opinion reads as follows : 

"By the Constitution Act 2. Sec. 2. The president is authorised to 
nominate and with consent of the Senate to appoint certain enumerated 
officers, 'And all other officers of the United States whose Appointments 
are not herein otherwise provided for and which shall be established by 
Law.' But Congress may by law vest the appointment of such inferior 
officers, as they think proper, in the president alone, in the Courts of law, 
or in the Heads of Departments. 

"Is a printer to the President an Officer of the United States? if he 
can be so considered his office must be established by law and he must 
be nominated by the President to the Senate. 

"It is evident that there ought to> be a public Printer, not only to 
publish the Laws, and Papers which either Branch of the Federal Legis- 
lature should direct, but also State Papers, as Treaties, proclamations 
and official Papers of the different Departments, but foreign and Domestic 
Intelligence which the people might consider as authentic. 

"It seems to me that the President can exercise no Power as President 
not granted to him by the express Words of the Constitution, or neces- 
sarily implied by some expressions in that Instrument, he may appoint 
a Printer, to be called the Printer to the president but he can be consid- 
ered only as a private Person, and entitled to no Compensation, without a 
law ascertaining the Sum. If the Departments employ such Printer he 
will be paid for his Services and Compensation as they desire 

"I would suggest — as there is no Printer at Washington whether the 
Senate could not be induced to propose a bill to request & authorise the 
Senate to appoint from time to time some fit trusty or faithful discreet 
Person of unquestionable attachment to the Government to be Printer 
to the United States whose duty it should be to publish or to superintend 
the publishing of the laws of the United States, & all Papers which either 
Branch of the Legislature, or the President, or any of the Departments 
of Government should direct, and that he shall receive Compensation for 
all such services, and that the president be authorised to remove such 
printer, and to appoint another in his place. It will be said that the 
President wishes to create offices. If there is no appropriation of Money 
by law which can be properly and clearly applied to pay a printer ap- 
pointed by the President, a Clamor will be raised, that he misapplies 
public Money." 

July 8, 1799, Chase wrote McHenry and Charles Carroll of Carrollton 
asking them to withdraw their objection to bringing water to Baltimore 
from a Branch running through their lands. 

4 State Pacers, Military Affairs, i, 146. 

5 State Papers, Military Affairs, i, 152. On May 1, the war depart- 
ment asked the house for $100,000 for fortifications for the next year. 



CHAPTER XV 

FRIES 'S REBELLION AND THE WEST IN 1798 TO 1800 

IN the counties of Northampton, Bucks and Montgomery, 
Pa., the Germans resisted the officers, who came to meas- 
ure windows, preparatory to levying the new tax which 
congress had put on houses. Some of the rioters were arrested 
but were rescued from the marshal in Bethlehem by a party 
headed by one Fries. Adams issued a proclamation, ordering 
that this resistance be put down. Great alarm was felt in 
many quarters as to what the troubles might portend. When 
McHenry notified Hamilton of the insurrection, he acted at 
once and wrote : 

"New York March 16th. 1799 
"Sir 

"In compliance with the object of your letter of the 15. 
instant, I have put in motion two companies of Artillerists 
from Fort Jay (Henry's and Cochran's) who are to embark 
at ten this morning for Amboy and to proceed from thence 
by way of Brunswick to New Town in Bucks County. There 
(at Brunswick) Lt. Boote with his party is instructed to join 
them. The two companies., as they march, will exceed together 
seventy men, and will go provided with all necessaries except 
that the number of tents will be incomplete. If we had known 
the wants of Lt. Bootes party, they could not have been sup- 
plied from this place. Inclosed are the directions to him. 
Tomorrow you will be advised of the exact number of men 
and tents. 

' ' I trust you will excuse the deviation from your order as 
best calculated to fulfil its object. The march from West 
Point would have been attended with great difficulties and 
much delay. The River will speedily open and if necessary, 
the substitute can then be brought from West Point to Fort 
Jay. In the mean time, no inconvenience is likely to ensue. 

"A person will go by concert between Col Stevens and 
the Contractor, in the double capacity of Quarter Master and 



1798-180')] of James McHenry 433 

Commissary. He can easily do both duties. Perhaps indeed, 
the expense of such a person might have been saved, had there 
been a sufficient number of officers with the companies. But it 
has been impracticable to send more than one Captain and 
two Lieutenants. 

"I defer till tomorrow to give any order to Major Ford. 
Were it not that the presence of Major Hoops was requisite at 
a Court Martial which is to trye Captain Frye and Doctor 
Osborne, it would perhaps be more in order to send him with 
the major part of his Command, But this point is reserved. 
"With great respect & esteem 
"lam 
"Sir 

"Your obed Servt. 
"A Hamilton" 

A second letter from Hamilton written on March 18, 1 
said: "Beware, my dear Sir, of magnifying a riot into an 
insurrection, by employing, in the first instance, an inadequate 
force. Tis better far to err on the other side. Whenever 
the government appears in arms, it ought to appear like a 
Hercults and inspire respect by the display of strength. The 
consideration of expense is of no moment compared with the 
advantages of energy. 'Tis true this is always a relative ques- 
tion, but it is always important to make no mistake. I only 
offer a principle and a caution." Auxiliary cavalry can be 
gotten from middle states without interfering with farming. 

Harper wrote McHenry on the 26th: 

"So. 3d. Street. Mar: 26th. 1799 
"My dear sir 

"I am afraid that I shall appear importunate, but as you 
have done me the honour to communicate w 7 ith me on the 
subject of the insurrection, I trust you will excuse me for 
troubling you again with one or two remarks on the means 
of suppressing it. 

"I confess I shudder at the consequences which may 
result from attempting this business with too small a force. 
The people to be dealt with, are ignorant, biggotted, numerous, 
& united. Their leaders, who possess an intire influence over 
their minds, are committed to the full length of treason. They 
are impressed with an opinion that insurrection prevails ev- 
erywhere, and that the government, threatened on every side, 

1 Hamilton, V, 235; Lodge, x, 349; Lodge, vii, 68. 



434 Life and Co?'respondence [Chap, xv 

cannot collect a force sufficient to punish them. The counties 
implicated in the business contain, at least, three thousand 
effective men. From recent accounts, the spirit of revolt, 
and the boldness of the revolters, encrease with rapidity. Un- 
der these circumstances, can it be well to depend, even in the 
first instance, upon 240 horse, & a few companies of regular 
infantry, many of them new units, and the whole amounting, 
in all probability, to not more than 250 or perhaps 200 men? 
Would it not be safer & better, in every point of view, to put 
in motion, immediately, the whole of the Volunteers, and the 
requisite cavalry? This would be a force sufficient to over- 
awe the rebels, and, probably, prevent resistance. Should no 
more march than have been mentioned, it seems very probable 
to me that resistance will take place, many valuable lives may 
be lost, and the worst consequences ensue. 

' ' The General, I know, is empowered to call out a greater 
force, if after he advances towards the scene of insurrection, 
circumstances should seem to require it. But what effect 
must this have on the rebels? When they see a small force 
sent against them, and that done, halt through a sense of its 
own weakness, and wait for reinforcements, will they not be 
encouraged to prepare, and be allowed time for preparation? 
Will it not appear to them as a proof of weakness on the part 
of the government, which must encrease their audacity? 

"Besides ought the descretion, in a ease of this kind, to be 
transferred from the department to the Genl? ought he to be 
required to judge about the question of force? 

"It is with you to decide, and I am persuaded that you 
will decide wisely, on these various questions : but I cannot 
help expressing, in the strongest & most decided manner, my 
conviction that every principle of sound policy requires the 
whole of the volunteers & regulation cavalry to be put imme- 
diately in motion. Perhaps, instead of marching the whole 
force to the neighborhood of Bethlehem, it might be sufficient 
to advance about twenty miles, to some convenient point, and 
then send forward into the county a Detachment of Horse & 
infantry. But I should advise marching the whole to Bethle- 
hem in the first instance. 

' ' I am my dear sir, with great affection & esteem 
"Yours most sincerelv 
"Rob: G: Harper." 

Hamilton wrote 1 McHenry on March 29, that all the 

1 Hamilton, v, 240. 



1798-1800] of James Mc Henry 435 

regulars but one company had reached the first points of des- 
tination against the insurrection. "However slightly the 
present governor of Pennsylvania comes into contact with 
insurrection, there is delay in quelling it. " 1 

On March 30, McHenry wrote Washington of the proceed- 
ings of the troops against the "ignorant and mulish" insur- 
gents. 

Adams had gone to Massachusetts, whither McHenry sent 
him news of the insurrection and whence McHenry received 
cordial approval of his measures. 2 Fearing that the two 
companies of horse, which could muster only about 60 men, 
would not suffice, McHenry had submitted to the heads of 
the departments and the attorney general the expediency of 
calling on the governors of Pennsylvania and New Jersey to 
hold a respectable body of militia in readiness to march against 
the insurgents. The insurgents were soon dispersed, so that 
shortly thereafter Adams could congratulate McHenry on 
Gen. McPherson's success. 

"Quincy April 19 1799 
"Sir 

"I reed last night your favour of the 11 and thank you 
for the Copy, of General Macpherson's Letter and the list of 
the Prisoners. The Generals Conduct has been prudent and 
Successfull, and will terminate in the permanent tranquility 
of the People. 

"I return you Reeder's Letter and Jackson's address. 
Have these Democrats, a morality of their own ? or have they 
none? Do they really believe that lying is lawfull for the 
public good and that political Lyars have no part in the Lake 
of Sulphur and fire? I think that a Representative in this 
part of the Country convicted of setting his hand to such a 
Lye, would Suffer Something very like a roasting in the Lake, 
from his own constituents. 

"I inclose you Letters from Daniel Flint, John Cooper, 
and H. G. Otis, which I pray you to give the regular attention 
to. 

"Inclosed also is a Letter from Caleb Gibbs with Docu- 
ments Numbered 1-2-3-4-5-6. which you will also consider in 
their turn. 

"I have the honor to be, Sir your most obedient 

"John Adams" 

1 McKean, a Jeffersonian. 

2 Adams, viii, 632. 



436 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xv 

McPherson reported to MeHenry on May 3 that he ar- 
rived at Beading on April 20 and found the opposition broken. 
He dismissed the Lancaster troops on the 21st, but left the 
regulars in Beading and thinks other troops should be sta- 
tioned in Allentown and Easton. 

Great feeling had been aroused against Fries, as is shown 
in Tracy's letters. 

He wrote from Litchfield on the 6th of May : 

"The insurrection in Pennsylvania must be treated with 
severity, I suppose military execution was impracticable, but 
if some executions are not had of the most notorious offenders 
— I shall regret the events of lenity in '94 & '99 — as giving 
a fatal stroke to Government. . . . and much time cannot 
elapse before we shall all understand, that undue mercy to 
villains, is cruelty to all the good & virtuous. Our people in 
this State, are perfectly astonished, that cost must continually 
be incurred for insurrections in Pennsylvania for which they 
say they are taxed & yet no punishment is inflicted on the 
offenders. I am fatigued & mortified, that our Govt., which 
is weak at best, should withhold any of its strength at a time 
when all its energies should be doubled. 

"Have you any influence with the Prest of the United 
States? Why in God's name is not the Alien Law inforced? 
Why is old Letomb permitted to exercise, the functions of his 
defunct Consulship — in open defiance to all the shadow of 
Govt, we have? Do, my dear friend let 'we, the people,' know 
that you, the Executive, are willing to put Laws in force, at 
least when they are made to last but for a season, a little sea- 
son. Pardon me, I cannot intend to offend you ; but I will 
make you & all other Secretaries accountable for all the unae- 
countables of the Executive." 

He wrote again from Litchfield on the 20th of May, 1799 : 

" * * * Our Legislature is in session, Kentucky & Virginia 
Besolutions will meet their just answer — and all things prop- 
er for sound federalism will be done. I spent 8 or ten Days 
with them — in which time I did not, as I believe, weaken 
their faith or measures. 

' ' I thank you for the information respecting Fries &c — 
but I am in fear that something will occur to release that 
fellow from merited Death." 



1798-1800] of James McHenry 437 

On May 16, Adams congratulated 1 McHenry on the end 
of the rebellion and, on the 29th, the latter conferred on Ham- 
ilton power to continue or to remove troops from Pennsylva- 
nia, advising that a regular force be continual there for some 
time. Hamilton answered on June 6 : 

"I return Mr. Patterson's letter. It is not my intention 
immediately to withdraw more than Cochran's & Henry's 
Companies. The other troops may remain in the insurgent 
scene. I should prefer their remaining together. Perhaps 
the vicinity of Easton may be the best single station. But I 
am not without apprehension that the Troops may be cor- 
rupted by remaining long in a disaffected scene. Is there no 
well affected spot in the neighbourhood of Easton where they 
may answer the end? 

"Yrs. affectly 
"A H" 

In May, Hamilton had recommended 2 that soldiers be not 
stationed in the scene of the late insurrection and McHenry 
committed the matter to his judgment, though inclining to 
maintain a regular force there. In July, Capt. Adlum re- 
ported from Reading, recommending that the troops be con- 
tinued there and at Easton. The disaffected persons pass the 
soldiers in sullen silence and do not associate with them. He 
thinks Bucks and Northampton Counties a strong country, 
with many passes, of which it would be well to have a military 
survey, for numbers would join the French, if they invaded 
the country. The treason cases dragged along. Fries was 
convicted, awarded a new trial and convicted again. On 
Sept. 7, McHenry joined the other secretaries 3 in a letter 
recommending to the president that none of those condemned 
for complicity in this insurrection should now be pardoned. 
Adams, however, issued a pardon, being wiser than his coun- 
cilors in this matter. 

During 1798, no matters of much moment occurred in the 
west. In the early summer, McHenry received an interesting 
letter from James Ross, the Pennsylvanian federalist. 

"Pittsburg. 15 June 1798. 
"Dear Sir 

"I take the liberty of enclosing to you a pamphlet which, 



1 Adams, viii, 648. 

2 Hamilton, v, 261, 264. 

3 Adams, ix, 23. 



438 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xv 

5 

in my Judgment, is extremely well written, and the very im- 
portant subject handled in Manner not to be Answered. 

"The Spirit of our young men would be very easily 
brought into the Measure of association in Volunteer compan- 
ies under the Provisional Army law : this would have an effect 
upon political opinions & perhaps upon some of our Elections ; 
as this subject is now occupying your Attention, will you 
think of forwarding a sketch of what you would think the 
necessary arrangements and bond of association, in order to 
enable the President to appoint officers. It would of course be 
understood that the men would not be called to serve out of 
this Country except in case of extreme necessity. 

' ' Genl Wilkinson sailed with his Galley a week Since and 
we have heard that she passed Grave Creek on the third day 
after leaving this place. The Genl. has been decided and 
Zealous in his politicks here, and his examplary decision has 
produced some good effects here and has made proselytes 
among his friends of Kentucky who are frequently passing 
thro this place. I like his present opinions respecting the 
policy of strengthening the Mississippi & opposing by all 
means in our power the Introduction of the French into Flor- 
ida. Our people who have returned from thence lately say 
that the Spaniards are much alarmed at the report of the ces- 
sion to France. 

' ' It might be easily learned whether the Spaniards would 
not thank us for a cooperation in that quarter, as there is now 
a prospect of their quarrelling with France again. 

"We hear nothing from Tennessee — nor do I learn that 
?ny arrangements have been made by the Indians for remov- 
ing over the River Mississippi, as was suggested — on the 
other hand, there is reason to believe that the Spaniards are 
not at present in the humour of this migration. But this is 
on the Report of our traders. The fact may be otherwise. 

"Be so kind as to present my most respectful compli- 
ments to Mrs. McHenrv & believe me to remain very faithfully 
"Dear Sir 
' ' Your most obedient 
"Humble Servant 
"James Ross." 

Early in August, Lee answered certain questions Mc- 
Henry asked, concerning operations in the west. 



1789-1800] of James Mc Henry 439 

"Philadelphia 2 August 1798 
"Sir 

"I have given Mature consideration to the questions pro- 
posed in your letter of yesterday. 

"It is well established, as a general rule by the laws of 
nations, that one enemy may not attack another in a neutral 
territory ; but to this rule there are exceptions. One exception 
is, if there be imminent danger of a great mischief, which may 
not certainly be prevented, unless by entering into the neutral 
country and here meeting the enemy. In such a case upon 
the principle of necessity, this violation of neutral rights is 
excusable or justifiable. It must be left to the discretion and 
judgment of General Wilkinson to decide upon the circum- 
stances which may require an application of this exception to 
the general rule before stated and for a right Decision and 
conduct in this particular, he must consequently be respon- 
sible. At the distance of his army from the President, it is 
not proper to give any instructions more precise on this 
head. 

"You perceive, Sir, that I understand your questions as 
predicated on the idea that the french army is intended to 
invade the United States and to act against General Wilkin- 
son 's army : and my observations have been designed to answer 
both. The same necessity that will warrant our General to 
enter the Spanish territory and there oppose the french army, 
will certainly warrant him in opposing its passage up the 
Missisipi : or rather the opposition in the latter ease will 
be less objectionable than in the former, for the fourth article 
of our treaty with spain makes that river a high way open and 
free to both nations. 

"I have the honor to remain 
' ' very respectfully sir your 
"obedient servant 
' ' Charles Lee ' ' 

McHenry wrote Wilkinson at once, to stop any French 
troops ascending the Mississippi under the Spanish flag and 
to advance into Spanish territory, to defeat an advancing 
foe, if the danger of mischief be so imminent that it cannot 
otherwise be certainly prevented. He may not call out the 
militia. This must be left to the governor, but he may search 
craft probably carrying prohibited articles to New Orleans 



440 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xv 

and must report as to whether there should be a new post on 
the boundary, near the 31st parallel. l 

Nothing more is heard from the west until November 6, 
when McHenry writes Washington that Gayoso probably was 
in connivance with Z. Cox and made a population project with 
him. There is discontent in Natchez according to Wilkinson 
and the people are moving to Spanish territory. The pres- 
ence of judges, the settlement of the right to the soil and 
jurisdiction, the establishment of some principle by which to 
ascertain and fix individual rights to the land within the terri- 
tory are essential matters. 

On November 29, McHenry urged 2 Adams to send con- 
gress a message, which may lead it to declare war with France, 
suggested mention of the surrender of the posts on the east 
bank of the Mississippi by Spain, and recommended that the 
president be invested with power to seize Louisiana and Flor- 
ida on behalf of Spain, in case of danger that France seize 
them. 

On January 31, 1799, McHenry writes Wilkinson that he 
is forwarding supplies and a galley is kept ready for service. 
He regrets that Wilkinson called on the governor of Louisiana 
to surrender Cox, as this demand, which might become a con- 
gressional question, should have come from Washington. Wil- 
kinson must be careful not to make Gayoso unduly jealous. 
"We must consider the influence France exercises over the 
councils of Spain, be at all times on our guard against hostil- 
ities and, as far as possible, prepared to meet them, should 
the weakness of the latter oblige her to give to France posses- 
sion of Louisiana or the Floridas." Henceforth, Hamilton 
will give Wilkinson orders. The latter must let governor Ser- 
geant have any buildings delivered up by Spain for a court- 
house, etc., if the post be not thereby deprived of necessary 
accommodations. 

In the west, matters were fairly quiet in the last year of 
McHenry 's secretaryship. The galley, Senator Ross, caused 
some correspondence. 

McHenry felt Fort Massac was the better rendezvous than 
Pittsburg as the want of water at the latter place at certain 
seasons would prevent a descent of the river thence. He 



1 J. Adams, viii, 584. C. F. Adams says McHenry's letter to Hamilton 
against Wilkinson shows remarkable knowledge of projects against Spain. 

2 J. Adams, viii, 604. 



1798-1800] of James McHcnry 441 

thought Hamtranck, 1 commanding- at Fort Wayne, was too 
far from Ohio and that there should be a new distribution of 
authority there. 

Hamilton did not fear an invasion by the Mississippi and 
thought that one galley would not be of much use against in- 
vaders. He wrote to Hamtranck and sent a copy of this letter 
to McHenry from New York on May 2d, 17.0:* : ' 

"Dr Sir 

"Very much attached to the idea of leaving the com- 
manding officer of a distinct & distant army to regulate him- 
self his particular dispositions, I have referred the employ- 
ment of the Galley to Col Hamtranck, on the supposition that, 
by the departure of General Wilkinson, the command has 
devolved upon him ; with the intimation only of my opinion 
that probably the lower posts on the Mississippi offer the most 
natural position. 

"It seemed to me that this Galley would render more 
service as a kind of sentinel and an auxiliary defence to those 
posts than any other way — the invasion of the western coun- 
try, by a water expedition up the Mississippi, except the part 
immediately in the neighbourhood of the Spanish Territories, 
has never struck me as much to be apprehended — and if it 
shall happen, it will doubtless be with means against which a 
single Galley will be of little consequence. Hence the keeping 
her unemployed at Massac to wait the possibility of such an 
event appears to me not likely to counterract in utility the 
expense of building and equipping her. As a protection to 
an offensive movement on our part, the position below will 
be as eligible as higher up. 

' ' But not being aware of the views which may have influ- 
enced the building of the Galley, I sent a copy of my letter to 
you to enable you to do what you have done. And since you 
think it best that the Galley shall continue at Massac, till after 
a conference with General Wilkinson, and as it is not im- 
portant, in my opinion, that her destination be immediately 
fixed, I now send you another letter for Col Hamtranck, direct- 
ing him to permit her to remain at Massac till further order. 

"If General Wilkinson, as directed, shall have left the 
Western army for the Seat of Government, it is presumable 
that Col Hamtranck will have changed his own position, so as 

1 September 2 8, Hamtranck wrote concerning the drunkenness of the 
Indians at Detroit. 



442 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xv 

to be in one more convenient for communication with this 
Quarter & with the different posts under his command. I have 
acted on this presumption, though my letter is addressed to 
him where he was known last to be. But, at any rate, espec- 
ially in matters not urgent, I prefer delay to the breaking in 
upon the regular Military order. 

' ' With great esteem & regard 
"Dr Sir 

"Yrs Obedly 
"A Hamilton" 

In the above letter the following was enclosed : 

"General Hamilton respectfully transmits the Secry of 
War the copy of a letter to Col Hamtranek on the subject of 
the Galley. It will shew what has been deemed by him the 
most eligible step" 



"New York April 29th. 1799 
"Sir, 

"The secretary of War has informed me that a Galley 
'alcly built at Pittsburg, called the Senator Ross, has been 
by him ordered to Massac, there to receive further orders; 
The commander of the Western Army being from Situa- 
tion most competent to judge what will be the most, use- 
ful employment of this Galley, I leave it with you to dispose 
of her, as you shall think best ; observing only that the lower 
posts on the Mississippi would seem to me the most fit destina- 
tion. The Secretary of War having instructed the command- 
ant of Massac to pursue the orders I should give, I send you 
a letter to him directing him to obey your commands. 

' ' I think it most expedient for the present that the Galley 
should be officered and manned by officers and men to be de- 
tached from the line. I presume it will not be difficult to find 
those who have sufficient marine knowledge to answer the 
purpose. 

"With great consideration 
"I am Sir 
"Yr. Obedient Servt. 
"A Hamilton" 

McHenry gave no encouragement to white men who made 
illegal purchases of land from Indians. "The persons who 






1798-1800] of James Mc Henry 443 

have speculated illegally in Indian lands and who have 
excited them to complain to government, wn "l> no doubt, con- 
tinue to practice upon them and even to stimulate them to 
acts of hostility, should they consider such a proceeding cal- 
culated eventually to procure to them from the United States 
a title to their purchases." Such answer he made to the 
Chippewa, Ottawa, and Pottawatomie chiefs who came to 
Philadelphia. 1 

It was felt that the officers at the posts held too many 
talks with the Indians and spent too much money. Hamilton 
urged 2 purchase of lands from Indians to prevent collision 
with pioneers. ' ' Temporising measures, on a distant frontier, 
are often proper for a government which does not choose to 
keep on foot a considerable force, effectually to awe sedition 
and hostility." He wrote 3 to Hamtranck, by McHenry's 
orders, that the military must not intermeddle in Indian af- 
fairs. The governors of the Northwest and Mississippi Terri- 
tories are ex-officio superintendents of Indian affairs under 
McHenry and the military are only auxiliary, that is, "they 
determine when and where supplies are to be furnished to 
those people and what other accommodations they are to 
have." 

On the same day Hamilton wrote Wilkinson, who was at 
Natchez : 

"New York May 23d 1799. 
"Sir 

' ' I begin now to be anxious to learn that you had received 
my letter desiring you to repair to the seat of Government, iu 
conformity with an intimation from the Secretary of War, 
to the end that, with the aid of your lights and experience, a 
general plan for the arrangement of the affairs of the Wes- 
tern army, with an eye to the existing posture of our political 
concerns, might be digested and adopted. If by any accident 
that letter should not have gotten to hand, I must urge you 

1 May 18, May 22 Adams wrote W. S. Smith (Adams, viii, 652), 
concerning an Indian agent who complained against McHenry, directing 
Smith to send the papers to the Secretary. See IState Papers, Indian 
Affairs, i, 64«5. St. Clair on Indian Affairs. He was then superintendent 
of them. 

2 Hamilton, v, 259. See also Lodge, vii, 151 on situation of Western 
garrisons and p. 85 on purchase of Indian lands. 

3 May 23. Hamilton, v, 257. On the same day, in a third letter, 
Hamilton told McHenry he had directed Colonel Strong, if necessary, to 
withdraw the garrison from Mackinac. He wrote Strong on the 22nd, that 
he preferred to have Detroit made safe, rather than to fortify Mackinac 
and told him not to use martial law in Detroit. 



444 Life and Correspondence [Chap xv 

to lose no time in complying with its object. It left to your 
option to come by way of New Orleans, if you could obtain the 
needful consent there, and if you should think it the most 
convenient, and a perfectly safe route. 

"You will, of course, previous to your departure, leave 
the requisite instructions with the officer who is to succeed in 
the command, making the proper reserves as to those discre- 
tionary powers which a confidence personal to you may have 
dictated. 

' ' On the presumption that you would have left the West- 
ern army, 1 as is shown by Hamilton's letter of May 29, to; 
Col: Hamtranck as the senior officer of the army. 
"With great consideration 
' ' & esteem I have the honor to be 
"Sir — 

"Yr. obedient servt. 

' ' Alexander Hamilton ' ' 

There was some question as to what constituted the West- 
ern army, 1 as is shown by Hamilton 's letter of May 29, to 
McHenry : 

"The enclosed, my Dear Sir, was written on this idea 
that, though the Troops in Tennessee are annexed to the com- 
mand of General Pinckney, as far as a distinct supervision on 
the sea-board is concerned, yet they remain a part of the west- 
ern army and are subject to the general superintendance and 
direction of the commander of that Army. This connection 
seems necessary to the due course of service on the Western 
Quarter. There appears to be an intimate relation of objects 
between the troops in Tennessee and the other troops in the 
Western Quarter — as to the Indians and as to military opera- 
tions — and a necessity of mutual support, perhaps occasion- 
ally of detaching from the one to the other. If so the Troops 
in Tennessee can hardly be detached from the Western Com- 
mander and, in matters of common concern, he must extend his 
attention to all. If your idea be not radically different, if it 

1 Rivardi, the commander at Niagara, wrote Hamilton on August 
8, 1799. It was very hot, the thermometer standing at 98° F. "The 
surgeons of the British continue to attend our sick with the greatest atten- 
tion and appear to receive an obligation, while they lay me under one. I 
sincerely wish, however, to be soon able to decline their further good 
offices." McHenry on August 30, wrote Hamilton that he always adds 
temporary surgeons' mates when apprised that a garrison in the West or 
on the frontier wants them. 



1798-1800] of James McHenry 445 

extend not to a total separation of the Troops in Tennessee, 
this letter is proper. If it does extend to a total separation, 
then I will request you to exchange the words 'in Tennessee' 
and to add after dependencies ' except the troops in Tennessee ' 
and then to forward the letter. As to the troops on St Mary 's, 
I understand that they were never considered as forming a 
part of the Western army & so not included in the letter as it 
stands. Favour me with a line expressing what you shall have 
done 

"Yrs. Affectly 
"AH" 

On the Indian trade Wolcott wrote 1 McHenry on Au- 
gust 17, "My opinion has, you know, been somewhat different 
from yours on the subject of Indian trade. I consider the 
public establishments as in every respect nuisances, the capital 
must from the nature of things be lost. Abuses will be com- 
mitted by the public agents, sooner or later ; and it is impos- 
sible that the Indians should be well supplied. The interest 
and policy of the government, in my opinion, requires that 
the Indian trade should rest principally in the hands of a 
few men of capital." These would be interested in preserv- 
ing peace, which interest pedlars do not feel. "My plan 
would be to keep the trade in few but good hands, and to give 
up the public stores as soon as possible." During 1799, the 
boundary was being run between the United States and Spain 
and between the Cherokees and the whites in Tennessee and 
these matters caused McHenry much thought. The questions 
he had to consider may be seen from the following letter : 

"Hillsboro 30th of June 1799 
"Sir 

"The two letters you did me the honor to write me last 
month, I did not receive till the 20th Inst. Not knowing when 
the mail departed, I have lost a week in making you this 
acknowledgment. 

"The opinion I ventured to give you in my letter of the 
30th of July, & which you think worthy of some attention, was 
not without reasons, on which I thought I could rely. 

"Your inquiry points to persons; to this purpose what I 
am about to trouble you with, appears to me quite insignifi- 
cant, in your hands it may assume some value. 

1 Gibbs, ii, 247. 



446 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xv 

' ' To you who knoV the rise and progress of the Tennessee 
settlements, so much better than myself, it would be superflu- 
ous to mention it, however concisely. The happiness to be I 
attained by the orderly and peaceful establishments & pursuits 
of society are not the objects those settlers were in search of ' 
— this you have seen and felt, & against their turbulent temper 
have been constrained to afford protection to the Indians — ] 
this corrective to their conduct has worked no reformation | 
on their minds — they burn with indignation at the restraints 
put upon their avidity for the Indian lands. 

"The Indians on their part, have nothing so much at 
heart as to retain their lands, & keep as far from the Tennes- ' 
see people as possible. When it is considered that, hunting j 
is the chief object with the Indians, whether for sustinence or 
recreation, & that, as the game decreases, its value is enhanced, , 
it cannot be believed they will willingly contract their sphere ■ 
& diminish the chief source of all their joys and comforts. 
The bloody fellow said 'We will not sell a foot of land for • 
that boat' (pointing to a large barge) full of dollars 'Weighty 
as these reasons are on the side of the Indians, there is yet ; 
another not less operative ; the lands they part with furnish 
an increase of numbers & power to those who, for many rea- 
sons, they regard as their principle of decay' & the probable 
means of their final extinction. Ideas like these, I know, 
some of the most sensible of the Cherokees do really entertain ; 
Doublehead once said to me 'I know I must die by the h^nds 
of these men, but it will be in contending for my right. ' They 
know and acknowledge that the people of Tennessee are able 
to destroy them, and with it are well convinced they are will- 
ing to do it. 

' ' On the federal Government alone they build their hopes 
they seemed confident in its justice & humanity & no way diffi- 
dent of its power. The last talk we gave the Indians, was of 
a more serious nature than any which preceded ; the effect was 
apparent. It was intimated that their friendship for the 
United States was doubtful and we feared they intended to 
withdraw their affections from our Father the President --- 
the bloody fellow was greatly affected, & with a countenanr i 
denoting excessive anxiety & in a manner that imposed con'A- 
denee said, 'I have taken the President fast by the hand as m* 
Father & I never will quit it.' After the conference was ov< + 
the chiefs severally & at different times, said they hoped we 
were yet friends, & we begged them not to doubt of it. 



1798-1800] of James Mc Henry 447 

"I had taken my leave of those with whom I was best 
acquainted & never expected to see one of them again : In the 
levening Bloody Fellow & Doublehead came together to our 
[house, saying they did not like the way in which we parted 
and that they came to spend the evening with us in friend- 
ship. They began with some advice to Mr. Steel, respecting 
hi? rout to Natches, by putting him on his guard against a 
danger to which he was exposed, in passing thro' the Indian 
country as he had intended, & offered to conduct him a safe 
way by water. 

"Doublehead asked if I should return to the treaty, I 
said I should not, at which he seemed sorry (for he had de- 
dared himself my friend) I expressed my sorrow at leaving 
them in such ill temper towards our people & desired him to 
think well on what I had several times mentioned to him, in 
our private conversations; he said he had been doing it, & 
that he & Bloody fellow, had come on purpose to let us know 
it ; that they had been deceived ; Had they known at first what 
they then did, they believed things would have been other- 
wise; that they had wished to meet again (which before they 
seemed not inclined to do) & they hoped the treaty would be 
happily concluded. We talked over the subject of the bound- 
ary, & I understood the treaty made is, in this respect, exact- 
ly what those two Indians seemed willing to agree to. 

"I am perplexed with the Bloody fellow's story to you, 
be -.use by that, it seems, they believed the United &£ates-were 
desirous to purchase their land & water too. Yet£Me did re- 
peatedly express his doubts of our Mission -y required the 
Commissions to be shown and read. After : they were read 
some of them said the white people could write anything & 
impose on the Indians, who could not read ; they then examin- 
ed the seals — & Dinsmore and Col. Butler w"ere called on to 
vouch for the authenticity of the Commissions — an argument 
too was drawn, from Col Butler's attending us with the fed- 
eral troops — all this did not entirely dispel their doubts, for 
after this, Bloody fellow said, we did not speak the language of 
the President, but of 'those men' (pointing to the Tennessee 
commissioners) some notice being taken of this, he said, he 
< :cl not mean those men, but others, pointing towards Knox- 
-ille. 

"Doublehead, in a conversation, which I did not choose 
tO trust to any other interpreter than his own Nephew, inti- 
mated his suspicions that, the Commissioners were but lab- 






448 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xv 

curing f or their own particular interest ; that some of them 
had larger claims on the Indian lands. I answered for my- 
self that, I neither had, nor intended to have, a foot of land 
in that country & I believed my colleagues were equally clear ; 
he shook his head & pointed to Mr. Walton and said he came 
from Georgia : I told him he was wrong, but he retained his 
opinion & said the President did not want to buy the land. I 
asked who informed him of these things — he said my ear 
could not receive anything from his mouth & this secret he- 
would not intrust even to his Nephew. 

"I have not a paper with me relative to the Treaty of 
Jellico & may have forgot some other facts, but these con- 
vinced me, that the Indians had been misled, respecting our 
Mission. How and by whom, this has been done, you earnestly 
inquire. I am unable to answer :, at least in the way that 
might assist your researches & satisfy my inclinations. I will 
do the best I can. 

' ' On my way to the treaty I heard repeatedly that Govr. 
Sevier ought to have been a Commissioner & that he was im- 
properly neglected by the federal Government : some added 
that Mr Blount should have been appointed, on account of his 
great experience in Indian affairs & his personal influence over 
the Cherokees. At Knoxville I conversed with both these 
gentlemen & Mr. Blount told me the Indians would sell the 
land which has since been purchased. I believe the Gov. said 
nearly the same thing & believe both told me they had seen & 
talked with some of the chiefs. 

"It was said a Col. or Major somebody (I forget his 
name) was seen at times, among the Indians & that he was 
sent by the Govr. & Mr. Blount, it was said that Watts had 
been with Mr. Blount & had reed, from him a good deal of 
money, but this was mere report. 

"Commissioners were sent to the Treaty, to watch over 
the particular interest of the State of Tennessee. I under- 
stood it was done by the Govr. They furnished us with sev- 
eral lengthy memorials, which we supposed were intended to 
embarrass us. They often and at improper times, as we were 
told, had the Indians with them. One of their Commissioners 
was a gentleman from Georgia very recently removed to Ten- 
nessee. The secretary to that Commission, was also a Geor- 
gian adventurer with Mr. Coxe, & left intrusted very confi- 
dentially with the managment of his affairs. 

"As the schemes of Mr. Coxe & his companions were 



1798-1800] of James McHenry 449 

altogether desperate, while peace remained & as something 
might be hoped for from war & disturbance, their all seemed, 
therefore, to depend on things being brought to this condition 
to answer good purposes in the treaty a more improper person 
could not have been selected, to fill the place of Secretary. 

"I am at a loss to point my suspicions. Coxe's people 
may have proved conspirers for their own interests. The 
Govr. may, at least, have been pleased to see the treaty fail in 
our hands ; so it may have been with Mr. Blount — many 
others in Tennessee had views no way suited to peaceful com- 
pacts with the Indians — be assured they want all the land 
and not a part. A militia Captain, his name I believe is Cox, 
being asked what would satisfy the people, said that, for the 
present they wanted all the land to the Tennessee River: but 
said he, to be candid, I dont believe that will do long; we 
shall force the Indians over the Mississippi & perhaps may 
follow them there. Captain Cox is not singular in these senti- 
ments — they are not inspired by influential men ; no man will 
have influence there, who does not entertain them, or some- 
thing like them — in this they see their exaltation and a 
means of gratifying ambition & avarice; hence springs the 
under current which crosses your purposes. 

"The Federal Government overshadows their firm pros- 
pects with a dark & deadly gloom ; while peace remains, scarce 
a ray of hope appears to comfort them : their policy is to alien- 
ate the United States from the Indians & they will not be too 
scrupulous in the means. 

"Whoever shall have the address to effect this, will rise 
high in the estimation of his countrymen — the very desire 
to do this attacks their confidence and affection. War is de- 
sirable; add only the money of the United States to carry it 
on and nothing more remains to be asked for, at least for the 
present. 

"You will not understand me to speak thus without any 
exception ; doubtless, there are many who differ widely from 
those I have described; but these are the active, enterprising 
men, they possess the energies of the state and will govern it 
— among such numbers and with such motives to thwart our 
negotiation, I know not where to look for such an accumula- 
tion of circumstances as will mark out & distinguish particular 
offenders. 

"You have commanded me, Sir, to write confidentially to 
you & I have done so ; this letter has insensibly grown beyond 



450 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xv 

my expectations : I have to regret that other duties call me off 
without leaving me time to correct or make it more intelligible, 
if further explanation should be required, you have only to 
speak & shall be obeyed. 

"Should it be thought that, for a Commissioner, I have 
failed in acquiring necessary information, my apology will 
be found in the peculiarity of my situation. Ignorant of the 
Indian language, the Indians ignorant of mine, not an inter- 
preter to be trusted on either side & abstracted from every 
white man who might be able & willing to give me intelligence 
— such was my situation, from the first moment I heard of 
any attempt to counteract us until the treaty adjourned. 

"What you injoin respecting military appointments for 
the eventual army, shall be obeyed: for that army you can 
have whom you please. I shall soon see Govr. Davie & will 
talk with him on the subject. 

' ' With very great respect I am Sir 
"Your most obt. sevt. 
"Alfred Moore" 

Hamilton l felt that a passion for building permanent 
forts existed and should be restrained. Wilkinson had al- 
ready spent $80,000 on Loftus Heights, which was started im- 
properly and without submission to the president before Ham- 
ilton became major-general. McHenry would have advocated 
a smaller fort there and did not believe in large forts. Ham- 
ilton thought, however, that McHenry was too exacting, in 
wishing all plans submitted before they are carried out, and 
wrote, 2 " I cannot adopt the opinion that every measure, in 
all circumstances, which may involve considerable expendi- 
ture, should be submitted through the Secretary of the ap- 
propriate department to the President for his approval and 
that, without such approval formally and explicitly announc- 
ed, no act leading to its execution should take place. A precise 
rule for distinguishing the different cases is impracticable ; it 
must be a matter of sound discretion and of fair confidence 
on all sides." 

McHenry stood his ground 3 and felt that too much had 

1 November 10 W. S. Smith wrote Hamilton on religious services 
among the troops. He had the minister of the parish in which his regi- 
ment is encamped preach last Sunday and wishes to employ him regularly. 
He will preach cheaply and render the employment of any other chaplains 
unnecessary. 

2 Hamilton, v, 360, 371 ; Lodge, vii, 170. 

3 See Hamilton, v, 401. February 21, 1800. Letter to McHenry on 
the Western army. 






1798-1800] of James Mc Henry 451 

been spent on Loftus Heights and that every act involving 
considerable expenditure should be transmitted to the presi- 
dent for approval and without this approval no act should take 
place. To Hamilton's claim that exceptions were necessary, 
McHenry answered, "True, in the active scenes of a cam- 
paign amidst the hurried operations of war, in which success 
often depends upon promptitude and when the general quoad 
hoc is the centre of information, the rule must be often dis- 
pensed with and so, in a degree, upon a sudden or imminent 
well grounded expectation of attack, using a sound discretion 
and upon the responsibility of the officer or commissioner. ' ' 

In October, Hamilton suggested that the number of west- 
ern posts be reduced. McHenry agreed to this, provided, (1) 
we keep possession of those which, in the hands of foreign 
power might be disputed as our right; (2) we keep up our 
influence with Indians and in case of war check them and cov- 
er the settlements; (3) we keep enough to observe operations 
of and in war be barrier and annoyance to white neighbors; 
(4) we secure the allegiance and obedience of citizens remote 
and exposed to the insinuations of foreign emissaries and mis- 
guided or treacherous citizens ; ( 5 ) we protect the passage at 
the confluence of great rivers, both with military view and 
to afford facilities to and excite trading enterprise. 

Just before leaving office, McHenry made a report to the 
house of representatives, in which he discussed the subject of 
Indian rations which are given from the army stores, 1 rec- 
ommending a separate arrangement and treating the ques- 
tions of the visits of Indians to the seat of government, which 
McHenry had tried to render less frequent. He also tried to 
establish more resident agents and discussed the cost of trans- 
porting the Indian annuities. 

1 May 20, 1799, he wrote Winthrop Sargent, governor of Mississippi 
Territory, that the federal government would reimburse him for his ex- 
penses for an interpreter and for provisions for the Indians, but McHenry 
wishes him to keep a careful account and not be wasteful. 



CHAPTER XVI 

THE FEDERALISTS IN THE PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN OP 1800 

AS Adams's presidential term drew towards its close, the 
Federalists in congress held a secret caucus in the 
senate chamber, at which it was agreed that they would 
support the president for reelection and would vote also for 
General Charles Cotesworth Pinckney of South Carolina. It 
was intended that Pinckney should be the vice president, but 
the federal constitution at that time provided that each elec- 
tor should vote for two persons for president. The person 
receiving the highest number of votes became president and 
the one receiving the second number vice president. Thus it 
was possible for either nominee to succeed to the presidency, 
if the party's representatives in the electoral college did not 
vote, unanimously, for both nominees. 

The Federal enthusiasm produced by the X. Y. Z. let- 
ters had cooled, the alien and sedition acts were unpopular, 
the lack of sympathy between the president and Hamilton be- 
came more marked, especially after the death of AVashing- 
ton. In the cabinet, Pickering and Wolcott were unfriendly 
to Adams and leant towards Hamilton. McHenry was so 
upright that, though he was Hamilton's dearest friend, Adams 
could make no charge of underhand dealing against him. 
But the fact that he was Hamilton's friend, tended to make 
him more and more distasteful to Adams. In the early days 
of May, 1 came news that the election in New York had been 
lost to the Federalists. This still more aroused Adams's hos- 
tility to Hamilton, whom he thought to have contributed to 
the defeat, because of enmity towards him. It was also sug- 
gested that Adams thought that a breach with Hamilton and 
his friends, from whom he could now gain nothing, would 
help him in the South and rumors spread that Adams would 
try to secure his own reelection with Jefferson as vice presi- 

1 See Hildreth, v, 370; J. Adams Works, i, 566; Hamilton's works, I, 
edited by J. C. Hamilton, 714 ; Lodge's Hamilton, vii, 349. 



1800] of James McHenry 453 

dent. 1 Then too Adams must have felt that he wished ad- 
visers who would sympathize more closely with his views as 
to the reduction of the military system. 

Adams had "learned to cherish some regard" for Mc- 
Henry "in his personal intercourse," but felt that it was to 
Hamilton that the secretary of war "habitually deferred as 
the arbitrator of his official administration. To him, he looked 
and not to Mr. Adams as the guide of his political system." ' L 

Yet on the morning of May 5, when Adams sent this note 
to McHenry, "The P. requests Mr. McHenry 's company for 
one minute," there was no new cause for a breach with him 
and, but for Adams 's failure to control his temper, that inter- 
view might have passed as many previous ones. 

In a letter written, on May 20, to his nephew, John Mc- 
Henry, at The Hague, 3 McHenry stated that he had. ' ' with 
the privity of the President, taken a house in Georgetown a 
few weeks previous to the event & made arrangements for 
the removal of my family thither." The cabinet had been 
"disjointed" ever since Pickering, Wolcott, and McHenry had 
opposed the president, thinking that "the mission to France 
might have been happily dispensed with, ' ' while Stoddert and 
Lee agreed with Adams. McHenry thought he had perceived a 
"new set of principles" introduced and that the "acts of 
administration were, as far as practicable, to be made sub- 
servient to electioneering purposes. Every day increased 
Adams's alarm on this subject and his distrust of those gentle- 
men near him who did not constantly feed him with news or 
hopes, nattering to his election. At times he would speak in 
such a manner of certain men and things, as to persuade one 
that he was actually insane. For my own part, I had never 
taken a single step to depreciate his character, or prevent his 
election, or expressed any public disapprobation of the mis- 
sion. " The arrangement that both Adams and Pinckney 
should be supported equally for the presidency, increased 



1 On July 17, C. C. Pinckney wrote to Hamilton asking- if these rumors 
"were true. See Pickering's Examination of Adams and Cunningham's 
letters, 93. 

2 Adams, i, 566. I have found no proof of C. P. Adams's statements 
that McHenry's conduct was "subject to vacillation and change, under 
the disturbing force applied from time to time by the will of the President 
himself. The effect was to present to the world an appearance of irreg- 
ularity and uncertainty, which materially contributed, to shake confidence 
in the system of the administration. These symptoms became more per- 
ceptible, as the difference between the President and Mr. Hamilton became 
more wide," or that McHenry's "Deference to the wishes of Adams became 
cold, reluctant and dilatory." 

3 Gibbs. Administration of Washington and Adams, ii, 346. 



454 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xvi 

Adams's apprehensions, as he feared it was "an abandon- 
ment of his interest." 

When McHenry came, Adams spoke first of business, in 
connection with the purveyor of supplies, and when that was 
disposed of, the president, smarting under the fresh news of 
the New York defeat, ' ' was led on to say many unguarded and 
some harsh things, that might have been omitted. ' ' It was a 
long and stormy conversation, in which Adams seemed to 
McHenry ' ' indecorous & at times outrageous. ' ' Adams charg- 
ed McHenry with influencing Washington to place Hamilton 
before Knox on the list of generals, with eulogizing Washing- 
ton at Adams's expense, with failing to appoint to a captaincy 
in the army a North Carolina elector who had voted for Adams, 
and with attempting, in a report to the house of representa- 
tives, to eulogize Hamilton, who contributed to the loss of the 
election in New York out of ill will to Adams. Further, Mc- 
Henry had joined with the other secretaries in signing a let- 
ter to Adams, concerning the suspension of the mission to 
France. How should he or they, presumptuously, intermeddle 
or pretend to know anything of diplomatic affairs. McHenry 
had best resign. It was a pitiful exhibition of rage and 
spleen and Adams afterwards regretted that he had "wounded 
the feelings" of McHenry. The latter promptly resigned, l 
sending his letter of resignation on the sixth, and asking that 
he might remain in office for a few days to complete unfinished 
business. This resignation Adams accepted in the following 
note of the 7th of May: 

"Sir 

"I have received the Letter you did me the honor to 
write on the sixth day of this month, and consider the re- 
quests contained in it as very reasonable. 
"They are readily agreed. I am Sir 

"with much esteem, your most 
"obedient and humble Servant 
"John Adams" 

Brown well sums up McHenry 's official career in the 
war office 2 in these words : ' ' His management of it was 
marked more by fidelity & industry, than by any conspicuous 

1 May 7, Sedgwick wrote Hamilton that Marshall had been nominat- 
ed as secretary of war but would not accept. "He was never consulted & 
had no intimation that McHenry was to retire." Hamilton, vi, 438. 

2 Life of McHenry, p. 35. 



1800] of James McHenry 455 

talent for conducting the complicated affairs of a great de- 
partment. ' ' McHenry 's letter of resignation to the president 
concluded thus : ' ' Having discharged the duties of Secretary 
of War for upwards of four years with fidelity, unremitting 
assiduity, & to the best of my abilities, I leave behind me all 
the records of the department, exhibiting the principles & 
manner of my official conduct, together with not a few difficul- 
ties I had to encounter. To these written documents, I cheer- 
fully refer my reputation as an officer & a man. ' ' x 

In his tract, entitled the "Public Character of John 
Adams Esq., President of the U. S.," printed six months 
later, Hamilton wrote the "ill treatment of Mr. McHenry 
cannot fail to awaken the sympathy of every person well ac- 
quainted with him. Sensible, judicious, well informed, of 
an integrity never questioned, of a temper, which, though firm 
in the support of principles, has too much moderation & 
amenity to offend by the manner of doing it — I dare pro- 
nounce that he never gave Mr. Adams cause to treat him, as 
he did, with unkindness. If Mr. Adams thought that his 
execution of his office indicated a want of the peculiar quali- 
fications required for it, he might have said so with gentle- 
ness & he would have only exercised a prerogative, entrusted 
to him by the Constitution, to which no blame could have 
attached, but it was unjustifiable to aggravate the deprivation 
of office, by humiliating censures & bitter reproaches. ' ' 2 

Between McHenry 's resignation and his retirement, 3 
Adams and Wolcott were together and the former introduced 
McHenry 's name into the conversation, stating that he con- 
sidered him a "gentleman of agreeable manners, of extensive 
information, & of great industry; that he verily believed" Mc- 
Henry 's "hands were pure;" that he was "happy in under- 
standing" that McHenry 's "circumstances were affluent" and 
that the loss of his office would not distress his family; "if 
any suitable office should become vacant," Adams said "he 
would with pleasure confer it upon ' ' the late secretary of war. 

Adams 's attack on Hamilton was unwise, for the latter 4 
recently had written Sedgwick "To support Adams & Pinck- 
ney equally is the only thing that can possibly save us from 
the fangs of Jefferson. It is, therefore, essential that the 



1 Unfortunately they were burned within the year, see note on page 
476. 

2 Hamilton, vii, 717. 

3 Gibbs, ii, 395, 409, 410. 

4 Hamilton, vi, 436. 



456 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xvi 

> — - 

federalists x should not separate without coming to a distinct 
& solemn concert to pursue this course bona fide." 

On May 7, Hamilton urged on Governor Jay 2 that 
the New York federal state legislature be called, before it was 
succeeded by the anti-federal one just elected so as to pass a 
law for ' ' the choosing of the electors by the people in districts, 
a measure which he believed would secure a majority of elec- 
tors in the country" for a Federal candidate. He feared that 
Pinckney would not be supported by the Adams men and 
wrote that, if both are "upheld in the East with entire good 
faith, on the ground of uniformity, I will, wherever my influ- 
ence may extend, pursue the same plan. If not, I will pursue 
Mr. Pinckney as my sole object." 3 

Just at this time, on May 7, Pickering wrote to William 
Smith at Lisbon telling him of the Jeffersonian victory in 
New York, whose twelve electoral votes will probably be cast 
for the Republican candidate. "This will, doubtless, turn 
the scale of the Union in favor of Mr. Jefferson. The only 
chance for a Federal president will be by the election" of 
General Pinckney. He will be "voted for in the Carolinas with 
Jefferson and will be elected, if the New England states keep 
him on their votes. There is some danger that part of the 
Massachusetts votes may omit General Pinckney, unless the 
train of information between this time and the election of 
president should convince them of the impropriety of contin- 
uing Mr. Adams. Here we see the beginning of a plot, 
which was considered all through the campaign and might 
have succeeded, if Pinckney would have lent himself to it. 

Adams, having begun his attack on Hamilton's friends, 
continued it by asking Pickering for his resignation and, 
when he refused to give it, promptly dismissed him. The 
news of McHenry's resignation came as a surprise to all. On 
hearing of it, Chase wrote him on May 12 from Annapolis: 

"Dear Sir, 

"I was surprised to see in the Papers your Resignation. 
I imagine this Resolution was suddenly taken, at least it was 
to Me very unexpected. I am really sorry for it, and feel a 
Wish to know the Cause. I also see in Fenno that the Anti- 
federal Ticket has prevailed in N. York, & his opinion that 

1 i. e. those in congress. 

2 Hamilton, vi, 438. 

3 Hamilton, vi, 441. Letter to Sedgwick, May 10. 



1800] of James McHenry 457 

this event ascertains that Mr. Jefferson will be elected. I 
wish you would give Me your Idea, and the State of the 
Votes as You expect it will be in each State — I expect to 
close the Session of this Court on Saturday next — direct to 
Me — Baltimore, & if I am gone, I shall direct it to follow Me 
to Richmond — I hope you can justify your Resignation, at 
this Time." 

The nobility of McHenry \s character is clearly shown in 
the letter he sent to Hamilton * on May 13, conveying the 
news of his resignation: "I have the honour to communicate 
to you that, on the 6th. instant, I requested of the President 
of the United States permission to resign my office of Secre- 
tary for the Department of War. To the above request, I 
added a proposition that my resignation be considered as to 
take place on the first of June next, in order that I might 
be for a short time, in a convenient situation to explain to 
him, or to my successor, any of the measures taken by me as 
Secretary of War that might require elucidation & also the 
inducing motives to some of them, which were known to my- 
self. The President answered that my requests were reason- 
able & readily agreed. I am making my arrangements for the 
removal of myself & family to Baltimore & shall not continue 
in an official station longer (if so long) than the 1st. of June." 
Such a letter naturally mystified Hamilton, who answered 2 
it from New York on the 15th: 

"If, My Dear McHenry, your retreat is from any cir- 
cumstances painful to yourself, I regret it with all the Sin- 
cerity of a real friend ; otherwise, I congratulate you. It is 
impossible that our public affairs can proceed under the pres- 
ent chief or his Anti federal rival without loss of reputation 
to all the Agents — Happy those who are released from the 
fetter. 

' ' But my friend we are not to be discouraged. Zeal and 
fortitude are more than ever necessary. A new and a more 
dangerous Era has commenced. Revolution and a new order 
of things are avowed in this quarter. Property, Liberty, and 
even life are at stake. The friends of good principles must 

1 He wrote him on May 10th saying nothing of his resignation, but 
stating that he still hoped for the establishment of a military academy. 
If not at present, at any rate, at the next session of congress. 

2 Hamilton, vi, 442. A letter from Hamilton to McHenry dated May 
5, 1800, and treating of Col. Taylor's case is printed in Lodge's Hamilton, 
vii, 208. 



458 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xvi 

be more closely linked, more watchful and more decided than 
they have been. Of this enough for the present. 

"More hereafter — Cannot we see each other, without my 
coming to Philadelphia, before you go to Maryland. 

"Yrs. Affecty. 

"A. Hamilton." 

On the 19th, Hamilton wrote again, urging payment of 
the troops before they are finally discharged and stating that 
he will defer disbanding them until they are paid, unless posi- 
tively ordered to the contrary. * By the 23d, however, he 
must have known the cause of McHenry 's resignation, 2 from 
the brief note he dispatched from the camp at Scotch Plains. 

"Dr. Sir 

"The letter with the enclosed came to hand preceding 
my leaving the City for this place. The hurry of the first 
moments here prevented my sending it sooner. 
"Oh mad, ! mad, ! mad, ! 
"Yrs. Affecty. 
"A. H." 

On June 1, Stoddert took charge of the war department 
temporarily, soon to be succeeded by Samuel Dexter, and 
McHenry returned to Baltimore, resolved to retire to private 
life, from which, indeed, he never again emerged. 

There were still some hopes that the New York electoral 
vote might be saved for the Federalists and Robert Goodloe 
Harper wrote to Hamilton, on June 5, inquiring of the pros- 
pects. In Maryland, 3 he thinks, the Federal party have the 
entire management of affairs and warmly support Pinckney 
and Adams. Most would be well satisfied to see Pinckney 
president and even desire it, but feel that no direct attempt 
can be made to supersede Adams. "It would create uncer- 
tainly, division, & defeat." Therefore, let both men be up- 

1 Hamilton, v, 429. The letters on pp. 435 and 437 are wrongly stat- 
ed to have been written to McHenry ; they were addressed to his suc- 
cessor. Lodge's Hamilton, vii, 215. Lodge in the letters on pages 221 and 
224 makes the same mistake as J. C. Hamilton. 

2 Sedgwick had written him on the 15th telling him Pickering and 
McHenry were sacrificed as a peace offering. Pickering wrote W. Smith 
at Lisbon on May 28 telling him of McHenry's resignation and in a letter 
to Goodhue on the 2 6th he said, McHenry had been put out of office be- 
cause thought "too subservient to the views of Pickering and Wolcott." 

3 July 17, C. C. Pinckney wrote to Hamilton that Maryland might 
change her manner of voting. 



1800] of James McHenry 459 

held, till the electors come to vote, and then let those who 
think Mr. Adams unfit to be president drop him silently. 
Harper suspects not a few will pursue this conduct and would 
do so himself, if an elector, "for I am so thoroughly impressed 
with Mr. Adams's incapacity & with the mischief that must 
result from an administration systematically & ably opposed 
& too weak & versatile to be supported by men of sense & 
principle, that I could never, under any circumstances, give 
him my vote." Pinckney's own position, however, was de- 
cidedly against this intrigue, as was shown by two letters sent 
McHenry from the camp at Shepherdstown, Va. 

The first of these was headed private and dated June 
10th, 1800. 

"Dear Sr. 

"Your private letters of the 19th ultimo & 1st instant 
came safely to hand, for both of which I am very much 
obliged to you. 

"Mrs. Pinckney was last week attacked with the Ague 
& Fever owing to some very unreasonable cold weather we 
have lately had. I, therefore, cannot carry her to Carolina 
during the Summer I shall set out with her in September, 
be part of October in North Carolina, in Georgia the begin- 
ning of November, & in South Carolina from the middle of 
November during the whole winter. I shall, in the mean 
while, know as well, as if I was present, what is going on in 
those States. I shall be at Mount Vernon about the 20th. 
of next Month for a few days, but shall return to this place 
& be principally here or in this Valley during the summer. 
From what I have heard of the character of Mr : A, I am not 
surprised at the very unworthy & indecorous treatment Mr. 
Pickering & you have received at his hands. If the Federal- 
ists will act with decision, energy, & union I have no doubt 
but they will gain a complete victory at the ensuing Election 
over the Jacobinical party, notwithstanding the untoward re- 
sult of the Election at New York and the tergiversation of 
Mr : A — Can the accounts I have heard be possibly true 
that he is endeavouring to coalesce with Jefferson, and that 
he stigmatizes the Federalists with the odious appellation of a 
British Party, and that he declares that he and Jefferson will 
convince the federal junto of their joint power? 

"With regard to the conduct of the Southern States at 
the ensuing Election, I think they are bound fairly & candidly 



460 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xvi 

, . ■ 

to act up to their agreement entered into by the federal party 
at Philadelphia, with out the Eastern States should be con- 
vinced of Mr: A's abandonment of federal principles, his 
attempt to form a party with Jefferson, and his unfitness to 
be President, and on these accounts or some of them, should 
consent to substitute another Candidate in his stead. This 
Event I do not think impossible, & his conduct & the critical 
situation of our Country may require it. But to preserve 
the Union, this must originate to the Eastward — The Middle 
States can then take it up, & the Southern ones with propriety 
follow. 

"Marshall with reluctance accepts, but you may rely on 
his federalism, & be certain that he will not unite with Jef- 
ferson & the Jacobins. I expected more firmness & decision 
from Stocldart. I had no idea of his wavering. As you have 
now leisure time on your hands, Do sometime favour me with 
a line — You are in the centre of politics, I am out of them 
here. Have you heard lately from our friend Murray. Do 
remember me to him, when you write. 

"Mrs Pinckney unites with me in respectful Compliments 
to Mrs. McHenry, & I am with great regard & esteem 
"Yrs. truly 

"Charles Cotesworth Pinckney." 

The second letter was sent on June 19th, 1800. 

"Dear Sr. 

' ' I am very much obliged to you for the perusal of your 
exquisite Dialogue, which, agreeably to your desire, I return 
in this enclosure. I had not an opportunity of availing my- 
self of your permission to communicate it to your friend 
Brigr. Genl. Washington, as he had left the place before I 
received it. He proceeded to the City of Washington, & I 
gave him a letter for you, in case he should meet you, if he did 
not, it was to be put in the post for Baltimore. It was dated 
the same day as yours the 10th instant. I refer you to that 
for my opinion of what I think the conduct of the Federalists 
should be respecting the ensuing election. If any alteration 
should take place in the agreement entered into by the Feder- 
alists at Philadelphia, it should originate and be sanctioned in 
the Eastern States; otherwise we shall be inevitably divided, 
and the Anti-federalists obtain that success which I am sure 
they will not, if the Federalists are united, active and ener- 



1800] of James McHenry 461 

getie. I am told Mr. A denies the coalition with Mr. 






stated in an article under the Trenton head. I should be glad 
to know, if there is any ground for such a supposed Union. 
He certainly used to speak very slightingly of J's political 
talents and in the Dialogue, (and I have heard on many other 
occasions) now speaks handsomely of him, as the Man in the 
United States fittest for President, excepting always I pre- 
sume himself. I shall certainly inform you of my move- 
ments, but at present have no thoughts of quitting this place 
till the middle or 20th of next Month, when I shall visit Mrs. 
Washington at Mount Vernon. 

"Mrs. Pinckney unites with me in best respects to Mrs. 
McHenry & I always am with great regard & esteem 
"Yrs very sincerely 

"Charles Cotesworth Pinckney." 

In spite of this, the intrigue went on. On June 18, 
Jonathan R. Wilmer wrote Hamilton from Baltimore, stating 
that the district system in Maryland will give Jefferson several 
votes and that, if New York goes Republican, the governor of 
Maryland thinks of calling the general assembly together to 
afford an opportunity of changing the system. 

By July 1, Hamilton 's opposition to Adams had increased, 
he still doubted the support of Pinckney in New England, 
wrote Carroll 1 that ' ' it is not advisable that Maryland should 
be too deeply pledged to the support of Mr. Adams," for 
"if he is supported by the federal party, his party must in 
the issue fall with him." 2 He had already conceived the 
idea of publishing a pamphlet showing Adams's unfitness for 
reelection. 

A month later, on July 18, Wolcott, who still held the 
secretaryship of the treasury, though busily intriguing against 
the president, wrote 3 McHenry of the campaign. ' ' The 

1 Hamilton, vi, 444. 

2 Gibbs, ii, 390, ft. contains a correspondence about a "sportive effu- 
sion," which Liston, the British minister to the United States, wrote on 
July 19, 1798, to James Buchanan of Baltimore stating that he "must now 
endeavour to lead Mr. Adams by the nose" and has no need to exert him- 
self in holding "conferences with my bosom friend the Secretary of State, 
or keeping Oliver Wolcott & McHenry right," for "they are all so staunch 
that I have now no occasion to look after them," etc. Buchanan showed 
the letter in London, where Rufus King, the minister from the United 
States, secured a copy and, thinking the letter a serious one, sent it to 
Pickering. He showed it to McHenry who pronounced it a "mere piece 
of sportive irony" using terms copied from the Aurora, the opposition 
paper. However, to make the matter sure he showed the letter to Liston, 
who pronounced it "mere badinage." 

3 Gibbs, ii, 381. 



462 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xvi 

Adamites" think they will carry all New England but Con- 
necticut, whose loss they attribute to Wolcott. "If you will 
but do your part, we shall probably secure Gen. Pinckney's 
election. At any rate, the prospect is almost certain that the 
country will be freed from the greatest possible curse, a 
Presidential administration, which no party can trust, which 
is incapable of adhering to any system, in connection with 
which no character is safe. ' ' 

The high-minded, honorable McHenry revolted from such 
reasoning and answered Wolcott on July 22, four days later. 
"Have our 1 party shown that they possess the necessary skill 
and courage to deserve to be continued to govern? What 
have they done? They did not (with a few exceptions), 
knowing the disease, the man & his nature, meet it, when it first 
appeared, like wise & resolute politicians ; they tampered with it 
& thought of palliations down to the last day of the late session 
of Congress. Nay, their conduct, even now, notwithstanding 
the consequences full in view, shall the present chief be re- 
elected, in most if not all of the States, is tremulous, timid, 
feeble, deceptive, & cowardly. They write private letters. 
To whom? To each other. But they do nothing to give a 
proper direction to the public mind. They observe, even in 
their conversation, a discreet circumspection ill calculated to 
diffuse information or to prepare the mass of the people for 
the result. They meditate in private. Can good come out of 
such a system? If the party recover its pristine energy & 
splendor, shall I ascribe it to such cunning, paltry, indecisive, 
back door conduct? Certainly I shall not, but to a kind & 
watchful Providence alone, who will not punish the many for 
the faults of the few, who bears with our mistakes, who winks 
at our weak schemes, who overlooks our feebleness & follies, 
& who guides unerringly, & according to the end he has or- 
dained, all the government of the world. I carry, you see, 
my religious principles into my politics." 

McHenry doubts of the possibility of electing Pinckney 
president, since the caucus decision that both Adams and he be 
equally supported has been promulgated to the people and it 
is doubtful if all the Eastern electors will support Pinckney. 
McHenry refers to the proposition to summon the next legis- 
lature of Maryland, if it be Federalist, and have it choose 
electors. These would, doubtless, vote for both Adams and 



1 Gibbs, ii, 384. 



isoo] of James Mc Henry 463 

Pinckney; but, if the people elect by districts, there will be 
three or four Republicans chosen. In his bitterness against 
Adams, McHenry charges him with bringing the ''peace & 
prosperity of the country" into jeopardy "for electioneering 
purposes ; ' ' with trying, ' ' in the government, to be everything 
& do everything himself ; ' ' with lacking ' ' the prudence & dis- 
cretion indispensable to enable him to conduct with propriety 
& safety, even the colloquial intercourse permitted between a 
President & foreign ministers;" with being "incapable of ad- 
hering to any system" and, consequently, "forever bringing 
disgrace upon his agents & administration;" with possessing 
"foibles, passions, & prejudices," which "must expose him in- 
cessantly to the intrigues of foreigners & the unprincipled & 
wickedly ambitious men of either party." Therefore, "the 
high & dearest interests of the United States cannot possibly 
be safe under his direction. ' ' x 

Wolcott replied: "I think that the elements are fer- 
menting & that you will see sport presently." 2 

In August, the plotting continued in the federalist ranks. 
Cabot believed that we are pledged to give Adams the "full 
chance of the United vote concerted at Philadelphia," that 
"we are not strong enough to break up a new form, in the 
face of our enemy, ' ' and acknowledged that the party at large 

1 An unpublished letter of John Rutledge, Jr., written from Newport 
July 17, 1800, to Hamilton, is of considerable interest. He states that 
Adams is very strong in Rhode Island, where it is charged that Hamilton 
is trying to produce a plurality of suffrages for Pinckney ; that the New 
York election was lost through Hamilton, whose private pique at not suc- 
ceeding to Washington's rank in the army is the cause of his opposition ; 
and that he supported Pinckney, because the latter will administer the 
government to please him. Rutledge is trying to induce all Federalists 
to support both candidates and thinks this will be done in South Carolina, 
where the affection felt for Pinckney by all classes is such that he may 
be voted for, even in the event of an antifederal legislature. It is doubt- 
ful whether all of Rhode Island votes will be cast for Pinckney. Champ- 
lin said, if anything would justify Adams's friends passing by Pinckney, 
it would be the plot Hamilton had contrived for excluding Adams. To 
this Rutledge answered that the electors should support principles rather 
than men. In Massachusetts, the "Middlesex lukewarm federalists 
Adams's private friends," such as Dexter, Otis, Gushing, and Gerry try to 
get Pinckney omitted, but "the Essexmen, who proceed upon true federal 
principles, such as Ames, Sedgwick, Cabot, & Goodhue will outwit them & 
see that both are supported. Adams has begun a hot canvass & by 
civility & condescension is trying to have the Jacobins' support him with 
Jefferson, but his countrymen are too cunning to be duped by him. Ham- 
ilton's plan for prevailing on the Maryland electors to discard Adams will 
not be practicable, in spite of Charles Carroll's influence, for Stoddert, 
Craik, & Chase, are attached personally to Adams, while General Samuel 
Smith, & Dent, though Democrats, will support him to exclude Pinckney. 
But the plan can be carried out in Pennsylvania, where Ross dislikes 
Adams & likes Pinckney, or in Delaware where Bayard would follow this 
course, if he knew what Hamilton told Rutledge about McHenry's dis- 
missal." 

2 August 2, Gibbs, ii, 395. 



464 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xvi 

preferred Adams to Pinekney. 1 Fisher Ames supported 
Cabot's view and said 2 to Hamilton with admirable wisdom: 
' ' Sincerity will do much to extricate us. Where is the incon- 
sistency of saying Pres. Adams has not our approbation of 
some of his measures, nor do we desire his reelection, but 
many federalists do, & the only chance to prevent the triumph 
of the jacobins is to unite & vote, according to the compromise 
made at Philadelphia for the two candidates? I am, there- 
fore, clear that you ought not with your name, nor, if prac- 
ticable in any way that will be traced to you, to execute your 
purpose of exposing the reasons for a change of the Execu- 
tive." 

Harper wrote from Baltimore that Pinekney may count 
on the unanimous vote of Maryland and the Carolinians will 
support both candidates. 3 Stockton hoped that New Jersey 
would be federal and was sure that the electors would 
vote for Pinekney and another federalist at any rate and, 
probably, for Adams. Bayard wrote Hamilton that Delaware 
was safe. 4 

Meanwhile McIIenry remained in quiet in Baltimore, 
whither Dr. Benjamin Rush wrote him on August 12 from 
Philadelphia : 

"Dear Sir 

"The bearer has been unfortunate in business in our 
City, owing chiefly to his Connection with a Man from whom 
he expected better things. He wishes to try his fortune in 
Baltimore, and has therefore applied to me for a letter to you 
to advise him what to do. A subordinate place in your Cus- 
toms — or the Oversight of a farm would suit him. He has 
physical energy and mind eno' for either of the above situa- 
tions. 

"Permit me to congratulate you upon your recovering 
your freedom & independanee by retiring to private life. 
Public measures, & public men appear very differently to per- 
sons who see them at a distance, from what they appear to 
persons who are Actors in, or under them. If your feelings 
are like mine in this relation to politics, you would not give 
your present abstraction from them to be the President of 
the United States. While children dispute, and fight about 

1 Hamilton, vi, 459, 462; Gibbs, ii, 408. 

2 Hamilton, vi, 464. 

3 Letter to Hamilton, August 9, 1800. 

4 Hamilton, vi, 456. 



1800] of James McHenry 465 

gingerbread, and nuts, and Party men about posts of honor, — 
the pleasure of one evening's successful investigation of a 
moral & physical truth — or an hour spent in literary or philo- 
sophical Society, will more than outweigh all that ambition 
even conferred upon her Votaries. 

"You carry into retirement the love and esteem of all 
good Men. To me you have ever been very dear, and never 
more so than at the moment I subscribe myself your ever 
affectionate friend 

"Benja. Eush" 

McHenry asked 1 Wolcott on August 2, to write down 
what Adams had said of him after his resignation, to provide 
himself "with such means of defence against possible future 
attacks upon my character." On the 24th, he wrote again, 
regretting Wolcott 's illness, so inopportune, when the enemy 
are marshaling their forces, and complaining that his succes- 
sor Dexter had opened a letter Murray sent him from Hol- 
land. Samuel Chase thinks the game is doubtful. His cousin, 
Judge J. T. Chase of Annapolis, may have an eye on the fed- 
eral bench, so they have said much of one and little of the 
other candidate in their speeches, but the former will vote for 
both candidates if chosen elector. 2 

On August 26, Wolcott answered the letter, sending an 
account of his conversation with Adams, but stating that Mc- 
Henry could never appeal to Adams's declarations in support 
of his character. He thinks no improper use was made of 
Murray's letter. Adams's personal friends are trying, rather 
unsuccessfully, to form a new party — the constitutionalists. 
Probably Jefferson will be elected and, certainly, the Chases 
will be disappointed in any expectation from the administra- 
tion. Wolcott will ' ' do all in my power, consistent with truth 
& integrity, to promote the election of General Pinckney. 
The consequence must be that I must resign next winter, un- 
less I shall be previously removed. Perhaps all our exertions 
will not secure General Pinckney 's election ; you can, however, 
when you please, secure us against the caprice of Mr. Adams, 
by making known the circumstance which attended your resig- 
nation. ' ' 3 



1 Gibbs, ii, 395, 408, 409, 410. 

2 On September 3, in a letter to Philemon Dickinson, McHenry says 
Samuel Chase will vote for Pinckney. 

3 He slurs Stoddert's conduct. "Cunning like murder will out." Mc- 
Henry never made public any statement as to his resignation. 



466 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xvi 

5 — ■ 

Late in August Hamilton wrote as follows, in answer to 
a lost letter of McHenry 's : 1 

"New York. Aug. 27. 1800. 

' ' Indeed, My Dear Mac — I have not enough the gift 
of second sight to forsee what N. England will do — The mass 
of the people there are attached to Adams and the leaders of 
the second class pretty generally. The leaders of the first 
class pretty generally promote the joint support of Adams & 
Pinckney either because they dislike Adams or hate & fear 
Jefferson. Upon the whole I believe, though not with per- 
fect assurance, that Pinckney will have almost all the votes 
of N. E. — Adams will have all. 

' ' The state of New Jersey is more uncertain than I could 
wish. Parties will be too nicely balanced there. But our 
friends continue confident of a favourable result. If the 
Electors in this State are Federal they will certainly vote for 
Pinckney and I rather think will do with respect to Mr. Adams 
what may be thought right. 

"In New York there is no chance for any Federal Candi- 
date. 

"I think, at all events, Maryland had better choose by 
the Legislature If we have a majority of Federal votes 
throughout, we can certainly exclude Jefferson &, if we please, 
bring the question between Adams & Pinckney to the House 
of Eepresentatives. 

"We fight Adams on very unequal ground — because we 
do not declare the motives of our dislike — The exposition of 
these is very important but how ? I- would make it & put 
my name to it but I cannot do it without its being conclusively j 
inferred that, as to my material facts, I must have derived my 
information from members of the Administration. Yet with- 
out this, we have the air of mere caballers & shall be com- 
pletely run down in the public opinion. 

"I have written a letter of which I shall send a copy to 
you another to Wolcott. If I am not forbidden, Col Ogden 
will commit it to the News Papers 

"Yrs truly & Affecy. 
"A. H. 

"P. S. I have concluded to send the enclosed to you 
instead of Major Jackson" 



1 Lodge's Hamilton, x, 3SS. 



1800] of James McHenry 467 

Three days after Hamilton's letter was written, MeHenry 
wrote Wolcott as follows : l 

"Dear Sir, 

"I have recieved your letter of the 26th inst., in answer 
to the request contained in mine of the 2d, and thank you for 
communicating to me the favourable things which the Presi- 
dent, Mr. Adams, was pleased to say of, and his kind inten- 
tions towards me, so immediately after insulting me in the 
grossest manner, by the mean and despicable mode he adopted 
to effect my resignation. I beg you will not conclude from 
the desire I have expressed to ascertain a circumstance so 
marked, as it is, with candour or abject duplicity upon his 
part, that I ever can consider my official character in any 
respect dependent upon his, then opinion of it or of me. I 
merely presumed that, in the infinite vicissitudes of affairs, 
it might not be improper for me, or my family, to possess the 
fact authenticated by a person whose veracity no man can 
question. 

"It was as you well know, my constant endeavour to 
conduct the business of the War Department with economy, 
and to render its important expenditures of permanent utility 
to the United States. I dislike the system of expediency, or 
providing for every public want and necessity, as they origi- 
nated. I laboured therefore, incessantly, to introduce every 
where a different system, and to lay at a small expense, cer- 
tain military foundations, capable of producing, in seasons 
which must occur to all nations, the most decisive effects. It 
has so happened, however, that some necessary allowances and 
expense authorized by me, were misunderstood, or distorted; 
that very few of the gentlemen in Congress were disposed to 
an examination requisite to enable them to form just opinions 
on these expenditures; and that still fewer of them were 
qualified, from military experience, or knowledge of the sub- 
ject, to appreciate the merit or utility of my arrangements, 
and propositions ; or if qualified were either prejudiced against 
me, or too much occupied with their own systems, or specula- 
tions, to attend to, or support mine. 

"When, I look back on the past, I lament only, that I 
did not leave the office when Gen. Washington retired from 
the Presidencv. I should at least have saved mvself from a 



1 Gibbs, ii, 413. 



468 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xvi 

most mortifying scene, and insults which I shall never for- 
get. I console myself, however, with the idea, that most of 
what I have either done, or proposed, during my administra- 
tion of the department of war, will bear the strictest scrutiny ; 
and one day or other (perhaps a day of trial or misfortune 
to the United States,) be duly estimated and considered, and 
that no successor can administer it well, and, at the same time, 
more economically. 1 I am dear sir, with real friendship and 
attachment, your ob't serv't., 

' ' James McHenry. ' ' 



A second letter from McHenry to Wolcott followed two 
days later, 2 attacking Adams for his inaccurate statement 
that Adams's term of ambassador to England was limited to 
three years, because the Pinckneys wanted the place. Mc- 
Henry had been in the confederation congress when the lim- 
itation was made and had voted for it. 3 He speaks of 
Adams's "Low ambition, envy, & ridiculous vanity" and 
cries out, "Will any friends remain to him, after so plain & 
clear an exposure by himself of his character ! ' ' Wolcott had 
asked whether Carroll of Carrollton supported Adams. "No," 
answered McHenry, for he "considered him totally unfit for 
the office of President & would support, as much as he could, 
the election of General Pinckney. " This was proved, by a 

1 In this connection, the testimony of Gibbs (vol. 2, p. 358), may be 
cited, "Mr. McHenry's abilities & merits have, it is fully believed, been 
greatly underrated. No man, without transcending the limits of lawful 
authority, could, during the time, have more successfully managed his 
office, under the disadvantages with which he labored. His personal char- 
acter was not only without reproach, but was worthy of all admiration. 
No public man of his day possessed, more implicitly, the confidence & 
affection of his friends than he did." 

2 Gibbs, ii, 414. See p. 424. 

3 Adams had written a letter to Tench Coxe concerning this matter 
in May, 1792, and the Aurora, the opposition newspaper, now obtained a 
copy and published it. In a letter to Philemon Dickinson on September 3, 
McHenry wrote that the letter showed a small mind and was a proof 
not of British influence but of "the eternal vanity of its writer, his inex- 
tinguishable thirst for office & deadly enmity to every man likely to be- 
come his rival or competitor." While McHenry was in congress, he knew 
that there existed an opinion that Adams was not "qualified from certain 
foibles & defects in character to manage, unaided & alone, prudently & 
successfully the interests of the United States. Than/ in the letter is it 
possible for low ambition, envy, and ridiculous vanity to go further in 
associating and combining malignant suspicions to wound the character 
of a fellow citizen?" It is only fair to say that Adams apologized hand- 
somely to Pinckney for writing the letter (Gibbs, ii, 425). Hildreth, v, 
378, states that Adams, during Washington's first administration, was 
inveigled into confidential correspondence with Tench Coxe, "a mousing 
politician and temporizing busy body though a man of considerable finan- 
cial knowledge and ability, who held, at that moment, the place of As- 
sistant Secretary of the Treasury." 



1800] of James McHenry 469 

letter Carroll l wrote to Hamilton about this time, though 
Carroll there strongly expressed himself as favoring the re- 
election of Adams with Pinckney, as the only means to de- 
feat the Republicans. Carroll hoped the Maryland legisla- 
ture would be Federal and choose the electors, but feared con- 
tinuance of the district system, in which at least three of the 
state's electors would be Republican. 

McHenry wrote to Philemon Dickinson on September 3, 
that the Maryland electors would vote probably for both fed- 
eral candidates, but that the "growing lukewarmness" towards 
Adams might continue the district system and lose the Feder- 
alists four votes. He has hopes that Pinckney will get a num- 
ber of Carolina votes. Just before this, on August 30, Ed- 
ward Carrington wrote to Hamilton not to calculate upon the 
issue of a congressional election of president. "The Fed- 
eralists have one plain & easy thing to do, unite on Adams 
& Pinckney, leaving the issue between them t6 fate." It 
would be lamentable should opposition win through our di- 
visions. Maryland is more agitated, than ever before over 
an election. Every federal elector in the South will vote for 
Adams and no anti-Federal one will vote for Pinckney, save 
possibly in South Carolina, so well organized are the Repub- 
licans. It will require a unanimous vote in the East for 
the election of either Adams or Pinckney. 2 

The divisions of the Federalists were their destruction. 
Wolcott still remained in office, though he wrote 3 Hamilton : 
"The most flagrant outrage on decency attended the demand 
of Mr. McHenry 's resignation." Hamilton's rage against 
Adams was still increased by the latter 's discourteous failure 
for two months to answer his letter, asking if Adams had 
charged him with being a member of a British faction. 4 Wol- 
cott was now in communication with Hamilton over the word- 
ing of his ill-advised attack on the president. 5 McHenry had 
an attack of intermittent fever in September and, on his recov- 
ery, wrote Wolcott that he feared the East would not vote for 
Pinckney. It rests on Connecticut "to give us Adams or 
Pinckney for our next President." 6 The Chases support 
Adams, because they think he will win. 

1 Hamilton, vi, 467. 

2 If Connecticut vote against Adams will not New Hampshire against 
Pincknev? 

3 Gibbs, ii, 415. 

4 Hamilton, vi, 449, 470. 

5 Hamilton, vi, 470, 471. 

6 Gibbs, ii, 419. September -23. 



470 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xvi 

Politics did not entirely occupy McHenry's letters to 
Wolcott and he asked him to have the manufacturers of Con- 
necticut cider send some properly bottled to Maryland, to see 
whether it could not be used as a substitute for imported 
wines. 1 In the same letter, McHenry asks when trade will 
be opened with Haiti and blames the South for the ratifica- 
tion of the treaty which Barlow made with Tripoli. That 
treaty declared that "the government of the United States is 
not in any sense, founded on the Christian religion. " Mc- 
Henry's strong faith led him to exclaim: "AVhat else is it 
founded on? This act always appeared to me like trampling 
upon the cross. I do not recollect that Barlow was ever repri- 
manded for this outrage upon the government & religion." 
The Haitian matters were touched on by McHenry's letter 2 
of October 4. Fearing an attack on the conventions made 
with Great Britain and with Toussaint, he asks Wolcott to 
take copy of all such papers, before he leaves the depart- 
ment. 

The discord of the Federalists increased. Cabot wrote 3 
Wolcott on October 5, that the engagement to support "both 
candidates should be" sacredly respected, "but is strongly 
inclined to believe * * * * we should do as well with Jef- 
ferson for President & Mr. Pinckney for Vice President, as 
with anything that we can now expect," and he felt that 
"such an issue to the election, if fairly produced, is the only 
one that will keep the federal party together." On October 
12, McHenry sent word 4 to Wolcott that Maryland had pro- 
bably an anti-Federalist majority in her house of delegates, 
so that the plan of choosing electors by the legislature must 
be given up. McHenry had hoped for six or seven votes from 
the state for the Federal candidates. Now he expects four 
or five only. "There is every symptom of languor & inactiv- 
ity, with some exceptions, among the well informed federalists, 
which every new recurrence to the conduct & character of the 
chief seems rather to increase than diminish. Mr Charles 
Carroll of Carrollton did not go down to Annapolis from his 
country residence to aid in the election of members for our 
legislature. I also know many others who did not vote on the 
occasion." 

In October, McHenry received two interesting letters 

1 Gibbs, ii, 420. September 26. 

2 Gibbs, ii, 423. 

3 Gibbs, ii, 433. 

4 Gibbs, ii, 433. 



1800] of James McHenry 471 

from Philemon Dickinson, who was then living in retirement 
near Trenton, New Jersey. 

The first letter was dated Hermitage, October 7, 1800. 



"Dear Sir 

"Not withstanding the unremitted exertions of the op- 
posite party, which greatly exceed all their former endeav- 
ours, we have a well formed hope that we shall have a very 
handsome majority — In which case, Genr. Pinckney will get 
every vote in this State. 

' ' The Quakers in general, are in strong motion — altho. 
we have some luke-warm Federalists, as we stile them, we 
have a great number of active decided ones, to whom much 
merit is due. Our Election commences this day To- 
night, the moment, the returns are reed, you shall hear 
from me — You must have your Electors chosen by your 
Legislature, to ensure a complete vote — Our Friends here, 
are anxious to know your expectations generally thro, the 
Union — on all great occasions, despondency should be ban- 
ished, as we ought, so I trust we shall, succeed in the elec- 
tion of the Man we wish — You must at all events, secure to 
the Genr. a majority in Cong, it may there be done with 
safety, his success, depends on the accomplishment of this 
measure. You know a friend of ours who can arrange this 
necessary business with the most perfect suavity — I am 
well informed that, tho the Legislature of Pennsl. will be 
summoned, as soon as elected, it will probably end in a dis- 
trict law, this will give us a few votes — but it would be 
more favourable to our wishes, that no law should pass — 
Col. Burr is their object for Vice President — who, tis said, 
is & has been very active — Give me your calculation in your 
next. I think, you put down Jersey. 
"I am 

"Dear Sir 
"With Sentiments of Esteem & 

real regard 
"Yours Sincerely 

"P. Dickinson." 



The second letter was sent from the same place on Oc- 
tober 31. 



472 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xvi 

i 1 — — ■■ — ■ 

"Dear Sir 

"We have chosen seven Federal Electors. No doubt is 
now entertained of Vermont, & strong hopes of success in 
Rhode Island. The other Eastern States are too strongly 
impressed with the necessity of united measures, at this im- 
portant period, to hesitate a moment, taking this for granted, 
& judging from Southern representations, I look forward 
with full confidence, to the accomplishment of our wishes — 
It is expected, the Federalists in your State, will make the 
most vigorous exertions, to aid the common cause — Once 
more let me request that you will strongly impress on the 
minds of certain Eastern Friends, the absolute necessity of 
obtaining a majority (if it should only be a single vote) in 
Cong, to favor the man who interests us most — there it may 
be done with safety even to a greater extent. 

"Hamilton's publication, no doubt you have seen, hope 
it will produce the desired effect — When our friend W. 
returns, I will give you particulars — If I do not in time, 
pray inform me — I feel myself deeply interested, in the 
issue of this business. 

"I am Dr Sir 
"truly yours 

' ' Philemon Dickinson ' ' 1 

A part of Hamilton's letter attacking Adams had ap- 
peared, being published from a copy secured by Burr. Ham- 
ilton then published it in full, and, though he urged the sup- 
port of both candidates, the arraignment of Adams could not 
fail to injure the party's cause. Shortly thereafter Carroll 
of Carrollton wrote the following very interesting letter to 
McHenry : 

1 Dickinson appended the following calculations of the probable 
electoral vote for his party : 

Federal Votes 

Vermont 4 

N Hampshire 6 

Massa 16 

Conn 9 

Jersey 7 

Delaware 3 

Maryld 6 

N. Car 7 

S. Car 7 

Geor 2 

Tenn 2 

R. Isld 4 

73 
Penn will give usual Votes 

if in districts — ' 

not reckoned — a moderate calculation > 



1800] of James McHenry 473 

''Annapolis 4th Nov. 1800 
"Dear Sir 

"I regret my absence from this city when Mr. Caldwell 
brought your letter of the 21st inst, as it deprived me of 
showing those attentions & that civility, to which his char- 
acter & his near connection with you justly entitled him. 

"I hoped to have had the pleasure of a visit from you 
at the Manor; I wished much to see you to discourse on a 
variety of subjects & particularly on the present critical situ- 
ation of this country. The President remarks that we are 
fallen upon evil times ; I fear a great part of the evil may be 
attributed to his shifting conduct, his passions, his indiscre- 
tion, vanity & jealousy — I had a high opinion of Mr. Adams, 
and I still believe him to be an honest man, but his integrity 
can not compensate for his weaknesses, which unfit him for 
his present station. Were a competition for places and power 
between the friends and opposers of the administration the 
only object of the contest, it would be a matter of indifference 
to me by what party the governt. should be administered : If 
Mr. Adams should be reelected, I fear our constitution would 
be more injured by his unruly passions, antipathies, & jeal- 
ousy, than by the whimsies of Jefferson : I am not acquainted 
with ye characters of the leaders of the opposition, but it is 
to be apprehended, that to obtain & retain power, they might 
sacrifice the true interest & real independance of this country 
to France. Judge Duvall says that no well informed man 
can doubt of there being a british faction among us, wishing 
to establish a monarchy in lieu of a Republican govent; if he 
writes the truth, I own I am not of the number of the well 
informed. I know of no such faction; if it exists & is en- 
deavouring to effect such a change, its attempt should be 
crushed. If our country should continue to be the sport of 
parties, if the mass of the People should be exasperated & 
roused to pillage the more wealthy, social order will be sub- 
verted, anarchy will follow, succeeded by Despotism; these 
changes have, in that order of succession, taken place in 
France : yet the men, so far as I am informed, who stile them- 
selves republicans very generally wish success to France; in 
other words the friends of freedom here are the friends of 
Buonaparte, who has established by a military force the most 
despotic governt. in Europe: how are we to reconcile this con- 
tradiction of their avowed principles? is their aversion to 
the English constitution the cause of this inconsistency, do 



474 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xvi 

- _ 

they consider the naval power of that nation as the strongest 
barrier to yr revolutionary arts, by wh all the rulers of 
France, each in their turn, have endeavoured & are endeav- 
ouring to weaken & subvert all other governments, that France 
may establish an influence over all, & thus become all-power- 
ful? They dare not avow the sentiments, yet their wishes 
& their conduct point to it — I wish the british to retain the 
empire of the seas, while the rulers of France are actuated by 
such motives : the decided naval superiority of Britain is ye 
only effectual check to ye ambition of that soi-disant Repub- 
lick: the true interests, & independance of this country re- 
quire, that those rival nations should be balanced. 

"If the people of this country were united, it would 
have nothing to fear from foreign powers ; but unhappily this 
is not the case; many of the opposers of ye present admin- 
istration, I suspect want change of the federal constitution; 
if that should be altered, or weakened so as to be rendered a 
dead letter, it will not answer the purposes of its formation 
and will expire from meer inanity: other confederacies will 
start up & ye scene of ye Grecian States, after an interval 
of more than two thousand years, will be renewed on. this 
continent, & some British or Buonaparte will melt the whole 
of them into one mass of despotism. 

"These events will be hastened by the pretended Philoso- 
phy of France : divine revelation has been scoffed at by the 
Philosophers of the present day, the immortality of the soul 
treated as the dreams of fools, or the invention of knaves, & 
death has been declared by public authority an eternal sleep : 
these opinions are gaining ground among us, & silently sap- 
ping the foundations of a religion the encouragement of ye 
good, the terror of evil doers, and the consolation of the poor, 
the miserable, and the distressed. Remove the hope and dread 
of future rewards & punishments, the most powerful restraint 
on wicked actions, & ye strongest inducement to virtuous ones 
is done away. Virtue may be said is its own reward ; I believe 
it to be so and even in this life the only source of happiness ; 
and this intimate & necessary connection between virtue & hap- 
piness here and between vice and misery is to my mind one of 
the surest pledges of happiness or misery in a future state of 
existence — But how few practice virtue for its own reward ! 
some of happy disposition & temperament, calm reflecting 
men, exempt in a great degree from the turbulence of pas- 
sions may be virtuous for virtue's sake: small, however, is 



1800] of James Mc Henry 475 

the number who are guided by reason alone, & who can 
always subject their passions to its dictates? he, who can 
thus act, may be said to be virtuous; but reason is often 
inlisted on the side of the passions, or at best, when most 
wanted, is weakest — Hence the necessity of a superior motive 
for acting virtuously; now, what motive can be stronger than 
ye belief, founded on revelation, that a virtuous life will be 
rewarded by a happy immortality ? without morals a republic 
cannot subsist any length of time ; they therefore who are 
decrying the Christian religion, whose morality is so sublime 
& pure, ivh denounces against the wicked eternal misery, & 
insures to the good eternal happiness are undermining the 
solid foundation of morals, the best security for the duration 
of free governments. 

"If there be force in this reasoning, what judgt. ought 
we to form of our pretended republicans, who admire & 
applaud the proceedings of revolutionary France ! 

"These declaimers in favor of freedom & equality act in 
such a questionable shape that I cannot help suspecting their 
sincerety. 

' ' This is a long preaching letter : & I fear tedious & dull 
one ; but you wished to know my sentiments about the present 
parties & impending fate of our country, and I could not 
give them, without developing the reasoning of my opinion — 
you see that I almost despair of the commonwealth — The 
end of every legitimate Government is the security of life, 
liberty & property: if this country is to be revolutionised, 
none of these will be secured. Perhaps the leaders of the 
opposition, when they get into office, may be content to let 
the constitution remain as it is, & may pursue the policy & 
measures of Washington's administration: but what will be- 
come in that case of their consistency? Patriots, you will 
say, are not always consistent; granted; yet other patriots 
& opposers will arise to arraign this inconsistency, & the storm 
once raised who will stop its fury? 

' ' Celui qui met un pein a la fureur des flots, 

"Soit aussi des mechans arreter les complots. 

"My only hope is in that Being, who educes good out of 
evil : may he, in his abundant mercy, incline the hearts of our 
countrymen to peace, justice, & concord. 

"I have read Mr. Hamilton's pamphlet; the drift of 
its publication at this time I conjecture was not so much with 
a view of vindicating his character, as to prevent the electors 



476 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xvi 

in Massachusetts from scattering their votes in order to se- 
cure the election of Mr. Adams in preference to Mr. Pink- 
ney. All, with whom I have conversed, blame, however, Mr. 
Hamilton & consider his publication as ill-timed; altho' I pay 
a deference to the opinions of others, whose motives I know 
to be good, yet I can not help differing from them in this 
instance. The assertions of ye pamphlet, I take it for granted, 
are true; and if true, surely it must be admitted that Mr. 
Adams is not fit to be President, and his unfitness should be 
made known to the Electors & ye Publick; I conceive it a 
species of treason to conceal from the Publick his incapacity. 

"Altho' your remaining rather a spectator of than an ac- 
tor in the passing scenes, is founded on a proper motive, yet 
you will find it impossible to retain a neutral character, nor do 
I think it fit you should: we ought all, each in our several 
spheres, to endeavour to set the public mind right, & to admin- 
ister antidotes to the poison that is widely spreading through 
the country. 

"Excuse the interlineations, & the incoherence of this 
letter. I write currente calamo, I have not time to arrange 
& methodise my thoughts, or to copy. I am in the sentiments 
of real regard and esteem 

"Dr. Sir 

' ' Yr. most hum. Servt 
"Ch. Carroll of Carrollton" 

On the evening of November 8, the war office building in 
Washington 1 burned, the fire destroying "every paper & 

1 Gibbs, ii, 446. In the General (Aurora) Advertiser, for November 
12, 1800, appeared the following item: 

WAR OFFICE BURNT 

The following note was received yesterday morning by Colonel Patton, 
esq., Postmaster at Baltimore : 

"Baltimore, Nov. 9. 

"The War-Office at Washington City, was destroyed by fire last eve- 
ning, and all the papers belonging to it, except the accountant's." 

We have seen a letter dated Washington, Nov. 8, 12 o'clock at night, 
confirming the above. It states, "That two small engines and about fifty 
buckets of various kinds, with a bad supply of water was all the means 
they possessed here to quench it — that the accountant saved the greater 
part of his papers, but all the rest were burnt — One house and the only 
one adjoining it was burnt ; it was owned by Jonathan Jackson, who 
died but six hours previous to the fire — his body was let out of the 
window — his children and furniture were saved." The writer says, "the 
fire exhibited a dreadful scene, as it raged without control ; all their 
efforts being ineffectual. 



V 



Extract of a letter from Washington City, dated November 8. 
About 7 o'clock this evening, I was alarmed by fire in this city. We 
all ran as usual, and behold it proved to be the War-Office. Before I 



1800] of James McHenry 477 

record of the Secretary's office," so that we can not go to the 
department files for a record of McHenry 's administration. 
The next day, McHenry wrote l to Wolcott, telling him that 
"Tomorrow, the electors of this State are to be chosen by the 
people in their respective districts here. We shall make little 
or no exertions for the federal candidate ; not from any indif- 
ference to the good old cause, but from a kind of conviction 
that our labour would be lost & an opinion generally imbibed 
by the utter unfitness of one of the federal candidates to fill 
the office of President. Indeed, almost every well informed 
man, whose sentiments I have been able to ascertain, has but 
one way of thinking respecting the present chief. Whether 
he is sportful, playful, witty, kind, cold, drunk, sober, angry, 
easy, stiff, jealous, cautious, confident, close, open, it is almost 
always in the ivrong place or to the ivrong person. For such 
a chief who has not the wisdom 'stultitia caruisse, ' who can 
contend or encourage others to contend? In truth I cannot." 
Dickinson still wrote hopefully on November 10: 

"Dear Sir 

"From the best information reed, the Legislature of 
Pennsylvania will have a concurrent vote in the choice of their 
Electors, for President & Vice President. This you will deem 
favorable to the Federal interests — if you can secure six 
votes in your State, & we should not be disappointed in our 
Southern expectations, we may, with a little management, suc- 
ceed in the election of the man we wish. 

"I did not see our Friend W. on his return, he can give 
you more accurate information respecting Eastern politics, 
than I possess; from what I hear Massachusetts will give to 
Mr. Adams, a majority of 2 or 3 Votes. Connecticut must at 
all events, give to Genr. Pinckney a majority, without which, 

got there all was involved in nncontrolable flames. It fortunately hap- 
pened that the office had been kept in a house not adjoining any others ; 
for had there been an hundred they must all have gone. The account- 
ant's department was in the same building ; but he had the good fortune 
to save the greatest part of his papers : — the books and papers in the 
war-office were entirely consumed. How it originated nobody knows — 
but it is presumed, that the experience which we have had in this case of 
the want of engines, buckets, &c. will induce those whom it concerns to 
provide against the recurrence of such distressing calamities. We had 
but too small engines, illy provided with water, and about 30 house- 
buckets. 

See also Am. State Papers, Claims, p. 249 ; Misc., i, 232. Ann. of 
Cong., Sixth Cong., Second Session, vi, 1357 to 1376. 

(This note is due to the courtesy of J. W. Cheney, librarian of the 
war department.) 

1 Gibbs, ii, 445. 



478 



Life and Correspondence [Chap, xvi 



he stands no chance for the presidency — let me hear from you 
within the next ten days — as I am goins: a journey. 

"I am Dr Sir, 
"Truly 

"Yours 
"Philemon Dickinson 
"P. S. Our Electors tis believed will vote 
for Adams & Pinekney. " 

Hamilton, for some strange reason, seems to have written 
nothing to McHenry until November 13, when he sent him the 
following 1 letter : 

"Dr. Sir 

"You have seen my letter. You would 
think the close of it temporising. But 
the Federal Stomach would not bear a 
stronger dose. I regret that my early 
opinion was not pursued. All would 
then have stood better 

"The press teems with answers to my 
pamphlet. I may have to reply. If so, 
I shall reinforce my position by new 
facts. Assist me with such as you may 
possess. 

"Did you yourself see the letter, in 
which he declared that a single visit to 
the opposition would hurl the british 
Ministry from their thrones. Give me 
a precise account of it? 

"Is not your letter to the President 
recapitulating your last conversation on 
the files of the War Office? 
H "Yrs truly 

"A. H." 

To Hamilton's letter, McHenry answered that he has 
read Hamilton's attack upon Adams. "Although I am not 
pleased with the facts attached to my name * * * having been 

1 He wrote a similar letter to Pickering' on the same day. Ham- 
ilton, vi, 477. See Goodhue's letter of November 15, Hamilton, vi, 478. 

The statement made by Cunningham in his letter to Adams (p. 147) 
is false and too foolish to need refutation, that the latter's expressions cen- 
suring General Hamilton, which occasioned him to write his most famous 
letter, were uttered confidentially to Pickering and McHenry and "by the 
latter, as you supposed, dishonorably betrayed to Hamilton. 



"To prevent a mor- 
tal seism among the 
Federalists, he 
must be voted for 
by them every 
where. 



1800] of James McHenry 479 

brought into public view," without consulting me, "I can 
conceive, nevertheless, what might have prevented you from 
not acquainting me with your purpose. 

"The chief will 1 destroy himself fast enough without 
such exposures. Can it happen otherwise to a man (as I 
wrote the other day to Mr. Wolcott) who, whether sportful, 
playful, witty, kind, cold, drunk, sober, angry, easy, stiff, 
jealous, careless, cautious, confident, close or open, is almost 
always in the wrong place to the wrong persons. 

"My great fear is that while he is destroying himself, he 
will destroy the government also. 

"Those among the federalists in this State, I mean those 
within my observation, the most anxious for the election of 
Mr. Adams, pretend to consider the publication of your letter 
rather calculated to distract than to do good. Carroll of 
Carrollton, however, approves of it. Let this console you 
•from one of the wisest, most prudent, & best men in the Unit- 
ed States. 

"The statement of my last conversation with the Presi- 
dent was made official and entered in the letter book appro- 
priated to record communications with him. I presume the 
book containing it has been burned with the other records of 
the department. I wish the remembrance of it, which harass- 
es my feelings, could have been destroyed also. The folly, 
madness, & insatiable vanity of this man is excited by, and 
descends to, things the most trifling. 

"A few days after my dialogue with the President. Tou- 
sard came & told me. 'Well, I have at last seen the President 
— a very extrordinary conversation with which he has favor- 
ed me. You must not tell, however, that I have seen him.' 
I replied I would not, as it belonged to valets de chambre 
only to see great men, Among other things the President com- 
plained in a violent passion that he was neglected by every 
officer, for that forts had been named Pickering. Hamilton & 
McHenry, and that not one of them had been named Adams, 
except perhaps a diminutive work at Rhode Island. The sup- 
ple Frenchman no doubt satisfied the angry chief, for Tousard 
informs me, that before his leaving him, he put his hand on 
his shoulder, & mildly assured him he should be appointed 
colonel of the second regiment of Artillery & engineers in a 
few days. 

"When I employed Tousard on the fortifications to the 

1 Hamilton, vi, 479. 



480 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xvi 

Eastward, the President wrote me a surly letter upon the 
subject, x which made it necessary for me to reply that Tou- 
sard was employed, because I could find no other person quali- 
fied to send on the business. This pacified the madman, & 
Tousard was permited to remain." 

McHenry's letter received instant reply from Hamilton. 

"New York Nov. 22, 1800. 
"My Dear Mac 

' ' I am sorry that you were not pleased with my not having 
consulted you before I used your name in my publication. It 
was my intention to have done it — but finding myself pressed 
in point of time I concluded to wave it jand on this resoning. 

"The nature of the transaction is such as dispensed Mr 
McHenry from any obligation of delicacy to conceal any part 
of it. No blame can therefore, attach upon him for the dis- 
closure. By putting it on the files of the War Office, he has 
made the whole conversation a public document liable to pub- 
lic discussion by any body that can get at the contents. Ex- 
tracts from it of the most exceptionable parts have been in 
free circulation and have been seen by many. My knowledge 
of it comes from a variety of persons who have seen the docu- 
ment itself and the extracts. The subject has been matter 
of conversation at various tables. Thus circumstanced, the 
thing is in possession of the public & in no wise to be regard- 
ed as a confidential communication to me. I am, therefore, 
at liberty to use it. And upon the whole — it is perhaps best 
for Mr. McHenry in point of delicacy, if there be any such 
point, that I should publish without than with his special 
permission. 

"The information as to facts which involve some official 
delicacy came to me from another not from you. Here I 
thought it indispensable to consult & did so. 

' ' Moreover in some of your letters to me, you had declar- 
ed the opinion that Mr. Adams was to be openly attacked? 
How was this to be done with success, but by the disclosure 
of similar facts. About the expediency of certain measures, 
there would be an endless diversity of opinion, but all candid 
sensible men will agree in the conclusion to arise from the 
particular anecdotes showing the character of the man. 

1 Probably Adams's letter of September 4, 1798. 



1800] of James McHenry 481 

' ' You do not tell me how your election is going nor what 
your electors will do. 

"Yrs. truly & Affecty 
"A. H." 

On November 8, Wolcott resigned from the post which he 
ought to have left months before. On the 19th, McHenry 
wrote him 1 lamenting the burning of the war office, not only 
from the national but also from the individual standpoint, 
fearing that it will enable "calumniators" to say and insin- 
uate "words which can not longer be refuted." He also says 
that Hamilton thinks of answering some of the replies to his 
letters and asks Wolcott to get Griswold or Dana to obtain 
information from the state department, as to one of Adams's 
letters while minister to England. Wolcott at once answered, 
stating that members of congress can no longer consult the 
state department files and hoping that Hamilton will not an- 
swer at present. 

On December 2, McHenry wrote 2 Wolcott that he had 
"pointedly advised Hamilton against an answer & thinks he 
will postpone" writing one. McHenry knows that members 
of congress consult the state department files in spite of Wol- 
cott 's letter, & wrote, as to the latter 's resignation: "Let us 
rejoice that your conduct & administration bids defiance to 
the strictest scrutiny & that your retiring from the office you 
have so long filled will not lose you one of your real friends. 
As for the rest, take leave of them all kindly. I insist on 
your eating dinner with me in Baltimore on your way home 
& wish you so to arrange the time & company that 2 or 3 of our 
Connecticut friends in Congress may accompany you. You 
must not deny me this favor." 

There seems never to have been ground for the rumors 
which Hugh Williamson heard that McHenry and "Pickering 
proposed a publication versus the President, as soon as the 
Election is over." McHenry 's letter of December 1, to Ham- 
ilton shows his position in regard to Hamilton's use of his 
name, "What is past & cannot be amended between friends 
had better be forgotten. Let it be so, if you please, I am 
content. ' ' He urged Hamilton that nothing further be writ- 
ten by him on the subject, till all answers are in. "You can- 
not now make more forcible impression nor prevent the elec- 

1 Gibbs, ii, 447. 

2 Gibbs, ii, 455. 



482 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xvi 

tion, ' ' in which opinion Wolcott agreed. Maryland had already 
chosen electors, five for each party, but it was not certain 
until the last moment that all of the federal five would vote 
for Pinckney. 

By December 12, it was evident that the Federalists had 
failed and Wolcott wrote bitterly, "So much for the conse- 
quences of diplomatic skill." 1 Ten days later, Dickinson 
wrote McIIenry as follows: 

"Dear Sir 

"The event of the Election, has proved very different 
from our expectations, the consequences that may follow, time 
must discover. The new President will commence his career 
with an overflowing treasury, having in it at present, at least, 
two million d~ a half of dollars. Is it supposed that the most 
distant attempts will be made, to impair the contracts already 
entered into by the Government? great changes are expected 
& probably will take place, from various causes — but I am 
strongly inclined to believe, there will be no deviation, from 
the strict & honorable line of Conduct heretofore pursued, re- 
specting all Government engagements. Has the change made 
any impression on the Friends with you? I am informed 
some British agents in Phila. have taken the alarm — but. 



1 Gibbs, ii, 457. About this time Stoddert wrote: 

Geo Town — 8. Deer. 1800. 
Dr. Sir 

I have requested Mr Campbell to sell to you Town lots in Baltimore 
they are the same about which I sometimes spoke to you in Philadelphia — 
They were taken many years ago by P & S in payment of a bill — & 
have been Idle on their hands ever since — That they may be no longer 
so I have desired Mr. Campbell, to take for them what you will give. 
I know you like a good bargain — but I know too there is a monitor 
with you, which will prevent your making too good a bargain, & there- 
fore scruple not to let you know the price of the lots will be in your 
own power. 

There is no ascertaining absolutely whether Jefferson — or Burr 
will be President — I think however the chances are in favor of the 
former — as to my own particular, I cannot be affected except as a 
mere citizen — for I have long determined to quit office I should have 
done it before March, had Mr. A — been re-elected, so that he might 
have appointed a successor for me — My affairs — but still now my 
health requires a different mode of life from that which I have persued 
for the last 30 years — 

The Senate I imagine will, after a great deal of consideration, take 
the Treaty with France, Just as it is they talk of conditional rat- 
ification but I am inclined to think it ought to be taken as it is, or totally 
rejected, carrying a condition would be to give out of our hands, to 
France, to determine 6 Mo's hence whether there should be peace or 
War 

Mrs. S joins in respect & good wishes to Mrs McHenry — Ann — 
Daniel — John, & little Margaretta, Dr Sir Tr Friend &C 

Ben. Stoddert. 

We know not who is to be Sec. of War — Mr Dexter has taken the 
Treasury Dept. 



! 



1800] of James McHenry 483 

should suppose without any real cause. No Country on earth, 
ever had it more in its power to discharge its debts, than 
America. I hope the rulers will not want inclination, possess- 
ing such abundant means. Our Election begins tomorrow, & 
will continue two days, I entertain no doubt of the issue — 
we shall unquestionably, be decidedly Federal. When at 
leisure give me your sentiments on the present situation of 
our affairs." 

It was soon found that Jefferson and Burr were tied in 
the electoral vote and the situation is well described in a letter 
Uriah Tracy wrote McHenry from the city of Washington on 
c December 30: 

"My Dear Sir. — 

"This day the Honble. Saml. Dexter has been nominated 
Secy of the Treasy in room of Olivr. Wolcott Esq: resigned. 
Who is to be Secy, at War in room of Mr. Dexter I know not. 
Arthur St. Clair is nominated Govr. of the North Western 
Territory — and it is now officially ascertained that Jefferson 
& Burr have each 73 votes for Prest. & vice Prest. and that the 
Democrats are in a sweat — is also ascertained, but not offi- 
cially, unless you consider my assertion as official. They are 
in the most violent state of apprehension, for fear Burr will 
be chosen, or at any rate that Jefferson will not. The calcu- 
lation now is — N. Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, 
Connecticut, Delaware, & Carolina, in favor of Burr, Vermont, 
& Maryland divided. This leaves but 8 States, to vote for 
Jefferson, & the probability is that N. Jersey will be for Burr 
«— if so ; it makes 7 for Burr & 7 for Jefferson, & two divided. 
This you know, is as yet, conjecture only. But the conjecture 
is founded on a probable state of things, which will be on the 
2d. Wednesday of Feb. next. Burr has written to Genl. Smith, 
I see by a publication in the Baltimore paper — & made him 
a proxy, to say that Burr, will not stand in the way of Jeffer- 
son &c. You, who know Burr, can perfectly understand this. 
Burr is a cunning man. If he cannot outwit all the Jefferson- 
ians, I do not know the man. 

"It is really pleasant to see the Democrats in such a rage 
for having acted with good faith, they swear they will never 
do it again, & mutually criminate each other for having done 
so now. Each declaring, if they had not had full confidence 
in the treachery of the others, they would have been treacher- 



484 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xvi 

. q _ , 

ous themselves ; and not acted, as they promised, to act — at 
Philada. last winter, (viz) all vote for Jefferson & Burr. 

"The Federalists say, they like not either of the Candi- 
dates, but as the anti's have brought them forward, they will 
take the least of two evils. 

"How this momentous affair will terminate, must be left 
to time. 

' ' present me respectfully to Mrs. McHenry — 
"& believe me yr. Friend & obedt. Servt. 
"Uriah Tracy" 

Hamilton had written, as early as December 16, urging 
the Federalists in congress to support Jefferson, rather than 
Burr, and to McHenry he gave strong reasons for such con- 
duct and a scathing denunciation of Burr in two letters, one 
dated New York, January 4, 1801, and the other, without date, 
but from internal evidence written shortly afterwards. 1 

The first of these reads thus : 



"My Dear Mack, 

"By yesterday's post I received your letter of the 31 of 
December. I was just about to write to you on the principal 
subject of it. 

"Nothing has given me so much chagrin as the Intelli- 
gence that the Federal party were thinking seriously of sup- 
porting Mr. Burr for President. I should consider the exe- 
cution of the plan as devoting the country and signing their 
own death warrant. Mr. Burr will probably make stipula- 
tions, but he will laugh in his sleeve while he makes them and 
he will break them the first moment it may serve his purpose. 
But will not his interest govern him? It doubtless will, as he 
understands it. But stable power and great wealth being his 
object and these being unattainable -by means that the sober 
part of the Federalists will countenance, he will certainly de- 
ceive and disappoint them. AH — Lee &c &c may find their 
account in it but good men or the Country never will. At 
least such ought to be the calculation; from a profligate, a 
bankrupt, a man who laughing at democracy has played the 

1 As early as February 1, 1792, relations had become strained 
between Hamilton and Burr, John Ledyard then wrote Hamilton that he 
saw Burr, found him friendly to Hamilton and recommends him to be 
supported for governor, and two days before this, Gen. Philip Schuyler 
wrote Hamilton that there is no use to hold resentment against Burr for 
the part he took last winter. 



1800] of James Mc Henry 485 

whole game of Jacobinism nothing better ought to be expected. 
Nor should a mere chapter of accidents be hazarded ; it ought 
to be enough for us to know that he is certainly one of the 
most unprincipled men in the U. States. 

"Very different ought to be our game. Under the uncer- 
tainty of the event we ought to seek to obtain these assurances 
from Mr. Jefferson as the motive of our cooperation in him. 
1. The support of the present federal system. 2. An ad- 
herence to the present neutral plan. 3. The preservation and 
gradual increase of the Navy. 4. The keeping in office all 
our Federal Friends except in the Great Departments. There 
and in other matters he ought to be free. 

"Be assured, You cannot better serve your Country than 
by exerting your influence with your friends to detach them 
effectually from the idea of supporting Mr. Burr. 
"Adieu Yrs truly 
"A. Hamilton. 
"Private & Confidential" 

On the cover of the letter is written in McHenry's hand- 
writing : 

"As well might be expected to measure a strait line with 
a crooked rule as to find public virtue in the private profligate. 

Prostrate the beauteous ruin lies and all 

That shared its shelter, perish in its fall. — Burk. 

"He trembled at the apprehension of his losing the Pres- 
idency, and he sacrificed every thing to secure it." 

The second letter is more extended: 

"My Dr. Sir 

"I was at Albany when your letter got here. I have 
snatched the first hour from my avocations to sketch to you 
my thoughts in a rude shape. 

"Yrs. Affectv. 
"A. H. 
' ' Very Confidential. 
"He is in every sense a profligate; a voluptuary in the 
extreme, with uncommon habits of expence ; in his profession 
extortionate to a proverb ; suspected on strong grounds of hav- 
ing corruptly served the views of the Holland Company, in the 
Capacity of a Member of our Legislature (He cooperated in 
obtaining a law to permit Aliens to hold and Convey lands) & 



486 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xvr 

now is supposed to have been largely remunerated, and he is 
understood to have been guilty of several breaches of probity 
in his pecuniary transactions. His very friends do not insist 
upon his integrity. 

"2. He is without doubt insolvent for a large deficit. 
All his visible property is deeply mortgaged, and he is known 
to owe other large debts for which there is no specific Security. 
Of the number of these is a judgment in favour of Mr. Ang- 
ersteen for a sum which with interest amounts to about 80,000 
Dollars. 

"3. The fair emoluments of any station under our gov- 
ernment will not equal his expences in that station ; still less 
will they suffice to extricate him from his embarrassments and 
he must, therefore from the necessity of his situation, have 
recourse to unworthy expedients. There may be a bargain 
and sale with some foreign power, or combination with public 
agents in projects of gain by means of the public monies ;. 
perhaps and probably, to enlarge the sphere — a War. 

"4. He has no pretentions to the station from services. 
He acted in different capacities in the last war, finally with 
the rank of Lt. Col. in a Regiment, and gave indications of 
being a good officer; but without having had the opportunity 
of performing any distinguished action. At a critical period 
of the war, he resigned his commission, assigning for cause 
ill health, and went to reside at Paramus in the state of New 
Jersey. If his health was bad, he might without difficulty 
have obtained a furlough and was not obliged to resign. He 
was afterwards seen in his usual health. The circumstances 
excited much jealousy of his motives. In civil life, he has 
never projected nor aided in producing a single measure of 
important public utility. 

"5. He has constantly resided with the party hostile to 
federal measures before and since the present constitution of 
the United States. In opposing the adoption of this Consti- 
tution he was engaged covertly and insidiously ; because, as he 
said at the time 'it was too strong and too weak,' and he has 
been uniformly the opposer of the Federal Administration. 

"6. No Mortal can tell what his political principles are. 
He has talked all around the compass. At times, he has dealt 
in all the Jargon of Jacobinism; at other times, he has pro- 
claimed decidedly the total insufficiency of the Federal Gov- 
ernment & the- necessity of changes to one far more energetic. 
The truth seems to be that he has no plan but that of Getting 



1800] of James Mc Henry 487 

power by any means and keeping- it by all means. It is prob- 
able that, if he has any theory, 'tis that of a simple despotism. 
He has intimated that he thinks the present French Constitu- 
tion not a bad one. 

"7. He is of a temper bold enough to think no enter- 
prize too hazardous and sanguine enough to think none too 
difficult. He has censured the leaders of the federal party as 
wanting in vigour and enterprize, for not having established 
a strong Government, when they were in possession of the 
power and influence. 

"8. Descerning men of all parties agree in ascribing to 
him an irregular and inordinate ambition. Like Cataline he 
is indefatigable in courting young men and profligates, he 
knows well the weak sides of human nature and takes care to 
play in with the passions of all with whom he has intercourse. 
By natural disposition, the haughtiest of men, he is at the 
same time the most creeping to answer his purposes. Cold 
and collected by nature or habit, he never loses sight of his 
object and scruples no means of accomplishing it. He is art- 
ful and intriguing to an inconceivable degree. In short, all 
his conduct indicates that he has in view nothing less than 
the establishment of supreme Power in his own person. Of 
this nothing can be a surer index than that having in fact 
high-toned notions of Government, he has nevertheless con- 
stantly opposed the federal & courted the popular party. As 
he never can effect his wishes by the aid of good men, he will 
court and employ able and daring scoundrels of every party 
and, by availing himself of their assistance and of all the bad 
passions of Society, he will, in all likelyhood, attempt an usur- 
pation. 

"9. Within the last three weeks at his own table, he 
drank three toasts successively. 1. The French Republic. 
2. The Commissioners on both sides who negotiated the Con- 
vention. 3. Buonaparte. 4. La Fayette and he counten- 
anced and seconded the positions openly, advanced by one of 
his guests, that it was the interest of this country to leave it 
free to the Belligerent Powers to sell their prizes in our ports 
and to build and equip ships for their respective uses, a doe- 
trine which evidently aims at turning all the naval resources 
of the United States into the channel of France : and by mak- 
ing these states the most pernicious enemy of G. Britain, to 
oblige her to go to war with us. 

"10. Though possessing infinite art, cunning and ad- 



488 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xvi 

dress, he is yet to give proofs of great or solid abilities. At the 
bar he is more remarkable for dexterity than sound judgment 
or logic. From the character of his understanding and heart, 
it is likely that any innovations, which he may effect will be 
such as to serve the turn of his own power rather than such as 
will issue in establishments favourable to the permanent secur- 
ity and prosperity of the Nation, founded upon the principles 
of a strong, free and regular Government." 

Pickering doubted the advisability of electing Burr x & 
Gouverneur Morris wrote Hamilton several times, stating that 
he would not support Burr, though some Federalists favored 
him as a vigorous, practical man. 2 The Republicans want 
Jefferson and they are the majority of the people. Among 
the suggestions made by the Federalists, was the wild one that 
they "should prevent any election & thereby throw the gov- 
ernment into the hands of a President of the Senate," going 
-even ' ' so far as to cast about for the person. ' ' The Federalists 
felt that they must choose "among rotten apples," 3 but Ham- 
ilton had no hesitation in his choice. He wrote again and 
again to Sedgwick, Rutledge, Marshall, and Bayard, urging 
support of Jefferson. 4 In this, there was no selfishness. He 
felt : "If there be a man in the world I ought to hate, it was 
Jefferson. With Burr I have always been personally well. 
But the public good must be paramount to every private con- 
sideration. " This noble stand caused the election of Jeffer- 
son. The majority of the Federalists favored an attempt to 
make a bargain with Burr, but some wavered. McHenry, at 
first, was inclined to remain neutral, as is shown by Uriah 
Tracy 's letter to him on January 15 : 

"My Dear Sir. 

"Your favor of the 5th. inst. — puts me in mind of the 
man, who being a lodger only, in a house on fire, refused to get 
out of his bed, when informed of it, because being a lodger, 
it was nothing to him. I would not, certainly, were I in your 
place, fatigue myself much about politics; but as one of the 
community, can you be so indifferent about public affairs? 
You say 'you can neither prevent nor amend existing evils.' 
What if all men should say the same ? Are there not duties, 



1 Gibbs, ii. 461. 

2 Hamilton, vi, 494, 303, 516. 

3 Hamilton, vi, 492, Green to Hamilton. 

4 Hamilton, vi, 499. 



1800] of James McHenry 489 

incumbent upon all, & each ; when all have the power of gov- 
ernment in their hands? I think I know too much of your 
goodness of heart, to believe you a perfect Stoic. The high 
Destinies, as they are called, of this United and enlightened 
people, are up ; not at auction, but for speculation. Jefferson 
or Burr, is the question, and a question of speculation; the 
11th of February decides it, or rather begins the decision, how 
soon it will end I know not, and as to this event, I am quiet 
about it, for go which way it may, it is a diabolical Jacobin 
trick to force either of them upon us. Either will be bad, and 
it is difficult to find causes of preference. I am, upon a com- 
prehendsive view of the subject, in favor of Burr: principally, 
because, I think a paralytic complaint is most to be shunned, 
by a popular Government. 

"Govr Jay has refused the office of Chief Justice, who 
will have it now is uncertain — and yet uncertain who will be 
Secy at War. 

"Remember me respectfully to Mrs. McHenry, & believe 
me respectfully 

"yr. obedt. servt. 
"Uriah Tracy" 

After Hamilton 's scathing denunciations of Burr reached 
McHenry, he seconded Hamilton's efforts and it is probable 
that it was partly due to him that the Marlyland Federalists 
finally abstained from voting and permitted the Republican 
members from that state to cast the ballot for Jefferson. The 
interest McHenry took in the matter is shown by a letter writ- 
ten him on January 17, from Washington, by William Hind- 
man, one of Maryland's Federal representatives: 

"My dear Friend 

"Your Favor of the 10th came to Hand, when I was too 
unwell to pay any Attention to Business, I am now barely 
able to go to the Senate Room. 

"I Find that You & our Friend Genl : Hamilton are 
bitterly opposed to Burr's Elevation to the Presidental Chair, 
& I must acknowledge that your Reasons are very cogent, & 
merit serious Consideration; there is one Point on which You 
are unquestionably mistaken, which is, that the general Opin- 
ion is in Favor of Mr : Jefferson ; the Federalists, almost with 
one Mind from every Quarter of the Union, say elect Burr, 
with a few Exceptions in New York & some other Places. I 



490 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xvi 

observe You have considered only one side of the Question, 
You are silent with Respect to Mr : Jefferson, the Federalists 
will tell You that They must be disgraced in the Estimation 
of the People, if They vote for Jefferson, having told Them 
that He was a Man without Religion, the Writer of the Letter 
to Mazzei, a Coward &c &c. Burr is but little known to the 
People, the Antis can say Nothing against Him, as their votes 
have placed Him where He is. I shall be silent as to his Virtues 
or His Vices. He is a Soldier & a Man of Energy & Decision, 
& as Europe is now plunged into a dreadful War* of which 
We may perhaps participate, I will ask You whether it would 
not be wise to have such a Character at the Head of our 
Affairs. I believe, moreover, that He would support the Fed- 
eral Cause, as the Jeffersonians would become his bitter im- 
placable Enemies. 

"I lament that there should be any Diversity of Senti- 
ment among the Federalists of this Subject. 

"The Treat}' is not gone thro', it is now in the Hands of 
a Committee for Report." 

While the country waited the action of the house of 
representatives, Adams nominated to the vacant office of chief 
justice, John Jay, and, on his declination, John Marshall, the 
secretary of state, with whose confirmation by the senate began 
the most brilliant judicial career in the nation's history. Just 
after Jay's nomination, McHenry wrote Wolcott 1 on Jan- 
uary 22 : 

"My Dear Sir, 

"I think your last letter to me, is dated the 29th ultimo, 
and you are still at Washington. 

' ' I have presumed that one of two causes, or perhaps both 
of them combined, may detain you. 1st. The tardiness of 
the committee which was appointed to report, respecting trans- 
actions in the Treasury Department, 2d. That your co-oper- 
ation, or rather assistance for a time, was indispensable to 
your successor. I am anxious to hear from you the true ease. 
Although I have made up my mind, upon the propriety of 
remaining as much as it is possible, a quiet and indifferent 
spectator to passing events, and have determined never to 
appear in a public character, either under the authority of a 
State, or the United States, I reserve, notwithstanding, to my- 

1 Gibbs, ii, 468. 



I 1800] of James McHenry 491 

self the entire privilege of feeling a proper concern for those 
of my friends who may be engaged in public scenes as actors 
or sufferers, and of making, and communicating to my friends, 
my own comments upon public occurences. Thus far, it ap- 
pears to me, I may indulge in public affairs, without disturb- 
ing the tenor of my life, or that tranquility of mind which I 
aim at, and which I consider an essential ingredient in human 
happiness. I know not what you think of the late nomination 
of Mr. Jay, to be Chief Justice, so immediately after he had 
publicly declared it to be his intention to spend the remainder 
of his life as a private citizen. The nomination excited the 
idea, that Mr. Adams considered such declarations were al- 
ways made without sincerity, and meant to be disregarded. 
It pleased me, of course, to see Mr. Jay act as a consistent and 
I think a sincere part, in refusing an appointment thus un- 
seasonably if not under the existing circumstance, indecor- 
ously offered. 

"Mr. Adams, it strikes me, has committed another blund- 
er, but it is true one not altogether so rare ; I mean in reward- 
ing dear friends, and neglecting old ones. Here it was ex- 
pected by every body, that he would have named Mr. Patter- 
son to the vacant seat on the bench, except by Mr. • , who 

thought he should have been appointed, and by me, who 
thought the President should have appointed himself. 

"I am told that some of our statesmen have conceived a 
project to convert a Jacobin of the first water, into a sound 
federalist; and to convince this Jacobin, who is known to be 
well skilled in the powers of numbers, that his weight alone, 
will make the lighter scale the heavier, and like a charm recov- 
er for them the public opinion which has been lost by the half 
measures of Congress, and false measures of the President. I 
certainly do not breakfast upon such chimeras. I cannot per- 
suade myself that public opinion is to be regained by such 
means, much less that it is to be forced. A different course 
must be pursued to recover what has been alienated, and to 
gain upon the quiet good sense of the well-disposed part of the 
community. For this purpose, time is required — a new series 
of events ; and to these, the slow process of wisdom, patience, 
and prudence operating upon the errors and mistakes of those 
who may govern. If a shorter shall be attempted by our 
statesmen, I wish them a good journey, but I do not expect 
they will arrive at the goal. 



492 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xvi 

' ' Let me hear from you, and the news that may be afloat. 
Yours, aff ly. 

"James McHenry." 

When the balloting for president began on February 
11, Stoddert wrote: "It is now three o'clock & the doors of 
the Capitol shut, which seems to show that the first ballot could 
not determine the great question." McHenry seems to have 
made special arrangements with his friend Tracy of Connecti- 
cut to have daily bulletins of the balloting sent him and these 
show clearly the progress of events. 

"Washington 11th. Feby 1801 
"My Dear Sir 

' ' The votes for Prest. have this day been opened & count- 
ed, 73 for Jefferson & Burr, & 65 & 64 for Adams & Pinckney, 
with one for Jay. The House of Reps, are now at the busi- 
ness of electing from these two; they have 8 or 9 trials, alike 
in result, 8 States for Jefferson, 6 for Burr & 2 divided. 

"They have passed a vote not to separate till a President 
is chosen — both parties are apparently unyielding — this is 
% past 5 P. M. what will be done, time must discover. 

"Yrs respectfully 
"Uriah Tracy" 

"City of Washington 12th. Feby. 1801. 
"My Dear Sir 

' ' This is one o 'clock P. M. The House of Reps, have this 
moment voted, I believe the 30th. or 31th. time, & at every 
time come out alike, 8 states for Jefrs. 6 for Burr, & 2 divided. 
Maryland & Vermt. divided — 4 New England States, Dela- 
ware & So Carolina for Burr, & the residue for Jefferson. They 
(the House) have been at it all night, & have now postponed 
the next ballot to tomorrow noon — (13th.) 

' ' The Feds, to a man vote for Burr, & the opposition to a 
man for Jefferson. 

"Yrs respectfullv 
"Uriah Tracy" 

"1801 
"Feby. 13th. Friday 15 minutes past one — P. M 

' ' House of Reps — have this moment closed 



1800] of James McHenry 493 

the 2d. ballot for to-day, & come out ut supra & have post- 
poned the next ballot to noon of to-morrow Saturday. 

"yrs. respectfully 
"U. Tracy" 

"City of Washington 16th. Feby. 1801. 
'My Dear Sir 

"This is i/o past 12 o'clock — on Monday, the House of 
Reps have this moment, taken another ballot and remain as 
before, 8, 6, 2. They have postponed their next ballot to 
tomorrow noon. (Tuesday 17th). 

"yrs respectfully 
"Uriah Tracy" 

"City of Washington 17th. Feby. 1801. 
"My Dear Sir 

' ' This moment y 2 past one — we are informed the House 
on a second ballot this day, have elected Thomas Jefferson 
Esqr. Prest. 10 States voting for him. They had one ballot 
at noon, and were as before, but on this ballot — 4 Maryland 
members, one Vermont member, & the one member from Dela- 
ware did not vote. Of course Lyon carried Vermt. and Mary- 
land was carried by its four Democrats for Jefferson & gave 
him 10 states. 

"yrs respectfully 
"Uriah Tracy 

"N B. James A Bayard the member from Maryland 1 
is this moment nominated by the Prest. to the Senate, Minister 
Plenipo. to France!" 

The long struggle was over, the Federalist party had fal- 
len from power forever, but they had so established the charac- 
ter of the government that Jefferson was to begin a period 
which has well been styled a "Republican administration of 
Federalist principles. ' ' 

During the whole summer of 1800, the negotiations of the 
American commissioners continued at Paris and two letters 
from Murray to McHenry are preserved. 

The earlier one was sent from Paris on the 18th of May, 
1800: 

"My dear Friend, 

"An opportunity arises wh. enables me to thank you for 



1 A mistake for Delaware. 



494 Life and Cm~respondence [Chap, xvi 

a few lines wh. have escaped from you to me by way of intro- 
duction of some of our countrymen — young G. Mr R 's friend 
I have reed, with the cordiality due to one honoured by your 
recommendation. 

"For mature information respecting the state of things 
between U. S. & F. & a tableau of things generally as having a 
bearing on the great questions now before the European world, 
I refer you to our correspondence with the Secty. of State' — 
you will be charmed with it. Condense — Condense — you 
told me some time since. The almanach's & court-records 
style ever were to me matters of decided aversion ; — & I have 
great consolation, while my plumage is plucked — to hear 
even Mr A [dams] 's letters (from Berlin) acknowledged to 
be at least Long letters ! ! ! believe me I do not compare mine 
to his, wh. to me are masterly diplomatic pieces — but it eases 
me respecting criticism. 

"A scrap of a news paper now & then falls in our way 
from Philad. McK[ean] governor — & fed's divided on the 
eve of an election of P. — ! ! in truth, I know nothing equal 
to this but what is before us here not a single speck of wisdom 
in a crumbling but victorious coalition — disputes on collat- 
eral points — Russia absolutely withdrawn — & those who re- 
main agt. F. uncertain of each others plans & objects even! 
My dear Sir, the Fedl. men must unite in supporting the P. — 
the honour of the country requires it — as far as exterior 
reputation is concerned, — as to the interior motives, you 
know better than I do. There could not be a more triumphant 
event for F. than an abandonment of the P. by the Fedl. party. 
The sting which wounds him must rejoice the enemies of the 
U. S., at least those who have been mortify 'd by the only 
blow which has been given to them in the U. S. during the 
present war. 

"I send you a news paper. Their accounts from the 
Rhine are to be read with due reserve — they are, however, 
lucky in one or two affairs. In Italy, Massena's fate must be 
decided by the 15 inst. — the day in wh. B. declared he wd. 
relieve him — B. with his usual precision & velocity lately set 
off for Geneva with the army of reserve — he will try to turn 
Milan — if he do, Italy will be in Jeopardy. Garrisons in 
Piedmont wd. greatly weaken the austrian army. B's exer- 
tions have been immense & his conduct wise since he came into 
power^ He negociated, till he quelled at least 60,000 chouans 
— & pacify 'd them — thus liberating 50,000 seasoned troops 



1800] of James McHenry 495 

for the frontier — while G. B. neglected those intrepid & 
organised bands & he has raised in two months 4 miiln. Ster- 
ling every shilling of which has been devoted to the armies & 
to equipments. It is believed that so exactly has the new 
raised money been directed to those objects that a great part 
of the functionaries in the Govt, have but pay from one quar- 
ter of a month to another at a time. It is true, however, that 
this severity ill agrees with such a people & the real spirit of 
the times. 

' ' I take the liberty of inclosing some letters — some were 
given to me by Mr. D. from Mr. E. Mr. E believing I had 
some opportunity. 

"John is well & we all prefer Holland to France — my 
health is almost a wreck — though the air here is better than 
that of II. — but I was acclimated there, & the sudden change 
has shaken me terribly. 

"N. B. I rather suspect that a certain gentleman is more 
satisfy 'd with the policy of the measure now, than when it 
was made in Feb., 99." 

The later letter is dated Paris, October 3, 1S00, and reads 
thus: 

"My dear Sir, 

"At the same time that the appearance of Mr John Mc- 
Henry surprises you, it will be explained by himself. Ever 
since your letter to him of May, he has expressed a wish to 
return - — • he says en bonne f oi to study law. I have recom- 
mended him to study merchandising, as the surest road to 
wealth. We part with mutual regret — his candour, good 
sense, & good manners have made him a greater favorite at 
the hague than any youth of our country has had the good 
fortune to be. He quits Mrs. M. & myself with our highest 
esteem & I do hope will remember us with pleasure. He has, 
throughout in all situations, acted with absolute propriety — 
& is a most estimable young man. I think you will do me the 
justice to say that he is improved — & I know & he knows that 
you love him paternally. 

"We have signed a convention. They apply the principle 
of free bottoms free goods from the signature for the purpose 
of extricating a great number of our ships, uncondemned. 
The Sea Letter alone & certificates of cargo (as relatively to 
contraband) any reglement au contraire Free ship & cargo. 

' ' I am so tired with being engaged day & night for twelve 



496 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xvi 

days past I can scarcely write. I have less inclination, too — 
because your nephew will tell you all he ought about every 
thing. 

"I set off the 10th. for the Hague. I the less opposed 
John's wish to return, because in the Spring I shall probably 
be recalled — & he gets his passage in the Portsmouth free. 
I shall be lazy then also. Your hint having much abridged 
what was really a fault — length of letters ! ! 

"Do not fear Jacobin principles by contact with the pres- 
ent Govt, of France. I wish we had a little more of the non 
resistance principle wh our folks may learn here, & as to 
Jacobinism it is detested. I give you my word, I wish we were 
as quiet as they are here ! 

"Pray my dear Sir drop me a line at the Hague now and 
then — & believe me affectionately 

"& respectly always 
"Yrs Wm. V.Murray" 

The long perseverance of the American commissioners was 
on the point of being rewarded. On October 11, Ellsworth 
wrote Wolcott from Havre, "You will see our proceeding.-! 
and their result. Be assured, more could not be done without 
too great a sacrifice, &, as the reign of Jacobinism is over it< 
France & appearances are strong in favor of a general peace, 
I hope you will think it was better to sign a convention than 
to do nothing." He sent a similar letter to Hamilton and, io 
truth, the envoys had agreed to a treaty which remove. I all 
present danger of a war with France. 



CHAPTER XVII 

KETIREMENT AND DEFENSE OF HIS ADMINISTRATION OF THE 
WAR OFFICE 

1801-1803 

McHENRY was now a man of about fifty years of age 
and had retired from business and politics. John 
McHenry, his nephew, wrote of 1 him : ' ' Although 
he was fond of leisure, there was nothing slothful in his tem- 
perament. "While in office, he was indefatigable in his offi- 
cial duties and, after his retirement from office, he spent most 
of his time in reading and keeping pace with the train of 
political events in this country and Europe." He possessed 
an ample competency and had built himself a country seat 
which he called Fayetteville, after his French friend. The 
house was situated on a tract of 95 acres, bought in 1792 
from the Ridgeleys, part of a tract known as Ridgeley's 
Delight, about a mile west of Baltimore as it then was, in 
the neighborhood of the present Baltimore and Fremont 
Streets. A part of the tract is now comprised in Alexandroff- 
sky, the residence of Mr. Gaun M. Hutton. There he spent the 
remaining fifteen years of his life in dignified repose, broken 
only by summer visits to the Virginia Springs, 3 or by longer 
stays in Youghiogheny Glades in Allegany County, where his 
eldest son, Daniel William McHenry, settled. He had few 
enemies and his relations to his friends were close, as may be 
seen from a letter to his brother-in-law, John Caldwell : 

"Baltimore 2 May 1801 
"Dear Jack 

"I reed yesterday evening a letter from you upon which 
you will permit me to remark. 

"I observe that between us, there can be no motive for 

1 Brown's McHenry, 41. 

2 March 15, 1801. T. Lewis wrote him about accommodation at 
Sweet Springs for the summer. 



498 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xvii 

corresponding' by letters, so long as there remains to us the 
opportunity of talking freely with each other every day and,! 
if we please, every hour of every day, and especially too, as we 
ought to be sensible what we may say to each other of each 
other will and should always be taken by us respectively in 
good part. Now to your letter, you seem to say : 1. That under I 
circumstances it was improper for me to be seen in the play ! 
house in the same box with Mr. & Mrs. McCurdy as such a 
public appearance with Mr McCurdy must injure you in the 
estimation of the people of Baltimore, 2 that your councels are'! 
disregarded by me. 3. that you cannot be an underling. 4. that 
I can afford to play with the sentiments I have expressed in 
writing, meaning I suppose that I can be seen with a man for 
whom I should have no regard. 5. that being seen with this 
man in a box in the play house must injure you in the eyes of 
the people of Baltimore. 6. that I may treat Mr. McCurdy 
with attention and politeness in private life, but not in public. 
"As to the first. I do not ask Mr. McCurdy to the play, 
nor did he sit in the box with me. The compliment was paid 
to Grace & Jane, who were asked to partake of our ticket. 
But I must observe that I should, in my humble opinion, have 
done nothing to injure your interest had I ever asked Mr. 
McCurdy. I consider it, connected as I am with the man, to 
do nothing that may tend to widen the breach between you 
and him, on the contrary, to leave a door open for a renewal 
of a good undestanding between you & him, or at least to the 
common intercourse usual between persons so connected. I 
judge of Mr. McCurdy 's conduct as I do of every other man's, 
and as I wish to have my own considered — with grains of 
allowance for few of the weaknesses incident to human nature 
generally and the particular prejudices, foibles, or infirmities 
of the individual concerned. Right or wrong, he has conceiv- 
ed that you have treated him rudely and in his own house. 
He acts under this impression, which time only and informa- 
tion gradually acquired can remove. I do not think I should 
serve you or any body else by aggravating this misunderstand- 
ing, or by coming myself to an open rupture with him on that 
account. Take an example. There is scarcely an injury, 
within their power, which Gen. Smith and his brother Eobert 
Smith, and this is well known to the whole city, have not 
attempted to do me. Besides the latter in particular has, in 
print with his name to it, called Mr. Oliver, for whom I have 
a sincere friendship & to whom I am under great obligation, 






1801-1803] of James McHenry 499 

thief, and it is believed, by their misrepresentations incited 
Cap. Graybil to, beat and abuse Mr. Oliver in a most shameful 
manner. Has all this prevented your accepting an invitation 
to dine with Mr. Robert Smith? Have I ever desired that it 
should prevent your being on speaking, and if you pleased, 
visiting terms with him or his connections? To return, I yet 
hope, that you will find the intercourse with Mr. McCurdy may 
be reestablished without any improper or disgraceful con- 
descensions on your part. To forget and forgive is not only 
a christian duty — but calculated to promote individual inter- 
ests and general happiness. Independent, however, of all 
such considerations how could my having Mr McCurdy in the 
same box with me by invitation injure you? Be assured, 
you and I are not of such consequence as to attract public 
conversation from so trifling an incident. But if it did, 
would not my going to his house, and talking with him at his 
door produce the same effect. And if known that you and he 
had disagreed upon any point, so as to prevent your sitting in 
the same box together in a play house, would not a knowledge 
of that circumstance alone account for my being seen with 
you, at one time, and with him, at another, without any preju- 
dice resulting from it to you or I hope to me. 

"As to the second, that your counsels are disregarded by 
me, I do not know what instances you allude to. It is, how- 
ever, to speak generally, to require too much to expect, that 
our respective counsels should always be embraced, we ought 
indeed be willing to give and receive advice or counsel. I 
believe it best that we should be left reciprocally to exercise 
in all cases our own judgement and to follow or not the advice 
or counsel, without giving offence. 

"As to the 3. that you cannot be an underling. Indeed, 
my friend and brother, you will never be placed by me in so 
degraded a character. We must neither of us be underlings. 
We are equals and I trust we shall continue equal. 

"As to the 4th. If it is to be understood as I have ex- 
pressed it — I do not consider my present intercourse with 
Mr McCurdy, if it can be called intercourse, at variance with 
any sentiments or opinions I have expressed respecting him or 
with propriety. 

"As to the 5th. I can see no difference, when it is known 
that you and he are not on terms, between appearing with Mr. 
McCurdy in a play house or in public, as in his own house. 
If the one condemns, the other cannot justify you. The fact 



500 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xvn 

is my behaviour to the 'man, has and can have no influence up- 
on the opinion the public or individuals may form of you. 
This must principally depend not upon my conduct as it 
respects Mr McCurdy or any other person but upon your own. 
"And now let me close this letter by assuring you, that I 
shall continue to love, respect, and aid you as far as in my 
power, in the full expectation that you will endeavour to think 
on common subjects and occurrences in life like the general- 
ity of men ; that you will make allowances for human frailties, 
& cease to torment yourself by inspecting too minutely, or re- 
f ering too metaphisically to the acts of those who may be dis- 
posed and who are in a situation to befriend you in your pro- 
fession and above all that you will labour to aid yourself, with- 
out which the services of your best friends must prove unavail- 
ing. 

"Your sincere friend and brother 
"James McHenry" 

A letter written by McHenry from Baltimore on the 8th 
of April, 1801, to Charles Carroll of Carrollton, gives an 
interesting estimate of Albert Gallatin, Jefferson's secretary 
of the treasury: 

"Dear Sir. 

"I now send you, in conformity with my promise, Mr. 
Gallatin's 'sketch of the finances of the U. S.' published in 
1796. This gentleman has lately favoured the public with 
another production, calculated, as I understand, to support 
some of his estimates in Congress, or controvert some esti- 
mates made to Congress by the Secretary of the Treasury, but 
not having seen, I can say nothing respecting it. 

" As to this sketch, you will find in it many facts, an ap- 
pearance of candour relative to some, and unmerited censure 
and insinuations of other leading measures of finance. In 
the last section particularly, you will observe, a mixture of 
truth and hypothesis, of just remark and fallacious reasoning 
respecting the funding system. 

"I have long considered the author of these sketches, in 
no other light, than that of a political adventurer; a man, 
whether thrown upon our shores, by design, or who sought 
them by choice, determined to make use of his talents, in the 
way best adapted to the end all such adventurers have in 
view, importance and office. 



1801-1803] of James McHeury 501 

"Mr. Gallatin, from his first entrance into Congress, 
down to the present time, seems to have fixed upon the Treas- 
ury Department, as the ladder, by which he could with the 
greatest probability of success, ascend to popularity and 
power. He studied it, of course, through all its details, and 
mastered it so far, as to be able, on fit occasions, to give such 
colourings to its measures, and the estimates and views of our 
finances, presented from time to time, to Congress, as best 
comported with his ultimate object. Taxes and Treasury 
operations, come into contact with so large a proportion of the 
community, and with almost every measure of government, 
that the knowledge he possessed of such subjects, and the 
watchful attention he seemed to discover, to draw from the 
people, as little money as possible, as well as to the direction 
of its expenditure, could scarcely fail, with his talents, to pro- 
duce in time its intended effect. Mr. Madison was for a sea- 
son considered, by his adherents, the opposition Lord of the 
Treasury domain, he could not, however, keep possession of 
this territory, and yielded it up, with all its rights, privileges, 
and franchises, to Mr. Gallatin, who has reigned over it, ever 
since without a rival among his party. 

"How will Mr. Gallatin conduct himself as Secretary of 
the Treasury ? Will he not carry into practice, generally, the 
maxims and principles by which he has acquired the office? 
Will he not weigh against the national honour and security, 
the number of dollars and cents, it may call for to maintain 
them ? Will he not, in other words, endeavour to confirm his 
powers by much the same process employed to obtain it? 
Neckar, another political adventurer, raised himself to the 
head of the finances of a great kingdom, by popular and 
theoretic principles; and was highly instrumental, by the 
application of these principles, at a most critical moment to 
the destruction of its government. I do not extend my ap- 
prehensions to so disastrous and dreadful a point as it re- 
spects our government under the administration of Mr. Gal- 
latin. Are we to enjoy a long peace, which I trust we shall, 
his maxims and principles, generally speaking, may operate 
to lessen the public debt, and the public expenditures, with- 
out, perhaps, any breach of public faith, consequently may 
augment the disposable revenue of the U. S. But, under 
this system, no efforts, or but feeble ones, can be made, to 
strengthen the seaboard and frontiers with proper fortifica- 
tions," to lay up warlike stores, and form military and naval 



502 Life and Co?~respondence [Chap, xvn 

institutions, calculated *to perpetuate military knowledge, and 
extend it whenever it shall be wanted for the purposes of 
war. I would however hope, inasmuch as to secure the at- 
tachment of a majority of the people, seems to be the basis 
of his system of conduct, that the good sense and present 
composition of the people of the U. S., of which he cannot be 
ignorant, is such that he will not find it his interest to ex- 
elude from the majority he may rely upon for support in 
office, virtuous men of property and talents, and that he will 
occasionally at least yield something to their opinions and 
wishes. 

"Nearly the same system and set of principles, I think 
likely to influence the public conduct of Mr. Madison and 
Mr. Jefferson ; for they too, in one sense of the appellation, 
are like Gallatin, political adventurers on the tempestuous 
sea of democracy. 

"Should my conjectures be well founded respecting these 
three political characters, who will be the real arbiters of 
the fate of the TJ. S. I flatter myself, that altho' our affairs 
will not be managed by men of our choice, or always per- 
haps as we might wish, and that many things will be left 
undone, under colour of a regard to economy, which ought 
to be done, yet that they will be generally, so conducted, 
as to afford no glaring causes for extraordinary alarm or 
complaint. This anticipation I find consolatory, and most 
sincerely pray, that it may be realised; for what is it to me, 
or the orderly and reflecting men of property, who value a 
quiet life and are averse from taking any active part upon 
the public stage, who governs, provided they are honest 
men, or govern honestly. 

"Having been imperceptibly led into a longer letter 
than I had intended to accompany Mr. Gallatin's book, and 
to express my hopes from the new administration, I cannot 
think of closing it, without also mentioning some of my great- 
est fears. 

"During the whole of the administration of General 
"Washington, appointments to office, were invariably made, 
not with a view to the extension of executive influence or 
future elections, but upon the ground of the fitness and 
qualifications of the persons for the offices to be filled, and 
a regard to an equitable distribution of them among the 
several states. 

"This rule was not followed with the same punctilious 



1801-1803] of James McHenry 503 



observance by Mr. Adams. He thought it an essential part 
of the art of governing to apply the influence of rewards, 
through the medium of appointments to offices, to future 
elections. 

"This new principle in our government (if I may so 
express myself) is calculated to excite serious apprehen- 
sions. And I fear that the present President, in practicing 
upon it, will go further than did his predecessor. But this 
is not the worst of it. I fear above all things, the operation 
of this principle upon the conduct of the needy man of 
talents, who believes in no religion, the ambitious rich man 
without virtue or honesty, and your political adventurers and 
office hunters of every description. All of these (and they 
are a numerous and encreasing brood belonging to both 
parties) either see, or will see, that the direct road to public 
employment, to the Presidency itself, is in and through 
elections, and that whoever can influence elections (no mat- 
ter by what means) gains everything. 

"It is in the very nature of this principle to make good 
men bad, to compel them to resort to improper practices by 
like practice, and to call up, and keep in perpetual activity, 
all the evil spirits of the nation. And as no President can 
gratify more than a small portion of these perturbed beings 
under our government, in its present form, may it not, in a 
little time, render everything that ought to be stable, fluctu- 
ating and insecure, and fill all offices, even to the first and 
highest, with the most profligate, needy, desperate and un- 
principled men in the community? 

' ' This is certainly a wof ul state of things which the exer- 
cise of the right of election, so beautiful in theory, may bring 
upon a well meaning and generally virtuous republican people. 
And to what does such a state of things evidently lead? I 
see, said my hair dresser to me (a French Royalist) 
one day, during the late contest, relative to the choice of a 
President, that it is much easier for a people, to have a king 
born to them, once or so in a century, than to be obliged to 
make a President themselves every four years. Does it not 
lead to a change of government, and to justify the opinion 
expressed by this barber ? And what means have we to coun- 
teract or obviate such a state of things? We have as yet a 
majority of men of property in the U. S. who have no desire 
for or longing after office, and who really wish to see our 
affairs both at home and abroad well administered, and by 



504 Life and Correspondence [Chap.xvii 

honest men, under our present form of government. But we 
must acknowledge, that this same majority is by no means 
united, is much disposed, generally, to political lethargies, and 
even when perfectly free from this disease, very deficient in 
foresight and energy. 

"I am dear Sir with sincere regard and affectionate at- 
tachment. 

"Your most afft. 

"James McHenry." 

The chief interest of McHenry 's life, in this latter period, 
lies in the correspondence he kept up with such Federalist 
leaders in congress as Pickering, Tracy, and Tallmadge, which 
throws considerable light on the course of events and of which 
considerable portions are given. Baltimore was on the way 
to Washington and McHenry was often visited by these north- 
ern leaders. On November 10, 1801, he writes Pickering, con- 
gratulating him on his expected return to Boston, reproaching 
him for not visiting him on his homeward way and inviting 
him to do so, when he shall have opportunity. To this letter, 
Pickering replied as follows: 

"Easton Nov. 10. 1801. 
"Dear Sir, 

"I have had the pleasure to receive your letter of the 
5th. — Altho ' I have not written, I have often thought of you 
— latterly, with a determination to write you, as soon as I 
could have the pleasure of doing it from my "native ground." 

' ' The summer past I have spent at the Great Bend of the 
Susquehannah (where it approaches nearest to the Delaware) 
labouring to make a comfortable establishment for my son, 
who was in the Navy, and is now there a farmer: while a 
surveyor was resurveying and subdividing (for convenience 
of expected settlers) the parcels of land I have in that quarter, 
and which my son takes under his care. 

' ' At the receipt of your letter, I was at Philadelphia, with 
my wife only: we returned immediately to Easton, and this 
week shall proceed directly from hence to New York and Bos- 
ton. The season is too far advanced to admit of the visit you 
so kindly request. 

"I am gratified that my former friends retain their con- 
fidence : my caluminators themselves do not believe their own 
slanderous' tales ; but these serve to mislead their followers. 



1801-1803] of James McHenry 505 

However, 'none of these things move me.' I shall quietly 
pursue my object, to cultivate a small farm in the vicinity of 
my numerous relations and friends; and be contented to get 
my bread with the sweat of my brow. Old as I am, the more 
I labour, the better I endure it and the more vigorous my 
health. 

"You took some interest in my eldest son, who went with 
Mr. Smith to Lisbon. He has spent near two years, chiefly 
with Mr. King, in London, whence he has lately returned. He 
resumes the study of the law, in Boston or Salem; and I trust 
with peculiar advantage; from his stock of general knowledge, 
acquired, by diligent reading & observation, during near four- 
years residence in Europe. 

"I presume you will spend much of your time in the 
country, enjoying the pleasures of rural affairs. The books 
you read, and the experiments you attend to, may present 
some new things congenial with my pursuit : the communica- 
tion of them will be highly acceptable to me. Useful plants 
and seeds likely to thrive near Boston, may be conveniently 
sent by vessels bound to Boston or Salem. 

"Mrs. Pickering desires to be affectionately remembered 
to Mrs. McHenry to whom I pray you to tender my respects ; 
and to accept yourself the assurances of my attachment and 
esteem." 

Of the letters from Hamilton, after Jefferson's election, 
but one brief note is preserved. 

"New York Nov. 21, 1801. 
"My Dear friend, 

"The Prince Bailli Ruspoli of the order of Malta, who 
will deliver you this letter was strongly recommended to me 
by Mr. King. He appears to me a very Gentlemanlike respect- 
table man. As such I ask for him your civilities. Among 
these you can do nothing more grateful to him than to give 
him a letter of Introduction to some friend of yours at Wash- 
ington. 

"Adieu my Dr. Mac. 
"Yrs. ever 

"A. Hamilton." 

Hamilton's son, Philip, died in the latter part of 1801, 



506 Life and Correspondence [Chap.xvii 

and on December 4, McHenry wrote condoling with him and 
saying, "I lost my eldest child, a daughter, after she had 
discovered whatever can promise to flatter parental expecta- 
tions. Is there ought in this world can console for such losses 
and who shall dare to hope that he is to pass through it with- 
out tasting a portion of its afflictions?" 

Charles Lee, who had been attorney general in Adams's 
cabinet, wrote Mellenry from Alexandria on November 28, 
1801, after the news of the peace between Great Britain and 
France : 

"The peace will give a shock to merchants of enterprise 
every where in this country : The invisible effects of uni- 
versal peace after such a war can be mere conjecture. I augur 
good. On the part of Britain, the treaty is liberal and mag- 
nanimous: On the part of Bonaparte fortunate and wise 

"Should Bonaparte live, which I hope, even here we 
shall feel the benefit by restraining the sallies of wild irra- 
tional experiments upon fundamental laws & constitutions. 
If your private affairs have received as much advantage by 
the leisure of private life to attend to them, as mine have, 
you may be blessed as I am with the change. To each of us, 
the manner has been unpleasant, but for that it is our consola- 
tion that neither is to be blamed. 

"Should you pass through this town ever I hope again 
to see you. 

"I am well" 

With Lafayette there was an exchange of letters from 
time to time, and a long one dates from the end of 1801. 

"Lagrange 1st. Frimaire November, the 22d. 1801. 
"My dear McHenry 

"The arrival of a frigat with the American Ambassador 
makes me hope for a Letter from you — in the mean while, I 
will not Loose two opportunities that offer to let you hear 
from me — politics I shall not this time dwell upon — You 
will know, before this reaches you, that a general peace has 
taken place — France has been powerful at war, happy in her 
treaties — From the first principles of her revolution, how- 
ever poisoned, disfigured and sullied they have been. She has 
derived great means of prosperity — how soon liberty, her 
primary object, may become the fruit of her Triumphs and 



1801-1803] of James McHenry 507 

a consolation for her sufferings, Depends much upon the tem- 
per of one man, and its appreciation of tr*ue glory — but I am 
among the few who persist to profess that the Liberal seeds 
which among so much weed have been sown upon European 
and particularly upon French ground cannot and shall not 
be ultimately lost — I live for my part in a rural, happy State 
of retirement. The affairs of my friends or some particular 
object, Such as the other day the pleasure to dine with Lord 
Cornwallis, call me now and then to paris. I sometimes visit 
Bonaparte my deliverer from Ollmutz whose conduct by me 
is constantly obliging. I see my other acquaintances in and 
out of place, but my journeys to the Capital being rare, 
and my Stay very short, I spend the almost totality of my 
time in my rural habitation of Lagrange forty miles from 
paris, where, surrounded by my family and visited by some 
friends, I am devoted to a new pursuit of mine, that of agri- 
culture, hitherto I have only got the ground work with a large' 
farm arround my Dwelling — but, if ever I can manage the 
trifling remains of my fortune So as to have a sum sufficient 
to stock and improve it, I shall consider it as a very happy 
circumstance — but before I launch into those luxurious rural 
enjoyments, I must have got rid of my debts, and insured to 
myself and family, an independent, tho' modest subsistance. 
You will hear that M. Otto is to go over as an Ambassador — 
I think he will be a very good one — I hope my answers to 
American friends respecting their idea of my going in that 
Capacity have appeared to you satisfactory — the health of 
my wife, family arrangements, some unsettled concerns of my 
friends and companions might have proved sufficient motives 
had not the first of all been very obvious viz. my old habit 
of an American Citizen and Soldier, which I feel would make 
me awkward in any foreign emploiement, even from my 
native, which in political interest and national affection I con- 
sider for the United States as a Sister country Let me keep 
myself to be, as soon as I can, a private Visitor to that dear, 
Second home of mine, the freedom and prosperity of which is 
to me a Source of the purest satisfaction, and I may add, a 
not undeserved reward. 

"I apply to you, my dear friend, for an object which I 
have very much at heart — Bushrod Washington is writing 
the memoirs of our venerated, my paternal friend — it is a 
history of the American revolution — Great use will be made 
of my correspondence with the General — his character will 



508 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xvn 

receive a new lustre from those confidential communications — 
which, particularly during the intrigue of 1777 and 1778. he 
had with me. Therefrom also the Transactions with France 
may be illustrated, there will be found the details of that de- 
cisive Campaign in Virginia which began with the general's 
desire to me that Virginia might be lost as late as possible 
and ended with the Capture of Lord Cornwallis. You remem- 
ber that on the exertions and manoeuvres of the small army 
which I commanded, the fate of the Southern States and the 
grand stroke of the War of 1781 did entirely depend — and, 
as you have been, in these very important periods, my confi- 
dential aid and friend, none can give a better account of every 
transaction, Indeed of every transaction during the revolu- 
tion, particularly those which in the Cabinet and the field have 
concerned me — upon you, therefore, my dear McHenry, I 
rely for your critical review, friendly assistance, interesting 
illustrations for that work. I have mentioned you to Mr 
Bushrod Washington as the friend and companion whom he 
ought to consult. Present my affectionate respectfull compli- 
ments to Mrs McHenry and family — We are very often, in 
my family rural circle speaking of you and wishing you were 
among us. With everlasting and most affectionate friendship 
I am yours. 

' ' Lafayette. ' ' 

In the beginning of 1802, Tracy, now in the United States 
senate from Connecticut, wrote of the Jeffersonians ' success- 
ful attempt to repeal the act creating circuit courts, of the 
reduction of taxes, and of the negotiations with Great Britain. J 

"Washington 30th. Janv. 1802. 
"My Dear Sir 

"You have all the particulars of our Senatorial struggle 
upon the repeal of Judiciary Law. 

"It is now resting before the Select Committee, but for 
my own part, I have no expectation of saving it at last. The 
party are determined to be revenged, & if they break thro' 
any barriers, Constitution or not; this poor little Law must 
be immolated on the altar of malice & revenge. 

"Respecting Mr. King, I am now told from authority 

1 McHenry's own political positon, after Jefferson's inauguration 
may best be seen from his letter to Charles Carroll of Carrollton on 
April 8, 1801. 



1801-1803] of James McHenry 509 

which cannot be disputed that all the negotiations are probably 
at an end with [out] effecting any thing. What the prospect 
is of beginning again, or success, if that should happen, I 
cannot say, but I believe at present, the thing is at an end, 
probably Mr. King will be recalled, under pretence that some 
fool or knave, or both characters blended in one, of the right 
''sect" may replace him. 

"From 3 to 5,000,000 Dollars I understand was contem- 
plated as a round sum for settlemt. of British Debts, out of 
this was to be deducted spoliations &c. But of this informa- 
tion I wish you not to feel much confidence, as I am not certain 
the sources from which I derive are correct. This last ob- 
servation only applies to sum; the first part of it, that the ne- 
gotiation is broken off ; is I think correct. 

"Apropos of this adm'n Will this enlightened people 
not discover the opacity of such fools. They must repeal 
taxes on rum, Carriages — loaf sugar &c — & because this 
must be done, they must not regulate, lower, & accommodate 
to the actual wants of the poorer class, the taxes on Salt, 
broken Tea, Coffee & brown sugar & Molasses. The people 
deserve all which can be put upon them if they do not see 
that their interest is disgraced. 1 

"Yours affectionately 
"Uriah Tracy" 

.Later in the year Lafayette wrote : 

"La Grange 18h Vendem, October the lOh 1802 
"My Dear McHenry 

"I am requested to forward the inclosed to Baltimore 
and Beg you to Recommend it in your name and mine — An 
Opportunity I eagerly seize to let you Hear from me, and to 
tell you, my dear friend, that not one line from you Has since 
a long while Reached my Hands — I Hope you will not Re- 
ceive a .foolish Newspaper Report Respecting my supposed 
death which Has Been Contradicted the Next day — I enjoy 
a very Good Health, and Quietly Live in the midst of my 
family, further than ever from wishing to abandon that life 
of Retirement — two of my children are married — not yet 
Virginia — they all are under my Roof — my daughter in 

1 McHenry trusted that a sufficient number of Federalists is still to 
be found to guard the Constitution "from the danger of innovation" and 
to restore it to that state in which it came out of the hands of the con- 
vention. 



510 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xvn 

law (whose father. foftnerly my colleague of Assembly and a 
General officer in the Army I commanded, is now a senator 
by the name of Tracy), Has every amiable qualities which can 
contribute to our Happiness — the country place I in Habit is 
Between thirty and forty engiish miles, 13 leagues, from Paris 
where I go very seldom — my friends come to see me and 
among them I Had lately the pleasure to Receive Mr Fox and 
genl Fitzpatrick — I am very fond of farming and would 
long ago Have Begun a Business in which I am sure to find 
Both profit and delight — But it Requires Advances and Hith- 
erto I Have Had to think more of my debts than my pleasures 

— altho I Had in the two Revolutions made pecuniary Sacri- 
fices, there Remained enough of my fortune to answer my 
wishes — But it Has Been, during my proscription, dilapi- 
dated and sold — I found on my Return a load of creditors 

— my actual abode, which I prefer to all others, Has Been 
in Herited By my wife — I Have made the Best arrangements 
I could — yet I am still embarrassed in an Heavy debt, the 
Greatest part of which Belongs to American citizens or mer- 
chants — supposing it was paid, there would Remain for each 
of my children, which I Have already given to two of them, 
a property of Hundred and twenty Guineas a year — for my 
wife and myself, including the usual military pension, about 
five Hundred Guineas annual, which might Be a little en- 
creased By good farming, Had I declared the first expenses — 
under those circumstances you will approve my making some 
inquiries about grants of land, state and continental, which 
Have Been often mentioned to me — I Have writen about it 
to my friends, Victor Dupont and Co, who offered their kind 
services, and should they apply to you for information or as- 
sistance, I am sure they shall find it — you Remember that 
the amount of my pay Has Been during my captivity sent by 
Congress and employed in preservative measures — it Has 
Been confidentially said to me. Between us, it was the inten- 
tion of certain friends to take into consideration my former 
expenses and to move Congress for some Resolution respecting 
me — I shall make no application, But will consider it a duty 
to my creditors and an Honourable circumstance for me to 
accept whatever they would please to do under the proportion 
which might Be derived from my old expenses — a small for- 
tune, after it Has Been cleared, will suffice for us — I do not 
choose to encrease it by any of the plans to Be found in the 
present institutions of France — and I think a plain life suits 



1801-1803] of James McHenry 511 

Better my situation than any other — But I confess I would 
much wish the little I Have to Be unencombered, and I have 
thought I might find some resource in the grants which, I am 
told, Have Been formerly set a part for me. 

"My old confidence in you, my dear McHenry, Has made 
me enter those details — I Hope you Have Received letters I 
wrote By duplicate Respecting the History of General Wash- 
ington undertaken By His nephew — you will no doubt Have, 
and you may seek opportunities to see the work and make your 
observations. 

"Adieu, my dear friend, present my Best Respects to 
Mrs McHenry — my compliments wait on the family — Ac- 
cept those of my wife and children, and Believe me most 
affectionately 

' ' Yours Lafayette ' ' 

Few other letters of x note date from 1802. One of these 
is from Stoddert, who was in continual financial difficulties 
and was interested in the investigations into the management 
of the executive departments which the Republicans instituted. 

"Geo Town 20 July 1802. 
"Dr Sir 

' ' I have ascertained the facts respecting the Secretaries of 
State in regard to their accts. all monies were charged to 
Pickering and to Marshall, who intended an arrangement at 
the Treasury to take off the responsibility from him by charg- 
ing at once to the person sent the money — but this was 
never done in his time — It was done since Mr Madison came 
to Office, but not till after 42000 D. were charged to him, sent 
by Dale to the Barbary Powers — Mr Madison took Dale 's 
rect. & the amt. against Mr. Madison was balanced by trans- 
ferring the charge to Dale — & this before Dale left this 
Country, Since his return, his acct is also settled by the rec 'ts 
produced by him for the delivery of the stores & money or 
money alone. 

"This is the only instance of charge against Mr. Madison. 
In other transactions, the money in his dept. has been at once 
charged to the persons sent it — or in some way to free him 

1 An indication of the kind of courtesies expected from city friends 
may be seen in W. V. Murray's letter from Cambridge on August 3, 
1802. "Mrs. Murray took the liberty of sending her Piano Forte to 
Mrs. McHenry with a letter requesting to have it strung and tuned. My 
brother will bring it home if it be ready." 



512 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xvn 

from responsibility. This is different from my impressions 
I was sure this prudent arrangement had been adopted by 
Genl. Marshall — & that Mr. Madison had succeeded to it. 

"The President has become a great Friend to the Navy 
I believe. He has a proposal for securing Ships from decay ; 
& if Congress will adopt it, as I hope they will, he should not, 
he says, object to building a 74 every year. It is intended 
to make a dry dock for the reception of 12 ships at the Navy 
yard or the Eastern Branch — on the principle of locks the 
water is to be taken from the little Falls of Pato'e. carried 
through Geo Town & the City, & is to fill the locks, so as to 
bring the Ships into the lock, which afterwards may be made 
dry — & is to be covred — the whole expense will not exceed 
he thinks 200,000 Drs. If it does not exceed half a million, 
the money will be well laid out, & the work will be worthy a 
great nation. You know my partiallity for the Navy — My 
interest in the City — both will be benefitted, and ships once 
built will require little expense & be subject to no Decay in 
Peace." 



The investigating committee, appointed by the house of 
representatives on December 14, 1801, reported April 29, and 
congress adjourned on May 3. The Federalist minority of 
the committee, Bayard, Griswold, and Cutter, opposed the re- 
port, especially as it was made very late in the session and 
they were not consulted in the preparation of it. The ma- 
jority's report charged a "wanton waste of the public treas- 
ure" and the Republican newspapers said this document "ex- 
hibits a scene of past iniquity, much more frightful and of a 
nature much more dangerous and alarming than anything yet 
delineated, or conceived, of the late administration." * 

On May 1, Griswold, as a member of the committee, at- 
tacked the report and moved a recommitment. The charges 
against McHenry 2 were that he had unsettled accounts for 
$3,877,792.50 ; that $152,608 were improperly spent for a lab- 
oratory on the Schuylkill ; that money had been improperly ex- 



1 Annals of Congress, 7th Cong., 1st Sess., 313, 319, 1251. The in- 
vestigation was originally started to find irregularities in Pickering's 
accounts, but the motion was extended so as to cover an investigation 
to all moneys drawn from the treasury. The motion was carried with- 
out a division. 

2 Annals of Congress, 7th Cong., ,1st Sess., 1255. The report is printed 
in State Papers, Finance, ii, 752. 



1801-1803] of James Mc Henry 513 

pended for secret service 1 and in the Indian relations ; that 
Uriah Tracy, United States senator from Connecticut, had 
been improperly paid for a trip to the West, at a rate of $8 
a day and his expenses ; and that the federal government had 
wrongfully paid McHenry's house rent. Griswold defended 
McHenry against all the charges, especially the first two. He 
explained that the "mode in which business is transacted in 
the offices of the accountants of the war and navy" is this: 
"Whenever a sum of money is advanced to an individual, he 
is immediately charged with it and, although it may have been 
advanced for services actually rendered or supplies furnished, 
yet nothing passed takes credit, till a voucher is produced for 
every item in the account, and the account, although nothing 
is due upon it, remains unsettled and, in the sense of the 
committee, a balance unaccounted for." Therefore, the quar- 
termaster's department has $900,000 charged against it, on 
account of a dispute as to a small part of that sum. 

As to the laboratory, McHenry was a "man of liberal 
mind, and of large extensive views, and disposed to found 
every permanent establishment upon a scale which should, in 
some measure, comport with the future prospect of this coun- 
try and prove them to* be the establishments of a nation and 
not of a petty corporation." He established an arsenal at 
Philadelphia, because that city, as a great mercantile port, 
was a fine place to collect military stores and because he found 
these stores kept in private buildings and exposed to fires and 
accident. 

Nicholson defended the report, but his defense of the 
charge of unsettled accounts was weak. As to the arsenal, he 
asserted that no authority had been given to build it and that 
its expense was wrongly charged against the quartermaster's 
fund. 2 

Bayard, a Federalist member of the committee, protested 
agdinst the report, 3 stating that the evidence was not suffi- 
cient to prove that McHenry owes the United States a dollar, 
that a laboratory was necessary for the preservation of arms 
and stores and, by analogy to the Washington navy yard just 

1 Sate Papers, Finance, i, S16, 817. Letter of McHenry to Simmons, 
accountant of war department, directing him to pay accounts certified by 
the president for secret service to James Ross and Samuel Lewis to the 
amount of $1320 and saying Simmons is not comptroller of the depart- 
ment's disbursements, but merely a sub-auditor and countersigns checks 
to preserve regularity in the finances, not to restrain advances. 

2 Annals of Congress, 7th Cong., 12C7. 

3 Annals of Congress, 7th Cong., 1272. 



514 Life and Correspondence [Chap.xvii 

_ 

built, it was right for McHenry to take the cost, $152,603, 
from the quartermaster's fund. He also defended Tracy's 
mission, which John Randolph especially attacked. x Ran- 
dolph also attacked the secretary for building the laboratory 
on land leased, but not owned, by the government. After the 
last speech, Griswold's motion was lost by a vote of 22 to 46. 
McHenry prepared a defense of himself against the 
charges made against him, which he embodied in a letter to 
the speaker which was read in the house of representatives on 
December 28, and was later printed for McHenry in pamphlet 
form in Baltimore. 2 Some Republicans objected to its being- 
read and Randolph of Roanoke called it indecent, but the 
house supported Macon, the speaker, and ordered it read, 3 by 
a vote of 62 to 16. After reading the letter, it was laid on 
the table and, on the next day, 4 Randolph offered an amend- 
ment to the rules that, if any paper be offered which, in the 
opinion of any member, contained matter insulting to the 
dignity of the house, the question of reading it shall be de- 
termined by vote of the house. The amendment was referred 
to a committee and never reported, while no action was taken 
on McHenry 's letter. In his defense, the late secretary of 
war said that his disbursements were less than the appropria- 
tions. Of the $4,000,000 unaccounted for, $1,756,391 were 
disbursed before 1797 and $1,800,000 of the remainder were 
advanced before McHenry took office. The present admin- 
istration disbursed $700,000 ; $908,092 has been accounted for 
and is improperly included and $341,854.49 was duly applied 
though not accounted for, so that McHenry owes no balance. 
The whole trouble came from a bad system of bookkeeping. 
The accountant of the war department and the auditor and 
comptroller of the treasury see that a proper account is made 
and, unless the secretary of war interferes with them, he is 
not liable in any event. ' ' Advances made by the secretary of 
war were always charged to the receivers of the money and 
not to the secretary of war and some of these agents have not 
settled." The laboratory was properly charged to the quar- 
termaster's fund and there had been the previous custom to 

1 Annals of Congress, 7th Cong., 12S3. 

2 "A letter to the honorable, the Speaker of the House of Repre- 
sentatives of the United States with the accompanying documents read 
in that Honorable House on the 28th of Dec, 1802, by James McHenry, 
late Secretary of the Department of War, Baltimore, Printed by John 
Butler, cor. Gay and Water Sts., 1803." 

3 Annals of Congress, 7th Cong., 2nd Sess., 293. 

4 Annals of Congress, 7th Cong., 2nd Sess., 297. 



1801-1803] of James Mc Henry 515 

spend from that fund the sum needed to supply a place for 
supplies whose purchase was authorized. While in office, Mc- 
Henry reported that the building was in process of construc- 
tion and would be paid for from the quartermaster's fund 
and there was no complaint. Indian affairs and the Indian 
trade were in the hands of the war department. This gave 
the department a foreign side, and furthermore the laws of 
the United States provide for secret expenditures in connec- 
tion with the Indians and arrangements had to be made with 
governors of Canada and Louisiana about the surrender of 
the western posts. McHenry tried to render less frequent the 
visits of the Indians to the seat of government and to have 
more resident Indian agents, thus bettering the moral and 
physical conditions, bringing the Indians into narrower com- 
pass on reservations, and placing them more perfectly under 
the control of the United States. On May 23, 1800, just be- 
fore leaving office, he recommended that a proper person ex- 
amine the Indian trading houses and garrisons and that the 
military leaders give the Indians as few rations as possible. 
As a result of this recommendation, Tracy was sent, quite 
properly. As to house rent, l in April, 1800, anticipating the 
speedy removal of the capital from Philadelphia to Washing- 
ton, McHenry sent his chief clerk to the latter place to rent, 
for a year, a house for the war office and a dwelling for the 
secretary. This was done before Adams asked McHenry 's 
resignation and after this McHenry considered "the public 
bound to save me harmless from the effects of my engage- 
ment." The other secretaries agreed with him and so the 
needed sum was paid by the federal government. McHenry 's 
defense may fairly be called a successful one and we may 
well agree with his summing up. "It was my lot to be en- 
trusted with the direction of the Department for a course of 
time, during a great part of which, the affairs of this country 
were considerably agitated. Whether the Department was ad- 
ministered well or ill, whether such of the plans projected by 
me, as were carried into execution, and others offered by me 
to the consideration of the councils of the United States, have, 
or would probably have, in their results, conduced to the pub- 
lic benefit, must be committed to time and the dispassionate 
judgment of others to decide. I have not vanity sufficient to 
flatter myself that, while in office, I was always right and 

1 See Contract with Mrs. French for house rent. State Papers, 
Finance, i, 820. 



516 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xvii 

never surprised into error; too well do I know that it is im- 
possible to conduct a great and complicated department, so as 
always to avoid mistakes. My own mind does, however, derive 
satisfaction from a review of my endeavors for the public 
good, and I confidently trust I have shown that any errors 
justly attributed to me are not those imputed in the report of 
the committee of investigation." 

McHenry's defense led to several letters from his Feder- 
alist friends. Tracy wrote twice. 

"City of Washington 3d. Jany. 1803. 
"My Dear Sir 

"Your favor of the 22d. Deer, has been reed, a sufficient 
length of time ago, to have had an answr. before now ; but my 
health is still low, & I have had an ague & fever, & have not 
written since I reed, your letter, excepting once to my family. 
I am somewhat better now ; but the weather is so disagreeable 
that I cannot exercise sufficiently, & this incapacitates me 
from writing or indeed from any enjoyment. 

"No apology was requisite for not communicating your 
intention of addressing Congress, on the matter or manner of 
it. It seems to me perfectly correct, that it should be your 
own exclusively, & delicacy dictates that you should not have 
consulted your Congressional Friends. 

"I have not seen your memorial, but am told by mem- 
bers of the House who did hear it, that it was well done, & 
adapted well to its purposes. The House has taken no meas- 
ures with it, after struggling violently to prevent its being 
read; but it was all read however disagreeable to them. You 
have probably heard the Speaker's Opinion was in favor of 
reading & that the hot ones appealed, but the House supported 
Macon & it was all read. 

"Our Majority with pusillanimity at their head, are ap- 
palled at the aspect of New Orleans, they fear war, because 
it costs money & Mood, neither of which ought, in their Opin- 
ion to be expended in this reign of Parsimoney & Economy. 
The Kentuckians, & Tennesseeites, & Mississippi Territorian- 
ists are alive, & pushing on one side, for prompt and ener- 
getic measures, The Federalists are for prompt measures; & 
the Jacobins talk faint & look wild. 

"In this state of irresolution, the proper time to act 
will pass by, & can never be recalled. The French will take 
possession of Louisiana &c. 









1801-1803] of James Mc Henry ' 517 

"The Jacobins seem to wait for next session to communi- 
cate their attacks on the Constitution, & even for any further 
attacks on the old ordr. of things. What may come forward 
I do not know ; from present appearances they seem too irreso- 
lute to do any thing. 

"They exult in Gallatin's Statement of a full Treasy. an 
event highly honble to the old admin Vn ; but these fools claim 
the credit of it themselves. It is really difficult to decide 
which they merit most the appellation of fool or knave, Fools 
they are, God knows; but I am, lately, more than formerly 
convinced that Fool is their predominant characteristic. I 
know there is no fool, but what is a knave, especially if you 
trust him in public business, his very folly operates knavery 
in a high degree and our Country will rue the day, in which 
they drest fools with authority, it was a sorrowful act ! 

"Present me respectfully to Mrs. McHenry & family, in 
which George (my little Son) joins me, & believe 
"me yours sincerely 
"Uriah Tracy" 

"Washington 11th. Jany. 1803. 
"My Dear Sir 

"I expected to have found the Report you mention in 
your last favor of the 4th. Jany. among my old papers, but 
not being able to lay my hand upon it, I have directed a Copy 
to be made out, & will forward it the moment it is finished. 

"James Munroe Esqr. of Virginia, is Nominated Plenipo. 
Extra to France & Spain both jointly & severally with R. R. 
Livingston in the one place & with the immortal Charles 
Pinckney in the other to settle all the New Orleans, & Louis- 
iana scrapes with these European reprobates. This our in- 
trepid Executive has laid before the Senate this day. "Hail 
Columbia happy Land." 

' ' Your friends all say, that your defence, which was read 
before the Reps, of the Majesty of the People, much against 
their will, was an able & ample defence, & the treatmt. of it 
attempted by the Jacobins, proves their opinions better, than 
any declaration they would make directly, as they would not 
own the truth without much reluctance. It lies on the Table, 
& nothing I conclude, will be done with it. 

"I am confident I wrote to you upon this subject, before 
I reed, your letter, & if you have not reed, it, I wish you would 
let me know; as I am not confident that our Post-Offices are 



518 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xvii 

perfectly free from mistakes with some of my Letters ; — there 
are a number of unaccountable delays, & losses of my letters, 
which have induced me to suspect and tho I wish not be 
jealous & much less to accuse improperly, I mean to know, 
or at least attempt to know, what is the difficulty. 

"I cannot think myself of sufficient importance to call 
forth the talents of this Departmt. in searching for my lit- 
tle treasons against the present virtuous Admin 'n, but, if the 
Infernal scoundrels open my letters, & put them aside, or de- 
stroy them, I will try to chastise them for it and sooner or 
later I shall certainly effect it. The babyish conduct of our 
great men, I can despise & forgive; but if villainy must be 
added to a childish folly, it ought to [be] brought to condign 
punishment. 

"Please to say how d'do in the most friendly manner to 
Mrs. McHenry for me, & believe me your friend. 

"Uriah Tracy" 



Later in the year McHenry sent Wolcott some copies of 
the pamphlet, which the Connecticut man acknowledged thus : 

"New York May 30th 1803. 
"My Dear Sir. 

"I reed, your favour of the 11th instant a few days since, 
accompanying a number of copies of your letter to the Speaker 
of the House of Representatives; those addressed to your 
friends in this city, have been delivered, those intended for 
Massachusetts & Connecticut, shall be forwarded without de- 
lay. 

"The perusal of your address has given me much pleas- 
ure. I thought I understood the Report of the Committee of 
Investigation well, before, but I now understand it much bet- 
ter. — you have placed several matters in a new and striking 
point of view, & have brought to light several documents, 
which escaped former researches : — the investigators have 
been well investigated: the attempt to disgrace honest men, 
has covered the authors with confusion : — poor rogues — they 
have only displayed an impotent malice. 

"I thank you sincerely for your kifid wishes for my wel- 
fare. I hope some part of your prediction will be verified : — 
for though I do not expect nor wish to be rich, yet I hope so 



1801-1803] of James Mc Henry 519 

far to succeed in my new vocation — as to secure a competency 
for my family. 

"I hope you will not so far forget your friends of the 
old school, as not to drop me a line occasionally & as you have 
the felicity, to be a man of independence & leisure, I pray 
you to assist, in guiding us out of the turbid waves of Jeffer- 
sonian liberty — . If we were on a 'tempestuous sea' of 
clean salt water, I should feel more indifferent than I now 
do, about being drowned, in good company : — but to be suffo- 
cated in a dirty goose pond, is too offensive & degrading — 
Excite Maryland, if possible, to do something — almost any 
movement will afford relief. 

' ' Mrs. "W — will not come here till the Autumn — I shall 
communicate Mrs. McHenry's message to her, with the certain 
knowledge that it will be very acceptable. Please to present 
my best respects to her & to my young friends of your house- 
hold & remain assured of the sincerity, with which I continue 
"Dr. Sir your friend 
"& obed. Sert. 

"Oliv Wolcott" 



CHAPTER XVIII 

THE FEDERALISTS IN OPPOSITION, 1803-1812 

DURING 1803, McHenry became interested in a project 
to establish a college in Baltimore to bear the name 
of the city and to have as its basis an academy con- 
ducted by Dr. James Priestley. A charter for this college was 
passed by the legislature and McHenry wrote an appeal to 
the citizens to support it. 1 This appeal was unsuccessful and 
when his own son John, whom he had sent to Princeton, be- 
came ill and discouraged there, he was forced to send him to 
St. Mary's College on the outskirts of Baltimore, conducted by 
the Sulpicians. McHenry 's tender fatherliness may be seen 
in a letter sent his son on December 31, 1805. 

''My dear John. 

"I expect to see you, George, and Edward to-morrow. 
You may, if you think proper, invite to spend the day with 
you, two of your college acquaintances. 

"On the eve of a new year, accept, my beloved son, of 
my anxious and fervent wishes for your daily happiness. May 
every new year add to your mental improvements, give 
strength to your good habits, and when you shall come forth 
into the world the accomplished scholar, render you dearer 
and dearer to your fellow citizens. Above all things, I pray 
to God, that while we remain here below, your and our lives 
may be so spent as to ensure to us, through the merits of our 
redeemer, a blessed hereafter. 

"Your affectionate father 
"James McHenry" 

News of the Louisiana treaty came during the summer of 
1803 and McHenry rather disapproved it. He wrote Picker- 



1 A letter written by James McHenry to his son at Princeton, and 
the address to the citizens of Baltimore are printed in the Johns Hop- 
kins Newsletter for 1904. 



1803-1812] of James McHenry 521 

ing on October 27, asking the truth of rumors about it and 
said: let the Republicans amend the constitution without help 
from the Federalists. Before this, he had heard from Wolcott 
and Tracy on the subject as follows: 

"New York Aug. 4th 1803. 
"Dear Sir, 

"By our friends: Mr. Harper & Mr. Thompson & Mr. 
Cooke I have reed, the agreable information of your health & 
prosperity, in which my feelings are deeply interested. That 
nothing may happen to disturb your felicity is my ardent 
wish. 

"I take the liberty to ask as a favour that you would 
ascertain the expence of the agency for adjusting the accounts 
of the State of Maryland, before the Board of Commissioners 
of the United States. If I am not mistaken, Mr. John Wright 
• — was the Agent — perhaps, however, he was only the Prin- 
cipal Clerk — What I wish to know is, the Salary & Dura- 
tion of the Agent — & the expence of Clerk hire, Office rent, 
Contingencies &c &c. They can, I presume, be ascertained 
from the person who was Agent or from the Audts. in the 
State Treasury. The information will be useful to me per- 
sonally & is wanted for that purpose only. 

' ' Is there any secret article in the Louisiana Treaty, which 
will create difficulties, or has G. B. Manifested discontent in 
relation to this affair? It appertains to you to discover & 
reveal the mystery, if one exists — In my capacity of cidevant 
Secy, of the Treasury — I promise to pass your accounts, the 
Committee of Investigation notwithstanding. 

"Please to present my respects to Mrs. and Miss Mc- 
Henry & the voung Gentlemen & remain assured of the Esteem 
of 

"Dr Sir, yrs. 

"Oliv. Wolcott." 

Tracy's letter was sent from Washington, October 19th, 
1803. 

"We are, in the Senate hard at work upon the three 
French Treaties, or rather one Treaty & two Conventions; 
which are yet secret but will, it is presumed, soon transpire. 
You have read the Message, & contemplated its contents. 

"All things conspire to obtain popularity, & all exertions 
are aimed at that object. How long luck will attend such 



522 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xviii i 



fellows is uncertain ; ^ut it is a long road which never turns. 

"I have thought in looking over the history of my fellow 
men, both written & experimental, that the everlasting & un- 
ceasing tendency has been & still is to place rule, command, or 
governmt. in the hands of unworthy men. ■ Such are the im- 
perfections & I may add depravity of human nature, that the 
chance is a bad one, to get a good King, Govt. Prest. or any 
other character to govern men. And any good man, acting 
in such conspicious capacity, has always been a light shining 
in a dark place. When shall we see a Washington — Not 
till we get to Heaven : — But we may see many, very many, 
of a different character, who will make great pretentions to 
patriotism & virtue; & even invoke Washington's name, & pro- 
fess to emulate his virtues. Poor human nature ; this world 
is thy trial, here, self denial & restraint, mortification & disap- 
pointment, are thy lot ; Addison says in one of his pieces in the 
Spectator; "in this world our happiness' must consist in re- 
straint, in the next in enjoyment." 

"The bustle, intrigue, & vice, almost absolutely requisite 
to obtain wealth & power, the darling objects of the human 
heart, are so incompatible to a Christian & all his feelings, that 
they must generally remain with those, whose want of prin- 
ciple will permit them to adopt any means however wicked, 
to obtain their objects : — The few exceptions, seem only to 
confirm the general rule. 

"New Jersey you know has come out in the last Elec- 
tion Democratic, the Feds say that it is owing to bad votes, 
foul play &c — but you will discern that bad votes, foul play, 
&e. must be expected in such a state of things, as are in exis- 
tence in this Country. What with bad votes, foul play &c — 
we shall probably take the same course, that our predecessors 
have marked out for us, their tracks lead to the grave & that 
with hasty step./ In contemplating our situation, I am con- 
vinced, that the accession of Louisiana, will accelerate a divi- 
sion, of these States ; whose whenabouts, is uncertain, but 
somewhen is inevitable. 

"North & South, with the difference of climate, produce, 
population & manners, are now but just held together, with a 
sense of interest & force of habit ; but only add a large acces- 
sion to the Southern tendency to disorganization ; & the North- 
ern section will fall off, by force of its own weight. This 
event, I deprecate, but not so much, that I would submit to 
any thing, & every thing to avoid it. 



1803-1812] of James McHenry 523 



"I believe, Sir, you are fatigued with this preachment, 
permit me therefore to subscribe myself yr. friend. 

"Uriah Tracy." /" 

Lafayette wrote him twice in the year 1803 and McHenry 
replied to these letters in a long and interesting one. 

"Paris Germinal the 10th 11th year 
"(30 March) 1803 
"My Dear McHenry 

"I take the opportunity of General Bernadotte's Depart- 
ure to let you hear from me. You have no doubt been alarmed 
with the account of my having broken my thigh in the worst 
place I could chosen viz the Col du femur My cure is com- 
plete and I am certain that I shall not have the least lame- 
ness, but the new machine to which I am indebted for it has 
so severely wounded me, and my lying on the back has been 
so long that I must still undergo much pain and trouble be- 
fore I am quite well. Now permit me to introduce to you 
and Mrs McHenry General Bernadotte and his lady, both 
perfectly Calculated to be welcome and well pleased in Amer- 
ica, the glorious share that General Bernadotte had in the 
triumphs of the French armies, you know perfectly well, his 
private character and civic virtues are not less deserving at- 
tachment and regard, his personal disposition towards Amer- 
ica is such as we can wish, to you it is not superfluous to 
add that General Bernadotte is my friend, adieu dear Mc- 
Henry 

"I am Most affectionately yours 
' ' Lafayette ' ' 

The second letter was sent from near Paris, June 1, 1803. 

"My Dear McHenry 

"I have not this very long time received a Line from you 
— I dont Know whether you have got my Letters — The Last 
one was an introductory one for Gel. Bernadotte — You will 
have heard that I had the misfortune to break my Thigh, at 
the col du Femur The fracture has been more perfectly 
mended than in any case perhaps of the kind — But the ex- 
tensive machine invented for that purpose having been se- 
verely applied, and by me Supported as long as I could, there 
have resulted from it Very Deep Wounds which will Still 



524 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xvui 

Keep me two or three Weeks before they are healed — I 
now am at a Village where my Daughter in Law's family have 
their house — her Father has left the huzzards to become 
Aide de Camp to an Inspector of Cavalry. We shall all, ' 
viz my wife, Son, Daughter in Law, two Daughters, their 
husbands, and three Grand Daughters, meet again by the 
middle of July at Lagrange — my beloved rural place of re- 
tirement Where the Whole Family Live with us. 

"I am heartily Sorry for the War Between France and 
England Whatever may justly be Said of the Politics of 
our Goverment, it appears evident to me that, on this Side, 
peace has been Sincerely wished for and that in the British 
Cabinet it has been quite the reverse — They Disliked the 
Treaty made by Themselves at Amiens, and they Determined 
to Break it — That is the English of the Business. — We are 
not without Some hopes of a Speedy reconciliation. 

"I Seldom felt so great a Joy as I did on the accession of 
Louisiana and the anticipated one of the Floridas to the free 
and happy territory of the United States — The scheme of 
a French Colony in that quarter I did on every Account repro- 
bate — It was big with Evils — The present Arrangement 
is on the line of the gradual enfranchisement of the Amer- 
ican Continent and Secures eternal good Understanding Be- 
tween France and the United States. 

"I have with heartfelt gratitude, pride, and pleasure 
heard of the Gifts in Lands which Congress have been pleased 
to grant to me — Indeed, my Dear Friend, Circumstanced as 
I am, unwilling to meddle with public affairs, having found 
on my return large Debts and very little property, I con- 
sider the Kindness of my American Fellow Citizens, either 
in general Congress, or in particular States, as the most hon- 
ourable Way to rid myself of my embarassments, and to Se- 
cure the modest Situation, Which I prefer to an expensive 
State — The only luxury I should like to indulge is the im- 
provement of my Farm as I am Fondly Devoted to Agricul- 
tural pleasures — Was you to ask me why I would not as 
well like be under the Same obligations to this other Country 
of mine, for which also, in my pecuniary times, I spent a good 
part of my fortune, I would Frankly Answer that here I dont 
Find a true national representation, and that too many people, 
friends and adversaries, have suffered, to make an exception 
of the Kind in my Behalf agreeable to my feelings — Amer- 



(1803-1812] of James McHenry 525 

lican Bounty on the contrary is freely granted, and accepted 
I without Scruple or inconvenience 

"You have, I am Sure, presumed a friendly remembrance 
| of Gel. Chattelux : his Widow and her Son, a Very promising 
Youth, both ruined by the revolution find themselves in a 
particular Situation which the inclosed note, made by Madame 
de Chattelux Does sufficiently explain — I assured her you 
would by your Enquiries, and, if there is a chance of Success, 
by your Exertions, Do for the Father's memory, and the 
advantages of his Family whatever may be in your power. 

"Adieu, my dear McHenry, present my respects to your 
Lady — My attachments to all the Family, and think often 
of your constant affectionate friend 

' ' Lafayette ' ' 

The inclosure was a curious one and gave an inaccurate 
legend : 

"Lord Baltimore, in consequence of a Grant issued under 
the Reign of Charles the 1st. which gave to him and his heirs 
the propriety of the lands Situated to the north of the River 
Potowmack, as also divers privilege of Great importance laid 
down the foundation of the province of Maryland in the 
Year 1632. 

"Upon the death of King Charles, the inhabitants of 
Maryland having Submitted to the Authority of Cromwell, 
Lord Baltimore was obliged to fly to Virginia ; but at the 
time of Charles the Second's restoration, he returned and was 
reinstated in his rights and privileges. The Constitution he 
had established in the Year 1638. had been revised in 1650. 
and altered in Some respects: Such as it was modeled at 
this last period, it remained in activity untill the Year 1776. 
"When the present laws, forms, and independanee were pro- 
claimed. 

"Lord Baltimore left no male issue, and his two Daugh- 
ters married two brothers, of the name and Family of Plunk- 
ett's of Castle Plunkett in Ireland: His property and priv- 
ileges of every sort of nature had been entailed upon the 
Eldest: but from circumstances unknown (it is supposed 
owing to the Absence of the right owner & the presence of 
those who had a sort of Claim) upon the death of Lord 
Baltimore, his illegitimate Children usurped the property &c. 
which belonged to the Legitimate Descendant and notwith- 
standing every Sort of application made by these, continued 



526 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xviii 

to remain in possession of their Lands, original Titles, hon- 
or's &c. imtill the revolution having taken place, their attach- 
ment to the English Cause was the occassion of the property 
they held illegaly being confiscated, but it Seems they re- 
ceived from Great Britain a large Sum as an indemnification 

"The Branch of Plunkett's derived from Lord Balti- 
more's Eldest Daughter is extinct 

"Alfred Chastellux Son to General Chastellux, and his 
only Child, in right of his Mother Mary Plunkett, great 
Grandaughter to Miss Talbot Lord Baltimore 's Second Daugh- 
ter is the Direct and Legitimate Descendant of Lord Balti- 
more : is he not entitled in justice to claim an indemnification, 
as the Legal heir of Mm Who laid down the foundation of 
the State of Maryland? & to a grant of favor, as being the 
Son of General Chastellux who contributed to establish the 
Independance of the United States, and whose unbounded 
Attachment to the prosperity of America is Sufficiently 
Known. ' ' 

McHenry answered Lafayette's letters from Baltimore 
on October 25, 1803. 

"Since my last I have been honoured with two letters 
from you, 1 — Dated June 1st the other the 30 March. The 
1st of June I received about six weeks ago, and the 30th 
March which came [to] hand during the last month. The 
letter of June relieved me from much uncertainty respecting 
your situation. As I could not entirely discredit public 
prints, which stated the accident that had befallen you, I 
had become extremely anxious to learn from yourself the 
extent & nature of the disaster. I thank god that you are 
recovered or nearly so, and without the affliction of perment 
lameness. You must indeed have suffered a great deal from 
the machine, constant extension, in such a case, being equiva- 
lent to constant pain. 

"It was the wish of your friends that Congress should 
have made their grant of land to you more worthy of your 
acceptance. I believe we are to ascribe the limitation en- 
tirely to the reigning policy, which calls for the strictest 
economy in every expenditure that might attract public at- 
tention. Were you to come among us, you would find your- 
self in many points of view, as it were, in a new world. Most 
of your old friends in private life, friends tremblingly alive 



1803-1812] of James McHenry 527 

to whatever is likely to affect their popularity. The people 
too changed, that is because more democratical. Great and 
lesser Demagogues in every State and districts and the preju- 
dices and violence of party, leaving little or no room for 
moderation or social intercourse between men of opposite 
politics. In such a state of things with economy the cry of 
every Demagogue or seeker of popularity, I need not observe 
that any application to the legislature of Maryland at this 
time in favour of the son of Genl. Chastellux would be un- 
successful. 

"These are no doubt evils in themselves, and what is 
worse, may lead to still greater. We cannot tell what further 
changes such democratical opinions may produce in the pub- 
lic mind [in] the government itself, when a people are made 
to believe, that they themselves are every thing, and have 
a right to have every thing fashioned to their way of think- 
ing, they are in the sure road of alternately ruling their 
Demagogues and being ruled by them, and the fundamental 
laws and institutions of the State disregarded or trampled 
upon as they stand opposed to the passions or inter- 
ests of their leaders. Such has generally been the conse- 
quences of flattering the multitude in Republics, for in re- 
publics any deviations in the people from their prescribed 
rights, and in the government from the free exercise of its 
authorities lead rapidly to Democracy, in other words confu- 
sion and licentiousness. 

"As yet, however, such consequences are more feared 
than felt ; and feared only by the most reflecting part of the 
community those in power excepted, who act as if they 
thought they could be able to manage the multitude accord- 
ing to their views of the public interest. The people, gen- 
erally speaking, still preserve a degree of respect for the 
forms of election and the constitution, and those in power, for 
the general welfare, with this qualification, that it must be 
carried and essentially connected with their popularity. 

"In the mean while, the general prosperity of the coun- 
try is on the increase, and the laws, except perhaps where 
certain political questions are concerned, executed with the 
usual fidelity and integrity. 

"With respect to my self I would not say that I am 
an unconcerned spectator, or indifferent to all that passes. 
Having an interest at stake, loving real liberty and wishing 
for its maintennance, I cannot, without regret, look upon any 



528 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xviii 

conduct in rulers or the people which tends to endanger and 
finally destroy it. In my eyes despotism of the multitude is 
the most terrible of tyrannies. 

"You tell me you are in love with retirement and rural 
concerns. I do not pay much attention to the latter, but 
I am so great a stickler for ease and quiet, it must be a tor- 
nado [or] earthquake in politics indeed which would throw 
me into public Life. I wish you were equally decided in your 
choice of a retired life, but my dear general, you will, if I 
am not mistaken, for the sake of your family your friends, 
or some other good and powerful motive forego La Grange, 
its fields — its fences, its shades and herds and flocks, for 
public life. 

"It will, however, always be a solace to me, that you are 
happy & that your children connect themselves in a manner 
worthy of their parents; and to receive you in the arms of 
friendship should any occasion lead you to revisit the United 
States. 

"Mrs. McHenry prays to be respectfully presented to 
Madam La Fayette, and that she will accept her constant 
wishes for her happiness." 

McHenry was soon to lose two of his warmest friends. 
Murray died on December 11, 1803, and Hamilton's death 
occurred in the next year. On January 2, Tracy wrote, 
inclosing a speech he had recently made in opposition, to the 
Twelfth Amendment to the Constitution. 

"My Dear Sir 

"I have again been guilty of almost an act of suicide, 
in making a foolish speech, & more foolish publication of 
it. But since it has cost me so much to bring it to light, I 
am determined to tax my friends with a sight of it, whether 
they will read it is left with each one, in a free Country, to 
decide for him self. I have inclosed one to you, as a New 
Years gift, & wish from my soul it was worthy of the person 
to whom presented, & of the affectionate friendship I feel 
for him. 

' ' We have no News Yet from New Orleans ; but expect it 
soon. I mean Official news. There are reports, & newspaper 
paragraphs ; & it is probable that peaceable possession will 
be given, by the Spaniards, & French Prefect L' Aussat. If 
peaceable possession is obtained, there will be a triumph to 
Democracy. 



1803-1812] of James McHenry 529 

"Had I any thing worthy of yr. attention to write, I 
would make up a letter with it; but our political sense pre- 
sents nothing but a sameness of sterility; one barren waste 
of hypocritical pretensions to foster the liberties of the people, 
while popularity is the real object. 

"But I had rather be buried under the ruins of my 
Country, exerting my feeble strength to support it; than to 
ride in the foremost & most exalted Chariot, of him who is 
laying it waste. Let Democracy tremble, for the Day of 
account is at hand. If they destroy us, it will serve to ac- 
cumulate vengeance for themselves; and the short lived tri- 
umph will but aggravate their woes. 

"But I am rambling into the regions of the horrible, it is 
enough to tax you with a long book, & not add a long letter 
to it. 

"Please to present me respectfully to Mrs. McHenry & 
family, & believe me yrs. sincerely 

"Uriah Tracy 

"N. B. I am afflicted at the death of our friend Vans 
Murray; but it is the will of God. Man ought not to com- 
plain, when infinite Wisdom & goodness, are accompanying 
infinite power ! ' ' 

In New York state the acrimonious campaign carried on 
by Burr for the governorship was to result in Hamilton's 
death. I have found no letter from McHenry on this sad 
event, but three letters from Wolcott to him are preserved 
among McHenry 's papers upon that election and its melan- 
choly sequel. 

The first letter is dated New York, April 9, 1804 : 

"My Dear Sir, 

"I have reed, your favour of Mar. 31. & have spoken to 
Genl. Hamilton who has promised to reimburse the fee you 
paid to Mr. Martin. 

' ' The good wishes and affectionate concern of my friends, 
among whom, I rank you in the first class, are more than an 
equivalent for all the evils which I have experienced, from the 
vindictive spirit of my political adversaries. It affords me a 
high consolation to reflect, that I have not deserved this treat- 
ment and I firmly believe that it will not be in the power of 
the Philosopher & all hi? Minions to break my spirit or starve 



530 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xviii j 

my family : they shall certainly find that I am no Quaker in 
politicks, and that I mean stedfastly to resist Oppression. 

"The Opposition to the Merchants Bank, which at first 
originated in the private views of a few stockholders of other 
Banks at length assumed a different aspect and finally de- 
generated into a party question : The Merchants Bank, really 
was not a political Association: being opposed however by a 
number of wealthy Men, (chiefly Federalists), the Clintonians 
hoped by crushing the Bank, to divide the Federal Party: 
in conducting their opposition, they have, however, divided 
their own Party, and have reluctantly been compelled to pass 
a Bill which, on the whole, will be favourable to our Interests : 

"This State is agitated to its center, with intrigues and 
schemes, calculated to produce an influence on the approach- 
ing Election : I can give no opinion what the result will be, 
but it is said to be most probable that Colo. Burr will succeed : 
It is certain that he commands a numerous & intrepid party 
who are not to be intimidated, or subdued: In our present 
distracted situation, few men look forward to ultimate conse- 
quences : it is sufficient to decide most men ; that all confidence 
in the prevailing faction is lost, and that Colo. Burr is from 
situation and necessity the Enemy of the Enemies of good 
Men. 

"I remain Dear Sir, with sincerity 
"Your faithful Friend 
"Oliv. Wolcott. " 

The second letter is written from New York, July 16, , 
1804: 

"My Dear Sir, 

"I have reed, your favour of the 14th: The afflicting 
event you anticipated has occurred: Hamilton is no more: 
I will not attempt to describe my feelings : you will learn all , 
the circumstances & the last acts of his life will elevate the 
character of our late Friend, though they must produce con- 
flict of emotions, to which your bosom has been a stranger. 

"Genl. Hamilton left a will by which all his property I 
real & personal is vested in Trustees for the payment of his | 
Debts: This property consists almost entirely of real estates, 
chiefly new Lands and a valuable County Establishment nine 
Miles from this City: This property cost about 80,000 Dol- 
lars & he owed about 55,000 Dollars — the Lands are rising 



1803-1812] of James McHenry 531 

in value but wholly unproductive of Revenue: he was appre- 
hensive & I believe justly, that a forced Sale, would leave 
nothing for his family & perhaps not even produce enough to 
pay his debts: A number of Gentlemen here have resolved to 
raise a Fund among the Friends of the deed, for the payment 
of these debts & to provide for the Children. The design is, 
that a select number of Gentlemen of easy Fortunes, shall, 
without much eclat & publicity, subscribe what may be suffi- 
cient. I have been desired to make this intention known, to 
a select number of Friends & before I reed, your Letter had 
determined to address you & Mr. Gilmore, leaving it to your 
judgement, to whom the communication ought to be made in 
Baltimore & not doubting your disposition to cooperate. 
"I am Dr Sir, with high Esteem 
"& sincere affection, yr. friend 
"Oliv. Wolcott." 

From New York on August 2, 1804, Wolcott wrote for a 
third time : 

''My Dear Sir, 

"I addressed you a hasty Letter the 16th. ultimo, at the 
request of several Gentlemen of this City, who have proposed 
to raise by contribution, a pecuniary Aid for the family of 
our departed Friend Genl. Hamilton. Understanding that 
doubts have existed in Philadelphia, whether this proposal 
did not originate without the knowledge of the Connections of 
the Family and might, therefore, offend the sensibility of 
those it was intended to benefit, I have found it necessary to 
make certain explanations known there, which I presume will 
be fully satisfactory. It being possible that similar impres- 
sions have been entertained at Baltimore I must take the lib- 
erty to address you again on this Subject. 

"The property left by Genl. Hamilton, consists almost 
entirely of new Lands and a Country Seat Nine Miles from 
this City. The whole valued by himself at about 80,000 
Dollars. The debts are chiefly Notes discounted at the Banks 
& Monies borrowed on Mortgage amounting to about 55,000 
Dollars. The difference is £10,000 New York Currency. 

"This brief Statement will enable you fully to under- 
stand, the enclosed Paper, which is a copy of one left by 
Genl. Hamilton & which is now entrusted to you, on the condi- 
tion expressed in Mr. Pendletons Letter to me. There is no 
doubt, that the anticipations of our Friend, respecting the 



532 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xviii 

_ 

consequences of forced Sales to raise Money to discharge 
$55,000 in debts, would be verified. All the property would 
be sacrificed & his Children deprived of every Memorial of 
the labour of their illustrious Parent, except his reputation. 

"Mr. Govr. Morris, Genl. Clarkson, Mr. Gracie, Mr. Bay- 
ard &c &c have consulted on this Subject & their joint opinion 
is, that it is in every Respect, fit, proper & necessary, that a 
number of Gentlemen of Fortune, should come forward & 
pay these debts & provide handsomely for the family. A sum 
of 100,000 Dollars is the amount proposed. 

' ' It would be an Error to consider Genl. Hamilton 's Fam- 
ily as objects of public Charity, but though this is not their 
Situation, it is certain that they might reasonably expect ad- 
vancement in Life, from the exertions of our departed Friend. 
These hopes must, however, be totally disappointed, unless 
the proposed aid is obtained. It is true that the provision 
ought in justice to be made by Congress, or by the State of 
New York, but no person acquainted with the present State 
of public affairs, will place the least reliance on this resource. 
Instances of similar benefactions in antient & modern times 
must be familiar to your mind & it is certain that they have 
always been considered equally honourable to the Receivers 
& Givers. The suggestion that the Family would be offended 
by such a proof of the Gratitude & Attachment of the re- 
spectable part of the Community, is here well understood to 
be unfounded. 

"The mode of giving Effect to the proposed design has 
been considered & it is supposed that a medium course between 
the ostentation of a public indiscriminate subscription, & the 
secresy of private donation would render the provision most 
munificent & of course most honourable for all Parties con- 
cerned. All that is proposed may be easily affected without 
any sensible burthen & when the enclosed document is perused 
& it is considered how greatly the men of Property are in- 
debted to the labours of General Hamilton, they must doubt- 
less be affected by his declaration, that those ' labours have 
amounted to absolute sacrifice of the Interests of his Family.' 

' ' Not doubting your disposition to exert your influence in 
giving effect to the benevolent object of this Letter, I remain 
"Dr Sir, with sincere Esteem 
"& true Attachment 
"yrs 
' ' Oliv. Wolcott. ' ' 



1803-1812] of James McHenry 533 

Of McHenry 's life in 1805 and 1806, we know almost 
nothing. McHenry wrote Pickering on February 19, 1806, 
thanking him for his portrait which he had sent, and referring 
both to the agitated condition of public affairs, and to the disa- 
greeable and contemptible position of the president. "We are 
threatening Europe with all possible harm and not daring to 
take a single step that might materially affect the existing 
revenue or render a resort to taxation necessary. The Pres- 
ident is enraged with Spain, even to bloodshed and prevented 
by his friends from breaking the peace. Though suspected 
of not being perfectly ignorant of the expedition prepared 
by Miranda against the Caracas, he is obliged to deny any 
knowledge of it. Called upon to pursue that expedition with 
a naval force, he takes refuge in Congress. Contradicted and 
insulted by the little Spaniard and frightened almost to death 
by the more formidable Frenchman, Jefferson is pale and 
trembling in his capital, filled with anxiety and looking to 
Europe for events to justify his policy and extricate him from 
his difficulties." 

On March 31, McHenry wrote again, telling Pickering 
that the Federalists cannot forget the system instituted by 
opposers of government, such as Jefferson, who set up a press 
to vilify the authorities and paid for it from the public money. 

In 1807, his letters to Federalist leaders begin again to 
be more frequent. On January 29, he writes Pickering, ask- 
ing him to explain Jefferson's message about Burr's con- 
spiracy. Can Jefferson think the supreme court will try 
Burr? He regrets that he has not seen nor heard from Pick- 
ering and expects him, with Hillhouse and other friends on 
their return from the session, to "spend at least one sociable 
day with me." 

On February 6, he writes again, as the Aurora insinuated 
that James Ross, of Pittsburg, and the Western Federalists 
were concerned in Burr's expedition. Ross wrote McHenry 
that he had no connection with Burr. Of other western Penn- 
sylvania Federalists, O 'Ha ra threatened to disinherit his son, 
if he entered the expedition. Wilkins sent his son in the boat 
to get his property, if possible, from Natchez and openly and 
decidedly interfered to dissuade men from entering the ex- 
pedition. The only one of the Federalists in the expedition 
was Col. Newell 's son and he promised his father to return, 
if anything like hostility to the Union proved the object of 
the expedition. Ross never saw nor knew of Burr's plans. 



534 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xvm 

Stirring in such matters does not mend them and, therefore, 
McHenry does not intend to answer the Aurora. McHenry 
approved of Pickering's vote to suspend the habeas corpus 
act, as there were symptoms suspiciously like rebellion, and 
asked whether Randolph of Roanoke will not be apt to run 
Monroe against Jefferson for the presidency, should the last 
named permit himself to be nominated again. 

Pickering answered three days later from Washington : 

"City of Washington Feby. 9. 1807. 
"Dear Sir, 

"I have your letter of the 6th before me. I thank you 
for the communication of what you received from Mr. Ross, 
in relation to Colo. Burr's project: tho' as far as concerned 
him and other respectable federalists, the declarations of the 
Aurora and of all the democratic papers in the United States, 
would scarcely authorise a doubt, much less fix any reproach. 

"Really I had not at this place heard one word of the 
adjustment of all our differences with Great Britain : our 
intelligence came from Baltimore, in its news-papers. Your 
letter, however, induced me this morning to ask Mr. Giles, if 
the Government had rec'd. such information? They had 
not (he answered) last Saturday. He added, nevertheless, 
that Mr. Magruder of Georgetown, who had written to Mr. 
Gilmore (of your city) to get some insurance made — had 
reed, an answer, that, in consequence of the adjustment of 
our differences with Great Britain, he had been enabled to 
procure the insurance at 3 PCent. when prior to their intelli- 
gence, it could not have been obtained under 4% PCent. 

"It has been said here, that the intelligence was sent to 
Baltimore on the authority of General Smith. He is (or has 
for several days been) with you. 

"The session is drawing towards a close, and I rejoice 
at it ; sick at heart with the feeble administration of our af- 
fairs, and the impending prospect of our becoming a province 
(or rather provinces, as it is his policy to divide) of the Em- 
peror and King. This danger must be apparent to the men of 
understanding among them : but they will not hazard their 
popularity by proposing adequate measures of security & 
defence ; for this would require money — and money taxes. 
These men know that the people are fond of peace — that they 
are willing to be deceived: and seeing it is possible that G. 
Britain may weather the tempest, & that we may find safety 



1803-1812] of James McHenry 535 

under her wings — they are inclined to rest their hopes, as 
to futurity, on that contingency; for the sake, in the mean- 
time, of maintaining their power, & keeping all the offices in 
the Union. Perhaps before the session ends, we shall see the 
pliant temper of the legislature, in relation to the interposi- 
tion of the French Government, in support of Beaumarchais' 
claim. Glaring as is our right of rejection, I am far from 
confident that the claim will not be admitted. I shall rejoice 
to find myself under a mistake. 

"The French Government have also made a demand, on 
the Executive, for indemnity, in the value of the French ship 
of the line run ashore on our coast, and there burnt by the 
British. If Mr. J. should shift the decision of this claim also, 
from his own shoulders to those of the Legislature, it would 
not surprise me. It will he cheaper, more economical, to ad- 
mit and pay these claims, than hazard a war — especially a 
war with France ! Thus is the dignity of our Nation main- 
tained abroad ! Such is the spirit of the supporters and pil- 
lars of our Government! 

"I dismiss the ungrateful subject, and cordially bid you 
adieu. 

"T. Pickering" 

During this year, McHenry employed his leisure by com- 
piling and publishing the "Baltimore Directory and Citizens 
Register for 1807. Containing the names, occupations and 
places of abode, of the inhabitants, arranged in alphabetical 
order, to which are added a list of the names of all the princi- 
pal officers employed in the service of the United States, a 
calendar for the year, several useful tables, duties, &c. By 
James McHenry." The introduction states, "The Public are 
respectfully informed, that no effort has been spared to ren- 
der this work useful and worthy of public patronage. The 
advantage which citizens, as well as strangers, gain from a 
Directory, leaves no doubt on the mind of the Compiler, but 
that he will be recompensed for his trouble, in thus presenting 
them with a volume of such useful matter as cannot fail to 
produce general satisfaction." The book is a duodecimo 
bound in boards, containing 204 pages. 

In the latter part of the year, McHenry wrote several 
times to Pickering, in one letter 1 giving the latter a detailed 
account, in answer to an enquiry, of an act of piracy on the 

1 See letter also of December 22. 



536 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xviu 

Chesapeake, * by some* Frenchmen, who escaped punishment, 
because the federal court could take no cognizance of an act 
committed within the territorial waters of a state and the 
county courts could not, as their jurisdiction did not extend 
into the middle of the bay. 

McHenry was suspicious lest Moreau's visit to New Or- 
leans should lead to a possible seizure by the French of the 
Mississippi mouth and, when the embargo is proclaimed, is 
perplexed, finding no one who can explain the circumstances, 
on which it is predicated and passed. If France threatens 
and England shows every disposition to peace, why does con- 
gress pass an act which bears injuriously on both, as it oper- 
ates a complete suspension of foreign trade. McHenry wished 
Pickering and the other friends would visit him on New 
Year's Day and wrote that he had been little in Baltimore 
for the past four months, as he had been much indisposed of 
late. 

Pickering answered this letter two days later: 

"City of Washington Deer. 26. 1807. 
"Dear Sir, 

"Till last evening, when I received your letter of the 
24th I had not known that you had been out of health: I am 
happy to find that you are getting better, and hope for your 
perfect recovery & long enjoyment of the first of earthly 
blessings. 

"To explain the conduct of an administration, in which 
wisdom has little agency, & principle still less, would puzzle 
a more sagacious head than mine. Yet I have thought, for 
many months past, that the whole train of their proceedings, 
since the attack on the Chesapeake, admitted of a solution ; & 
till within a month I was satisfied my reasoning was correct. 
I have since entertained some doubt. 

"I took it for granted that Mr. Jefferson would endure 
almost any thing, rather than engage in war : for he had placed 
his greatest merit in having preserved the U. States in peace. 
Peace was ever in his mouth; & it seemed to be the leading 
principle in his administration. War would greatly dimin- 
ish, if not destroy the revenue ; — a war with England would 
annihilate it. The national debt, of the gradual extinction 
of which he makes his annual ostentatious parade, would rap- 



1 Printed in Green Bag, xvi, 172. See also Md. Hist. Mag. for Dec, 
1906. 



1803-1312] of James McHenry 537 

idly be increased: and commercial revenue failing, internal 
taxes must be resorted to: and all these evils combined, he 
would think sufficient to destroy his popularity. And, there- 
fore, I had uniformly said, that he would as soon hang him- 
self as go to war. 

' ' Such was my reasoning — and I felt vexed with my 
mercantile friends in Massachusetts, for suspending their bus- 
iness, upon Mr. Jefferson's artificial alarm of war, merely be- 
cause the Leopard had attacked the Chesapeake & taken out 
four deserters. But I must make this apology for them — 
they supposed his proclamation to be true, in all its parts: 
whereas I was morally certain, that in its most essential parts, 
it was false ; & so I did not hesitate to pronounce it. I knew 
the British did not and would not claim it as a right, to search 
our national armed ships. I was sure that they would not 
voluntarily increase the number of their enemies, especially 
by a wanton attack on the IT. States, their best customers. 
In the nature of things, it was impossible the attack could be 
'unprovoked.' Capt. Humphrey's taking out only the deser- 
ters, previously and repeatedly demanded & refused, while 
he left untouched other known British subjects, demonstrated 
that the conduct of our government & its officers, had been 
marked with aggravated insults and injuries. The President 
said this attack was made, after it had been 'ascertained' that 
the men taken were native citizens of the U. States. This 
also I pronounced to be false ; and insidious as well as false : 
Of its falsehood, the proofs are before the public. It was 
insidious, because it was intended to be understood by the 
people, that these men were poor impressed Americans. It 
is in proof that they had all voluntarily entered on board the 
British ships & two of them only American citizens. 

"It was insidious, because he meant the people should 
believe that the native citizenship of the deserters had beeu 
'ascertained' to the British commander: otherwise the taking 
them by force was not 'marked' with peculiar 'character' of 
atrocity, or of blame. 

"Well — the alarm of war was raised & industriously 
propagated, by all the presidential partisans. Indignation 
was kindled into a flame, throughout the Union. To confirm 
the belief of an impending war, 100,000 militia were ordered 
to be detached, to be ready to march and fight the British 
Navy ! This was a measure so perfectly ridiculous, that we 
should have thought no man of common sense would have 



538 Life arid Correspondence [Chap, xviii 

hazarded his reputation upon it. But, Visionary as he is, 
Mr. Jefferson knows, incomparably better than his oppon- 
ents, how to address himself to the nonsense of the multitude. 
And they are now so completely the dupes of his hypocrisy 
that 'tho' he laugh on them, they believe it not.' 

"The attack was on the 22d. of June. Early in July he 
issued his proclamation. In that he announced his intention 
to demand reparation of the British Government. The Re- 
venge was ordered to be got in readiness to carry his demands 
to London : and, doubtless, she might have been dispatched in 
eight-&-forty hours. Yet she was detained till the 28th of 
July. For what reason ? To give time for the leaven he had 
conveyed into the public mind to ferment. It operated to his 
utmost wish. And when at the highest point of effervescence 
— he ordered the Revenge to sail : carrying with her declara- 
tions and demonstrations of universal wrath against Britain, 
and of the disposition of the people to go to war with her, 
unless she yielded all the points on which Mr. Jefferson had 
insisted. The Attack on the Chesapeake, in the actual state 
of the public mind, was to be used as a political engine, to ex- 
tort from Great Britain, not merely the most ample reparation 
for that wrong, but the favourite point of exempting from im- 
press all persons sailing in merchant vessels, under the Amer- 
ican flag. What other advantages he aimed at and insisted 
on, I do not sanguinely conjecture; tho' probably, it was that 
freedom of commerce which would admit us, under the title 
of neutrals, to become the auxiliaries of France, in carrying 
on her commerce & that of her vassal states, with one another, 
with their colonies, and with the whole world. And he and 
his partizans were weak enough to imagine, that with such 
peremptory demands — with his hundred thousand militia — 
with the people's bullying rage — and terrible denunciations 
of war — the British Ministry would be frightened into com- 
pliance! But, alas! they were not frightened. They mani- 
fested the steadiness of men of sense & firmness, and that 
regard to justice and respect for our neutral rights, which 
ensured a fit reparation. All this was manifested before the 
Revenge arrived, before any demand of reparation was pre- 
sented. "What followed in London, all America knows. The 
instructions to Mr. Munroe, to link together inseparably the 
Chesapeake affair with other claims, prove Mr. Jefferson's 
design to extort what in fair negotiation he had found Britain 
would not vield. 



1803-1812] of James McHenry 539 

"As soon as I saw the President's proclamation for a 
premature session of Congress — I saw and declared it to be 
part of the same contemptible farce. It was designed to hold 
out to G. Britain, this language. 'You must make reparation 
promptly, and you must concede the other points I have in- 
sisted on : otherwise, Congress, whom I have summoned to 
meet six weeks earlier than their ordinary period, will declare 
war against you. ' Now you will recollect that in his message, 
on our assembling, he showed that he had not expected by 
that time, an answer from London. But a special Envoy 
was coming, to make, in the most respectful way, honorable 
amends. With a knowledge of this, what ought to have been 
the conduct of our Government ? When peace and amity and 
friendly intercourse & commerce were evidently desired by 
Britain ; — if we felt a corresponding disposition, should we 
seize every occasion — and even without occasion, go out of 
our way, for topics of abuse, for insulting language, for ir- 
ritating measures? However, I construed all this silly blus- 
ter, all this billingsgate, (as derogatory to the dignity of a 
legislative body, as it was indecorous towards G. Britain) by 
the same rule as I had done in regard to the previous proceed- 
ings of the dominant party. Unquestionably, while they gave 
vent to their imbecile rage, they expected to inspire Britain 
with dread of our wrath & our arms. Hence these ebulli- 
tions of words, were accompanied with Appearances of prep- 
aration for war. Gun-boats and fortifications are talked of 
& talked of — and at length voted : propositions for an army 
of thirty thousand men are hinted at — then made and the 
Secretary of War is called on for his estimate of the expense 
of raising & maintaining them for one year: and here this 
mighty army still rests. In the mean time, a bill is brought 
into the Senate, to add to our peace establishment, one regi- 
ment of infantry, one battalion of Cavalry, and one battalion 
of rifle-men ! Such a bill was last year brought in by Samuel 
Smith, & passed in the Senate, but was rejected at once in the 
house. Now the measure is renewed, evidently in the expect- 
ation, that in the midst of this military bluster, it may be 
smuggled thro ' the house. It has passed the Senate, as before. 

"Next comes the Embargo. For the motives — I mean 
the ostensible motives of the President, I must refer you to 
the article 'Embargo' in the National Intelligencer of Wed- 
nesday & Friday, the 23d & 25th instant. The first is an 
elaborate, long-studied justification of the measure; and is 



540 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xviii 

undoubtedly the work of Jefferson or Madison, or the fruit 
of their joint efforts. The second is a continuation of thei 
same — some after-thoughts. In this, one truth has escaped, 
from their pen: the embargo is designed as a weapon of ne- 
gociation. But I have got into a third sheet, without answer- 
ing your plain question. Upon what circumstances is the\ 
embargo predicated 1 ! Really not upon anything communi- 
cated to Congress, which had not been previously known, &i 
literally or substantially published, in all the news-papers 
from Boston to Washington! Why then so much secrecy' 
By a solemn confidential message & closed doors, within two 
or three days after the arrival of Dr. Bullers from France, 
with dispatches from our minister there, to raise high the 
public expectation ; to keep up the apprehensions of impend- 
ing danger & war; and so cause the mischievous measure to 
go down more smoothly ; and excite a belief of its indispensa- 
ble necessity, for the public safety ; without which, the great & 
good & wise Mr. Jefferson, the father of his country, — would 
not have recommended it. 

' ' The answer of Regnier, the Grand Judge, to the French 
Atty. General, & the British proclamation of Octr. 16, calling. 
for a return of British subjects to their own colours & coun- 
try, were all the documents the President would trust the 
Senate with, and all which on this occasion he laid before 
Congress; excepting the letter (a short one) from Armstrong, 
to Champagny, & the answer of Champagny, which you will 1 
see by his message, the President ordered to be returned, un- 
published. These two letters also were solely on the subject! 
of the imperial decree of Bonaparte, of Novr. 21. 1806. and : 
their contents ought to have been made public. But Cham- 
pagny 's contained a constriction of the decree which French 
impudence only would have formally declared : and this prob- 
ably was the principal reason why Mr. J. did not think proper 
to have the contents of the two letters published. Suppose 
I should tell you that this letter, which I am now scribbling 
to you, was written with red ink: would you believe me? II 
wish I was at liberty to particularize these letters. 

"I just learn that Smith, the President's printer, is strik- 
ing off in hand-bills, immense quantities of the embargo- 
law, with the two justificatory pieces (before mentioned) an- 
nexed, to be circulated thro 'out the U. States; to preoccupy' 
the public mind, and convince the people of the wisdom & 
necessity of the measure. But nature will rebel against rea- 



1803-1812] of James McHenry 541 

son: the actual sufferings & losses, even of good democrats, 
'will produce a clamour that will reach the palace: and the 
'act must be repealed. 

"I have time to say but a word more. Mr. Jefferson is 
unquestionably terribly afraid of Bonaparte — While he hates 
England. The power of the latter (I have reason to believe) 
1 he thinks cannot much longer be upheld : some of his creatures 
: say — not many months. He will not declare war against G. 
Britain — while he provokes it — provokes her to strike first, 
to make her appear to he the aggressor. He then may mount 
his war-horse; and, Britain hunted down, & gasping, he may 
come in at the death; and have some merit with the world's 
master. 

"I commit this letter to your prudence. Very sincerely 
yours 

"T. Pickering" 

McHenry wrote Pickering again, before going to church, 
on Sunday morning, January 3, 1808, stating that he believes 
the federal administration, "whose wisdom is mystery and 
whose weapons are deception," tried to force Great Britain 
to declare war on us and asking if the British ministry are 
sufficiently informed and enlightened to adopt a pacific policy. 
Tracy has died and we have no longer his aid. All the 
friends of peace in congress must declare themselves. 

McHenry 's younger son, John, sailed for Europe in 1807 
and spent several months on the continental tour. When he 
arrived at Paris, he found that Lafayette's wife had just 
died, of which event Lafayette wrote McHenry: 

"Auteuil January 11th 1808 
"My Dear McHenry 

"Your letter of an Old Date and a Card from Your Son 
Were Left for me in the Most Cruel Moments that Can tear 
the Heart of Man — Overwhelmed With the Loss of an Ador- 
able Wife Who During thirty four Years Had been the Bless- 
ing of My Life, I was Carried to this place, Where for Some 
Days I Attended Nothing But My family and our Common 
Grief, the first thing that Struck me Was Your Son's pres- 
ence in paris, the first thing I did Was to propose a Meet- 
ing the More Confidently, as I expected He Would Stay Some 
time in town — it is only Last Night I Heard He Was going 
the Day after this — I Went this Morning to paris, and So 



542 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xviii 

_____ . . _____ _ . 

did My Son — there We were told He Was at Versailles, and 
intended to Set out to Morrow Very early — I still Am in 
Hopes to See him, But Hasten to Send this Line to You, Ex- 
pressing My Heartfelt Regret not to Have Better improved 
the whole time of his passage through paris — I Know, My 
Dear MeHenry You will sympathize With me — Most Af- 
fectionately Your Constant friend 

' ' Lafayette ' ' 

On March 20, Stoddert writes to MeHenry from George- 
town to tell him of the breaking of the negotiations with the 
British minister. 

"Dear Sir 

"I rec'd your favor by Mr Boyd — but too late to say 
any thing by him. I should say nothing now, but that it 
may be interesting to you or your Friends, to know, that the 
neg'n with Mr Rose is certainly ended. He departs about 
Wednesday, as Mr Foster, who goes with him, just informed 
me. From a quarter I can rely on, I have it from Mr. Madi- 
son, that this important thing, has gone off in this trifling 
way. Mr. Rose declared his ability & inclination to make 
complete satisfaction for the Chesapeake outrage — but be- 
fore he could advance further, he required that the Prests 
proclamation should be withdrawn — After sometime, our 
Gov. yielded so far as to say it should be withdrawn after 
satisfaction * * * do not agree to withdraw it before — 
and so the * * ended. 

"Neither party expect it will lead to war — the King 
of England is now to determine whether he will yield the 
point of honor — if there is a point of honor in it. 

"Do you not clearly see in this the fears of our Gov to 
accomodate with England, lest France should be upon us. I 
do not believe there is any love for France left. But there 
is great fear. Mr Jefferson thinks the Embargo will cover 
everything — on that he is willing to rely. I suspect the 
People will be outrageous when they hear that Rose is gone, 
& this great evil is to continue. If you want to understand 
the British Doctrine in this case, look at the affair of Nootka 
Sound. I have not a doubt they are right & that our Gov 
knew it — but was determined to find some obstacle. Yet I 
do not believe they wish the quarrel to go further with Eng- 
land. 



1803-1812] of James McHenry 543 

"God knows what I am myself to do in these times, when 
money, plenty as it is, is all locked up from any employment. 
I hoped, being so very low in price, I should have sold my 
little farm 'ere this — & got to Blads — but I seem further 
off than ever. Yet here I cannot live — nor can I move from 
hence. But I must have patience — & fortitude. 
"Dr sir very sincerely yrs. 
"Ben Stoddert. " 



Stoddert wrote again from Georgetown on March 31, 
1808: 



"Dr Sir 

"It may be interesting to you & your friends to know 
the account of the communication from the President yester- 
day, with closed "doors. Mr. Pinkney had had a conference 
with Mr Canning on the subject of the proclamation, with 
which the latter expressed himself well satisfied & reiterated 
assurances of the friendly disposition of that court towards 
us — - the despatches from France were of a nature to excite 
both indignation & alarm — In reply to several notes from 
Genl Armstrong on the subject, generally as I understood of 
American vessels in the power of France — Mr Champagne 
had written, after communicating with the Emperor, in sub- 
stance to this effect — that the U. S., considering the high 
provocation ree'd, should have declared war against Britain 
— and associated herself with the Powers of the continent to 
restore Freedom to the seas — that, in fact, the Emperor con- 
sidered the U. S. at war with England ever since the date of 
certain decrees — (whether his own, or those of Britain I 
know not. ) — and that as to the American vessels, they were 
put in a state of sequestration & their ultimate fate would 
probably be governed by the conduct of the U. S. in regard 
to Britain. 

"This information I collected in a w r ay to be pretty cer- 
tain of its correctness except perhaps in not representing the 
letter of Champagne to Armstrong, in a view quite so bad 
as the truth. Yet if it goes into the papers as a letter from 
this quarter, & a member should be accused of betraying a 
secret, I could not give up my informant - — & therefore, I 
wish you not to send it to the press, nor communicate the con- 



544 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xviii 

tents as from me, except to Mr. Oliver, & your particular 
Friends. 

' ' There was a letter from Armstrong of 22 Jany — ac- 
companied by extracts of conversations held with the min- 
ister — either the letter, or the extracts, held up the expec- 
tation that the vessels were expected to be given up — Cham- 
pagne 's letter just mentioned was dated 15 Jany — this sub- 
sequent communication from Armstrong, seemed to convey 
a change of disposition on the part of France — but the ex- 
tracts were without dates — & the members not understand- 
ing whether the conversations were before or after the 15th, 
tho' certainly it was meant by the press to convey the Idea, 
they were after — they passed a resolution appointing a com- 
mittee to wait on him for dates — this passed by a majority 
not inconsiderable & is some symptom of approaching distrust 
in Executive infallibility. 

"All idea of war with Britain seems now at an end — & 
the talk is — war with France — But if to be avoided by cun- 
ning without much aid from wisdom, we shall have war with 
neither. 

"Strong efforts will be made to have these communica- 
tions made public. 

"You see in the whole correspondence between our Gov. 
& Britain a predetermination on our part to make no ac- 
comodation — yet we do not want to go to war — but to have 
just so much quarrel with Britain as to prevent war with 
France — but Bonaparte seems to be penetrating the views 
of Mr. Jefferson, & will no longer be deluded by appearances, 
however specious. 

"I hope somebody will take up Mr. Madison's letter to 
Rose & do Pub Justice — to me it appears destitute of truth 
— & sound argument. His premises are generally false — 
but it is cunning and he knew the mass were ready to swallow 
any thing. Before the printing was finished, many who have 
not yet read it, pronounced it to be a complete triumph over 
Rose — who, by the bye, scarcely knew what to do with good 
matter. 

"lam still here — & God knows when I shall get away to 
Blad'g — for in the present state of things, even men's facul- 
ties seem to be locked up — as well as their money, & the pro- 
ducts of the country. The latter would be unlocked, if the 
executive could really be convinced the Embargo began to be 
unpopular. I have it from good authority, that no man has 



1803-1812] of James Mc Henry 545 

yet said to Mr Jefferson, that it did not greatly please the 
country. 

"I am D sir very truly yrs &c 
' ' Ben Stoddert. 1 
"I know not whether I spell the French minister's name 
right — Champagne — you know the fellow I mean." 

Tallmadge also writes about this time of congressiom 1 
and New England matters : 

"Washington March 25th. 1808. 
"Dear Sir 

"I now learn that the Monument designed to commem- 
orate the Name of our friend Tracy, is to be raised next week. 
As Mr Blodget intends to record the names of those who con- 
tribute their mite to this laudable Undertaking, you will be 
pleased to furnish the names of those persons in your Vicinity 
who wish to promote it.- I understand that his plan admits 
of but one Dollar to each Subscriber. 

"We have now compleated four Days in reading Docu- 
ments communicated to Congress by the President, on the 
22d instant. Both Houses have been in conclave during the 
reading, but the principle part of the papers will be printed 
for the benefit of the Sovereign people. It will be a volum- 
inous publication, but the Senate have ordered 500 copies & 
the House of Beps. 5000 do to be printed. Thus the great 
Dearth, is to be succeeded by a redundance of Information, 
such as it is. 

"We have gone through with the papers which relate to 
G. Britain, & tomorrow expect to take a peep across the Chan- 

1 An undated note of Stoddert's from about this time is as follows: 
"Dr Sir 

"Simmons who was formerly so subservient to Wilkinson, has be- 
come his Enemy, which one would think was an evidence of some favor- 
able change in the conduct of the Genl. — and opposes all he can, the 
settl of his Public accots. The Genl. however, is likely to out general 
him. He sent me this letter sometime since, I wished your reply might 
reach him at Washington about the 15 Inst. 

"We shall certainly have no war with Spain Pinkney I under- 
stand, has not raised his reputation even with the men in power. We 
shall keep the country — & wait for an attack from Spain. Prance will 
not let Spain attack while she has occasion for all the money of Spain. 
In process of time when England is off her hands, it may be convenient 
to set Spain upon us. At any rate, it is good, always to have a pretence 
for Quarrel, to be made use of or not, as she may see occasion. These 
men rely on France in this dispute — and attribute to the friendship of 
Prance for us, what we owe only to her desire to engross all the money 
of Spain. 

"D sir yrs. very truly 
"Ben Stoddert." 



546 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xviii 
— — — 

nel. I fear this information will be limited. The Letter 
from Mr Munroe, of a late Date, is not much relished by the 
Jeffersonian & Maddisonian party. They would be glad to 
dispense both with the reading & the printing of that Letter, 
which I presume will be called up tomorrow — From present 
appearances, I think some noise will grow out of all this 
parade of publicity &c &c. 

"The Spirit of 76 seems to be again breaking out in New 
England. In Northhampton the people have assembled & 
voted on public measures like freemen, & have recommended 
similar meetings through the county. In the State of New 
Hampshire, the dominant party begins to take back Ground, 
& hopes are entertained that the Embargo may prove an use- 
ful medicine. If these primary Assemblies should begin to 
act with vigor, my word for it, the higher constituted Authori- 
ties will feel their Influence. 

"I am D Sir, very affectionately 
"& Sincerely yours, 
"Ben j. Tallmadge. 
"Saturday morning 26th March 

"P. S. Since I wrote the foregoing, I have procured a 
No. Hampton paper which I will enclose for your perusal. 
A letter from a Gentleman at N. Hampton, just reed., re- 
marks that, in consequence of the Notification expressed in 
the 4th vote, Meetings had been legally warned & held 
through Hampshire County (of which No. Hampton is the 
County Town) & that between 50 & 60 Towns had united to 
petition Congress &c &c. These petitions may soon be ex- 
pected at the seat of Government. As soon as these Events 
are made known. I presume the Majority will begin to talk 
about an Adjournment of Congress &c" 

On March 29, McHenry introduced to Pickering Mr. Wil- 
liam Cook, a retired lawyer of Baltimore, a wealthy and much 
esteemed man of sense, formerly a Tory, who is now presi- 
dent of the Maryland bank and whose son is in Paris, prose- 
cuting a claim against the French government. McHenry 
had read gladly Pickering's letter to Sullivan, and had added 
his mite of approbation in a letter sent to Wagner's paper. 

Pickering replied on April 8, after the appearance of 
McHenry 's article: 



1803-1812] of James McHenry 547 

"Dear Sir, 

"I have made inquiry for Callender 's Prospect Before 
Us; but have not yet obtained it. Have you the book? If 
not, can you procure and send it to me immediately? If you 
cannot get the book, can you send me any extracts (some 
were formerly given in News-Papers) which pointedly re- 
proach General Washington as well as Mr. Adams? If you 
find neither book nor extracts, will you be so good as to write 
me, from your recollection, the principal expressions against 
one or both those Presidents ? Have you copies of Jefferson 's 
two letters to Callender? I have heretofore seen the ori- 
ginals. My object respecting these letters is, to prove that 
Jefferson encouraged Callender to write the book, and actu- 
ally caused 50 dollars to be paid him by Geo. Jefferson at 
Richmond. Perhaps Judge Chase has the Prospect before us. 

"I see, my dear friend, that the 'story' which I told 
for your individual amusement, you have worked up into a 
public vindication of the character of the writer; and Mr. 
Dana thinks you have given a Rowland for the Oliver of my 
unprincipled enemies. But When in a Second letter I re- 
ferred to the 'Story' it was simply to point to the applica- 
bility of a very local to a national subject, lest, reading it 
slightly, you should think it a trifling & impertinent tale : 
but I did not even dream of its ever meeting the public eye. 
I do not conjecture what notice may be taken of it: but tho' 
it be exactly true, perhaps Rowland may be again required 
to appear on the stage to vindicate its publication. 

"With great truth 
"I am yours 

"Timothy Pickering" 

On April 11, McHenry answered that he cannot get the 
book, but that the worst parts are reprinted in the reports of 
Chase's trial. Two days later, McHenry wrote again, send- 
ing the desired extracts from a copy of the book which he has 
procured and asking whether the rumor is true that Arm- 
strong's last dispatches are worst of all. Pickering answered 
these letters on April 15 : 

"Dear Sir, 

"Last evening I reed, your favour of the 13th. with ex- 
tracts from the Prospect before us, which will answer my pur- 
pose fully. I am very much obliged by the pains you have 






548 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xviii 

taken to procure me information. I am doubtful, however, 
whether I shall find time before the close of the session to 
take up the Hero of Carter's Mountain. I have Sullivan at 
the Post with my cat o' nine tails ready. But the first whip- 
ping must be at Boston : Perhaps he may be carted thro ' 
other States ; notwithstanding the personality of the thing. 

"The scourging is for a long and impudent and false 
letter which he sent in answer to my second to him ; in which 
his offences are so numerous & aggravated as to demand long 
& strong animadversions, my difficulty is to bring them within 
a reading compass. Would you believe that this rascal in- 
sinuates that I was concerned in Burr's conspiracy? He got 
ashamed and afraid of his own letter, and, therefore, pub- 
lished only some pretended extracts, to serve his then pend- 
ing election : But the extracts are in fact forgeries ; not one 
corresponding with the original. I shall publish his whole 
letter & expose his baseness and Deliberate Lying. 

"This slander, joined with torrents of abuse kept up in 
one continued stream since my first letter obtained so great 
a run, has determined me, at length, to come forth with a 
defence of my character. And this, my dear friend will con- 
sist of a simple narrative of my public life during the last 39 
years. You will see (for I will take care to send it to you) 
that the facts require no comments. Such a review I never 
before took ; and but for this occasion, my children & friends 
would have not known my strong grounds of vindication. 
The throng of business at the close of a session will probably 
prevent my meditated attack on higher game than Sullivan. 
My very long letter to him in answer to his of March 18th, 
I commenced a few days since, at leisure hours; and now I 
only want leisure to copy it. John Smith's trial cost a whole 
week, six hours a day. 

"Have you Jefferson's letter to Mazzei? If you have, 
will you pardon me for asking the additional trouble of mak- 
ing out a copy for me? 

"Mr. Hillhouse has proposed some radical amendments 
to the Constitution. John Wescote junr., who will be found 
at the Globe tavern, Baltimore, has this morning taken the 
amendments with Mr. Hillhouse 's explanatory observations. 
They merit your attention. Highly republican, his proposi- 
tions are supported by reasons which cannot be overthrown. 
Nothing will save our Republic but their adoption. The 



1803-1812] of James McHenry 549 

Printers here were so occupied with public documents &e 
that it was necessary to send the amendments & explanations 
to your city. 500 copies are ordered for Congressmen. If 
you and your friends wish for any, the printer can strike 
off any additional number you & they may wish. This public 
paper ought to have a general circulation. 

"Truly & affectionately yours 
"T. Pickering. 
"P. S. Mr. Hillhouse's amendments and observations 
are all founded on experience, and digested, as you will see 
them, with long attention & labour. You can see the manu- 
script in Westcott's hands. I think he would find his acct. 
(or the printer he employs) in printing a few hundred copies 
for your city & adjacent country. You can advise him wheth- 
er in 3 r our opinion thev would have a ready sale to indemnifv 
him." 

As congress reopened in 1808, McHenry wrote Pickering, 
on December 3, that he was sorry not to see him when he 
passed through Baltimore, and wished to know if Pickering 
can tell him, without violation of confidence, whether Arm- 
strong has advised war with France, or an arrangement with 
England. McHenry suspects that those who cry for war 
with both countries desire it with England alone. On the 
27th he writes again, regretting the abuse of Pickering by 
'the government writers, thanking him for copies of speeches 
sent and commenting on the disgust the administration's ad- 
herents show at the British victories in Spain. 

On the 29th Pickering answers him as follows from 
Washington : 

"Dear Sir, 

"Last evening I received your favour of the 27th. You 
will believe me (for you know me) when I say, that in no 
public act of mine have I calculated on 'future fame.' I 
have only anticipated the approbation of a certain portion of 
society for my well-intended endeavours to do public good; 
and in general, not even that. For the most part (and al- 
ways at the outset) I have thought of nothing but the means of 
doing that good, or of counteracting an impending evil. To 
an intimate friend only would I express these sentiments. 

"I am gratified to receive yours with many other testi- 
monies of approbation. The reproaches of my enemies pro- 
duce no other effect than regret that my labours are less ex- 



550 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xviii 

. , 

tensively useful than my wishes would make them ; and that 
their perverseness and malice prompt them to sacrifice the 
public interest to their resentments, and to their selfish and 
ambitious views. 

"Mr. Jefferson having recommended the embargo from 
motives which will not bear the light, it must be continued, 
in order to support his sinking reputation. His partisans 
having linked their popularity with his, will go all lengths 
to preserve it. Such of them as are convinced of their error, 
are too proud to admit, by abandoning him, that they have 
been his dupes. The evils of his administration must con- 
tinue a while longer, to open the eyes of the general body of 
the people who can think, to see the evidence which has been 
and probably will be exhibited of the greatest political im- 
posture that ever cursed a country possessed of the means,, 
like ours, of correct information. 

"I am dear sir 

"very truly yours 

"Timothy Pickering." 

Pickering at this time strongly entertained the idea of 
publishing a Federalist history of the past fifteen years and 
on January 19, 1809, wrote Jacob Wagner, now publisher 
of the Federalist newspaper in Baltimore, the following let- 
ter : 1 



1 On January 2 9, McHenry wrote Pickering and followed with other 
letters on February 4, 8, and 9, attacking the administration for its 
foreign policy, etc. 

An unpublished letter of this period from Pickering deals with Gen. 
Wilkinson : 

"Washington Feby. 5. 1809. 
"My dear Sir, 

"Last evening I received the two parts of the Pretensions of Thomas 
Jefferson for the Presidency, which I will take care to return to you as 
I go homeward. 

"The inquiry to which you refer respects the application of money 
profusely, and in other cases in direct opposition to lato, by the Secy, of 
War, in the case of Genl. Wilkinson — and for advancing his pay up to 
the 1 st day of December, 1809, when he stands charged on the account- 
ants books with upwards of ten thousand dollars (to Dearborne's knowl- 
edge) & has been repeatedly pressed to come to a settlement. In addi- 
tion to all this, the President about three weeks ago gave him a warrant 
for secret service money to the amount of 1196 $. 

"Turn to the law of March ltf. 1802. and in the 4th section you will 
see that Wilkinson is to receive $225. a month for pay, rations, forage 
&c excluding every other perquisite or emolument. Notwithstanding 
which, Dearborn admitted his acct. of $2033. for 36 rations a day at 
Natchitoches & New Orleans, including quarters and stabling &c. for 6 
months at $100. a month; the rations under a palpably false construction 
of the 5th section of the same act. The accountant refused to pass the 
acct. So the President & Atty. Genl. were resorted to ; and on their order 
& opinion, the comptroller has admitted the claim of $2033. The Atty. 
Genl. seems now to be a very convenient executive instrument to furnish 



1803-1812] of James McHenry 551 

"Washington Jany. 19, 1809. 
"Dear Sir, 

"I want to collect materials for an investigation of the 
source of the calamities which distress our country. This will 
embrace men & measures ; but above all Mr. Jefferson, Avhom 
I consider as responsible, primarily, for all. It appears to 
me indispensably necessary to place the insidious policy & 
conduct, & the unexampled outrages of the French in a con- 
spicuous point of view — looking back to the negotiation of 
1782 at Paris, where but for the penetration & firmness of 
Mr. Jay, we should have lost the fisheries, the western terri- 
tory & the navigation of the Mississippi. 

"I have a number of documents in Masstts which would 
be useful ; but they will [be] unattainable during the present 
session. Have you the instruction of the Comtee. of public Safe- 
ty to Genet, in which were confessed the views of the Court of 
Louis XVI to keep us back and check our growth. If you 
have these instructions, I wish you to send them to me by a 
safe conveyance - — I will return them as I go home, with any 
other documents you have which can enter into the investiga- 
tion, in which I am about to engage. If you have not the 
instructions, perhaps you may find them at Mr. McHenry 's. 
Perhaps too you can give me much useful information on the 
subject of my inquiry, consistently with the honourable con- 
fidence reposed in you while in the department of State. 

"I shall first publish a short answer to the charge of 
keeping back dispatches from Mr Eppes, made in the House 
of Representatives ; and I had thought of sending it for inser- 
tion in the North American — if agreeable to you. This will 
be the introductory address to the people of the U. States. 
But mention this only to Mr. McHenry and it will behoof me 
to be rather reserved & promise little : for it would mortify me 

the form of a legal apology for illegal acts. His opinion in the cases of 
Beaumarchais' claim and Judge Johnson's Mandamus, I consider as of 
like character. 

"Dearborn was nominated to be collector for the port of Boston. Ac- 
cidentally I had heard of some of these facilities in expending the public 
money, & on that ground objected to the appointment. & a comtee was ap- 
pointed to inquire — Giles chairman. He, however, appears to see noth- 
ing improper. It is wonderful that Hillhouse & I should be on the comtee. 
We are investigating; and now I see that Randolph has taken up the 
business in the House. 

"I am, my dear sir, 

"with esteem & affection 
"yrs. T. Pickering 
"Another item. Of 36 agents for fortifications, old major Wescott, 
a valuable revolutionary officer, and Dearborn's young son, a lawyer with- 
out business, were alone allowed pay as Engineers! Young Dearborn at 
$3. per day, in addition to 2 P Ct. commission on expenditures." 



552 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xviii 

to the last degree to beg-in with a flash & end in smoke. I am 
disposed to think, from what I occasionally hear, that plain & 
forcible statements under my signature will, at this time, 
make impressions alike useful & extensive. I deprecate the 
toil it will compel me to go thro', but if accomplished in some 
degree adequate to my conceptions of the subject, all the other 
labours of my public life will be comparatively trifling. At 
no other time, since 1776, has the public mind been in a state 
so impressible. 

"I wish you to see Mr. McHenry, & show him this letter, 
& pray him to excuse me for not writing to him — for I could 
only have made known the same things ; & my time is limited. 
I think he can furnish much useful information & some im- 
portant documents. All his & yours it will be best to send by 
some person who is to come here & go no farther. I will care- 
fully return all when I go home. It is likely Judge Chase, 
who was long in the Old Congress, can furnish materials for 
the contemplated work. 

"I am dear sir 
"with sincere esteem 
"yr. obedt. servt. 
"T. Pickering 

"I dare say Mr. McHenry has W. L. Smith's two pamph- 
lets entitled Thomas Jefferson 's pretensions to the Presidency, 
which I wish to see. ' ' 

In 1809, John Adams began to publish in the Boston 
Patriot a series of letters defending his public career. Of 
these letters Pickering wrote McHenry on June 4: 

"Dear Sir, 

"You see that Mr. Adams is giving a history of his ad- 
ministration, in his own way. Doubtless it may become prop- 
er that this history be reviewed. Perhaps you have read all 
he has published; I very little. You possess probably some 
documents which would be important in such a review; be- 
sides a recollection of many interesting facts. These I wish 
you would put on paper — and collect the others. It is my 
intention, at the close of this session (which I hope will hap- 
pen before this month expires) to pass a day or two at Balti- 
more — on my way home. 

"Mr. Malbone, a Senator from Rhode Island, as well as 
usual this morning, was going with other members from Rhode 



1803-1812] of James McHenry 553 

Island to the Hall to attend public worship. Arriving at 
some rails at the foot of Capitol Hill, he stopped & leaned 
upon them — saying, 'here is my usual resting-place.' The 
words were but uttered, when he fell, and instantly expired. 
He was a pleasant and amiable man. 

"I am dear sir 
"very truly yours 
"Timothy Pickering." 



McHenry answered the letter on June 16. He proposed 
to leave home shortly with the greater part of his family for 
Colonel John Lynn's in Allegany county, where they will 
probably remain until the end of September. He asks wheth- 
er Adams 's writings are ' ' likely to become history ? Who pro- 
nounces the name of this calumniator of the dead with venera- 
tion? Who celebrates his acts? Who is emulous to tread 
his footsteps? In a few years his name and his fame, if not 
borne up by other pinions than his own, will sink in that 
gulph destined to swallow up all memorials of merit and 
demerit like his." It is not worth while to answer his let- 
ters. 1 These letters of Adams and those to William Cunning- 
ham which appeared in 1823 were answered by Pickering in 
a volume printed in 1824. 

On June 23, McHenry wrote Pickering from Hancock, 
where his youngest daughter, Margaretta, who died young, 
was ill with fever, commending to his friend her physician, 
Dr. J. G. Scott, who intended to remove to North Carolina. 
During his journey to Allegany county, McHenry stopped 
at Bedford Springs and wrote an account of that watering 
place to his daughter Anna whom he had left in Baltimore. 

"Bedford Springs 4 July 1809. 
"My dear Ann. 

"The accommodations here are pretty good. The prin- 
cipal building is 70 feet by 20. There are besides it several 
lesser houses appropriated for visitors. It stands in a valley 
between two hills or rather mountains, (with which this coun- 
ty abounds) that seem to keep a northeast course. From the 
house to the medicinal spring is about 150 yards. The water 
seems to possess, if not the same properties, at least the same 
powers, as the waters of the Sweet Springs of Virginia, or 

1 Printed in J. Adams, ix, 236, and following. 



554 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xviii 

those of Balstown in the State of New York. It flows from 
the base of the mountain on the south side, and supplies two 
shower and plunging baths, situated within 15 or 20 feet of 
where it rises. There is also about half a mile distant an 
artificial warm bath, and above it a billiard table. This place 
affords shady walks, for lovers; shrubs and wild flowers, for 
botanists ; petrifactions for virtuosi ; streams, and trout, for 
fishermen ; and pheasants, woodcocks and partridges, for gun- 
ners. The town of Bedford is also within two miles of the 
Spring, where there are some very agreeable females and 
families. 

"If inclined to see us on the mountains, instead of visit- 
ing York Spring, three days in the public stage would bring 
you to Bedford, and this place; from whence, after a short 
stay, you could easily obtain horses to carry you to Cumber- 
land, which is only about 30 miles distant, or Augustus could 
meet you at the springs with horses from Mr. Lynn's, could 
we be ascertained of the time they would be wanted. It ap- 
pears to me however, that a project of this duration, could 
not be made to quadrate with Mr. Boyd's engagements. It 
would perhaps suit John better, provided he had finished his 
farming and other business. Give him to understand this 
that he may take it into consideration. 

"James McHenry" 

After a summer spent near Cumberland "amidst woods, 
green glades, mountains, and solitudes," McHenry wrote Pick- 
ering on October 16, shortly after his return to Baltimore. 
The Federalists have lost in the elections for the Maryland leg- 
islature, but not by a large marghi, considering the mass of 
influence against them and the fact that honorable men rare- 
ly take as much trouble as less scrupulous ones in politics. 
He hints at some crooked commercial dealings of Smith and 
Buchanan and adds that some Republicans in Maryland prefer 
Nicholson to Samuel Smith and Gallatin likes him, but Mc- 
Henry does not think he will win. 

The old difficulties of closing McHenry 's accounts with 
the government came up again in the early part of 1810 and 
Pickering interested himself in the matter, apparently with 
success. 

On March 15, McHenry wrote Pickering of Pinkney's 
dispatches, of Macon's bill and of Secretary Smith's attempt 
to prove that Jackson, the English minister, was disapproved 



1803-1812] of James McHenry 555 

by his government. Pickering's reply to McHenry dealt with 
current polities, especially with the negotiations which Wil- 
liam Pinkney, our minister to England, was carrying on in 
London. 

"Washington March 17. 1810. 
"Dear Sir, 

"Last evening I received your letter of the 15th. The 
supposition you put, to account for the reported declaration 
of Ld Wellesley to Mr. Pinkney, of his disapprobation of 
Jackson's conduct, is natural, and (if he made any declara- 
tion of the kind) undoubtedly just. But for my own part, 
I needed no solution whatever except this — That Ld. Welles- 
ley is not a fool. I would not say so much of some other 
statesmen. It is not difficult to discover that some men are 
defective in understanding: and that others, tho' celebrated 
for learning and extensive diplomatic research, may yet want 
common sense and political integrity. 

"In his message at the opening of the present session of 
Congress, Mr. Madison plainly insinuates — and insinuates 
for the purpose of popular deception — that ' a minister plen- 
ipotentiary' — without any special authority, could enter into 
an 'arrangement' — that is, make a treaty, which should bind 
his government. This he would be ashamed to avow in explicit 
terms : it would make him a subject of ridicule among all men 
of information. But for temporary purposes — or rather in 
expectation that a people, whom Jefferson had found it easy 
to deceive for eight years, might continue the dupes of similar 
artifices in his successor — he was willing to hazard not only 
the above insinuation but the contempt which could not fail 
of being felt towards him by all the respectable portion of 
the Community at home, and of the English & other foreign 
nations, as far as the correspondence, subscribed by his secre- 
tary, with Mr. Jackson, should extend. 

"The talked of letter from Pinkney to Smith is dated 
so early as the 4th of January, and declared to be only a pri- 
vate one — consequently not the subject of a call from any 
member of Congress. I have not seen it: altho I learn that 
Smith has made himself extremely busy in reading scraps of 
it, here and there, to many members, federal as well as demo- 
cratic. A temporary purpose is to be answered by giving out 
that Ld. Wellesley disapproved of Jackson's conduct: for that 
implies that our administration was in the right; and there- 



556 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xviii 

fore that in the pending election in Massachusetts, the people 
ought to support the candidates who are ready to support the 
administration. With the same view, in respect to New 
Hampshire, Madison 's shameful correspondence with old Genl. 
Stark was had. Genl. Stark was never capable of writing the 
letters now & for a year or two past bearing his signature : and 
at this time is a mere child. 

' ' There is another answer to your question — ' Which 
shall we believe?' Jackson or Smith. One we know is capa- 
ble of deceit : against the other we can bring no such charge. 
From the view I have had of Jefferson 's conduct during six 
years of his administration, I feel myself warranted in pro- 
nouncing, That Deception has been its leading principle. 
Madison was his 'zealous & enlightened cooperator' as J. him- 
self has testified: and by his inaugural speech, explicitly de- 
claring his approbation & admiration for Jefferson, is identi- 
fied with him. He appears to have entered into all his views, 
and assisted in his plans of deception, as the printed docu- 
ments furnished by themselves will prove. 

"It is but two or three days since, for the first time, I 
was told by a member of the Senate (I think it was Anderson) 
that Macon 's Bill was an ' Executive measure. ' It is hung up 
for the present — and perhaps will die, as well as the non- 
intercourse with the session. 

"I reed, your packets of St. Hilaire's letters. The ma- 
terial one, with my remarks, is with the Comptroller. It is 
the one in wh. he acknowledges the rect. from you of $2500. 
and asks pressingly for $90. more. Your receipt to me is for 
$2560. Do you recollect how you paid him the $60? 

"I am glad to find you can write, as it proves you are 
recovered from sickness. 

"Believe me ever yours 
' ' T. Pickering. 

"Our old friend W. [oleott] at New- York has avowed po- 
litical sentiments for a couple of years past, which astonish 
all his friends : and some of them say they can resolve it only 
by a supposed insanity quo ad hoc. He carries a some half 
dozen men with him." 

On the 27th, McHenry, who sorrowed because of the death 
of his daughter Margaretta, "who was very dear," wrote 
Pickering again, deploring the fact that some Federalists had 
been converted to Madisonianism. 



1803-1812] of James McHenry 551 

Stoddert became uneasy at Adams's attacks on his secre- 
taries and wrote as follows from Bladensburg, 14th of April, 
' 1810 : 

" * * * I will not add to the length of my letter, except to 
ask you are Mr. Adam's misrepresentations to remain unno- 
ticed by those on whom it is most incumbent to contradict 
them ? He gives countenance to the most unjust opinion, that 
' there was British influence in his Cabinet, — leads the world 
to suppose that the dissatisfaction arising from the measure 
of Murray's nomination, was at the measure & not at the 
manner of it — to believe that the letter from the heads of 
Departments was intended to produce a relinquishment of the 
negt. with France, instead of merely a short suspension of it, 
in consequence of the then experiences in France — and that 
there had been many meetings at Trenton between the De- 
partments, in which he laboured to no purpose to convince 
their minds the mission ought to go on when in truth 1 believe, 
a word was not said between him & any of the Departs on the 
subject, their only meetings were for the purpose of agreeing 
on the instructions to be given. He came to Trenton deter- 
mined, as was known to the Departments — and I then thought 
his determination right but had no occasion to say so to him. 
I am truly 

"Dr Sir Yr obliged Friend &c &c 
' ' Ben Stoddert. ' ' 

Shortly afterwards Pickering wrote McHenry thus : 

"Philadelphia May 7. 1810. 
"Dear Sir, 

"I trust you have received your packet of papers relative 
to St. Hilaire. I left them with Gadsby's bar-keeper, sealed 
up, together with two Newspapers, the Whig & Aurora, which 
Mr. Wagner borrowed for me at a Coffee House & promised 
to return, of which, therefore I request your particular care, 
to hand Mr. Wagner. 

"You will recollect that the partisans of Jefferson (and 
particularly his son-in-law Eppes, in the House of Representa- 
tives) have charged me with keeping back from President 
Adams some dispatches in 1798, the doing of which, he, Eppes, 
said, had well nigh involved us in a war with France. I in- 
tended to have asked you whether you were acquainted with 



558 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xviii 

— — . ■ 

any circumstances which could have given rise to this false- 
hood. Until within about two years, I never heard of such 
dispatches, & now know nothing beyond the report. Adams 
you know spent much of his time at Quincy ; and if the deliv- 
ery or communication of any dispatches to him was delayed, 
of which I have no recollection, it might have been occasioned 
by such absence of Mr. Adams. I can only conjecture what 
they can have been — letters from Mr. Murray containing the 
dishonourable & insidious overtures of Talleyrand thro' Pich- 
on, whom he sent to the Hague to carry on the intrigue. Do 
you recollect the expression in Talleyrand's or Pichon's letter 
to Murray — 'And if the American Govt, (or President) send 
such a man as you, there will be no difficulty in settling all 
our difficulties : ' or words to that import? I wish to ascertain 
this. Perhaps you or your nephew may recollect the words 
or the sentiment. Mr. Adams then, after his big speech that 
he would never send another minister to France, until &c. — 
had the meanness to let the French Govt, nominate his mi Uls- 
ter ! within a year or two, when thinking on his corrupt bar- 
gain with the Democrats to secure his second election to the 
Presidency. I have not been able to repress a suspicion that 
the negotiation with France originated in the same influence 
& with the same ultimate views, tho' antecedent to the bargain 
for my removal &c. 

"You will much oblige me by giving your own recollec- 
tions & what other information you can obtain on this subject. 
Please to direct to me at Wenham, Massachusetts. 
"I remain my dear sir 
"very sincerely yours. 
"T. Pickering" 



McHenry answered on July 25, giving his recollection of 
the matter. There is a family tradition 1 that, about 1810, 
McHenry was "a good deal occupied in writing a book after 
the plan of the Travels of Anacharsis, a book which he ad- 
mired." The manuscript of the work was placed in a trunk 
to be sent to his son 's country home and as the trunk was lost, 
McHenry was discouraged and did not resume the work. 2 

1 Brown's McHenry, 42. 

2 On January 13, 1S10, Doctor Mason of New York who planned writ- 
ing a life of Hamilton came to McHenry with a letter of introduction 
from Mrs. Hamilton and was lent by McHenry a large number of the let- 
ters sent by Hamilton. The life was never written and Charles Scrib- 
ner recovered for James Howard McHenry in 1844 a large number of the 
letters, but some seemed to be lost, among them one of August 26, 






1803-1812] of James McHenry 559 

When congress met again, McHenry wrote, on December 
15, of Madison 's relations with England and France and asked 
why Pickering fails to visit him ? The answer came two days 
later. 



"City of Washington Deer. 17. 1810. 

"Dear Sir, 

"I have received your letter of the 15th. It would give 
me great pleasure to spend some time with my good friend be- 
tween Boston & Washington : but I always find so many things 
to occupy my attention when about to leave home, that my 
wishes & even intentions of proceeding leisurely along have 
hitherto been disappointed. If practicable, I will hurry less 
on my return ; especially as it may be my last. 

"I send herewith the requested copy of the documents 
which accompanied the President's message. His taking pos- 
session of West Florida may seem to be a hold step. It was 
certainly a rash one; because unwarrantable on any ground 
which can be assumed. I am satisfied that we have no title : 
and if we had, Spain was in possession ; we had acquiesced in 
her keeping possession, and made it subject of negotiation, 
and even to negotiation an end was put, five years ago, by a 
word from France. This furnishes irrefragable proof that 
the order to disposses the Spaniards now, is by the permis- 
sion, if not by the advice, or even direction of France: and 
hence a strong presumption arises, that the revolutionary pro- 
ceedings in Florida have been secretly instigated by our own 
administration. 

"Altho' I have never felt uneasiness about my accounts 
as secretary of State — because I had not charged even a cent 
which had not been expended in the public service; and altho' 
the Comptroller's letter to me last spring admitted that I was 
not responsible for a single item which had been suspended: 
yet I was pleased with the promptitude & politeness with 
which Mr. Duval gave me notice, at the commencement of the 
present session, that those accounts were finally closed. I 
inclose a copy of his letter of the 5th inst. which, if the enemies 



1800, "containing account of birth, &c," which we would greatly like to 
have. The Collection of Facts and Documents relative to the death of 
Maj. Gen. A. Hamilton, printed in 1804, contains (p. 95) an article from 
the Fredericktown (Md.) Herald. 



560 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xviii 

— ■ 1 _ 

of truth renew the oft repeated and refuted lie, may be pub- 
lished to their confusion. 

"With sincere respect & esteem 
"I remain as ever yours. 
"T. Pickering." 

Tallmadge did not fail to keep McHenry informed of 
the congressional proceedings and wrote him on December 21, 
from Washington : 

"My Dr Sir 

' ' I duly reed, your Letter of the 18th inst. & it happening 
to be on an Evening when a number of our federal republican 
friends were convened at Col. Pinckney's room, I took the 
liberty to communicate the same to them. I believe we all 
view the State of our public affairs very much in the same 
light as you have stated them. How we shall alter or arrest 
the course of our public measures, is a Question not easy of 
solution. It can not have escaped your notice that the Ex- 
posure which was made, at the last session of Congress, of our 
Executive Conduct relative to Mr Jackson, operated manifest- 
ly to the Injury of the federal cause. The cry of British 
Attachments, in opposition to the Interests of our own coun- 
try, was rung from one End of the continent to the other; & 
what is one of the most prominent Evils attending every Ef- 
fort to throw light on any national Question, is that those 
who really need Information never read a federal paper, & 
the other papers are filled with attempts to mislead the Ignor- 
ant, & to traduce the characters of those who are able to en- 
lighten. 

"A Resolution requesting the President to open new ne- 
gociations with G. Britain, would be deemed & declared an 
improper Interference with Executive Duties, & a mean sub- 
mission to British Influence & power. I am not sure but our 
cause would suffer by it, nor am I by any means certain but 
we shall find it absolutely necessary to make the appeal in the 
manner you have suggested, before the session shall close. 

"On the subject of W T est Florida, Mr. Giles has probably 
foreclosed any measure of the sort you have suggested. We 
have a Bill just laid on our Tables, originating with Mr Giles, 
declaratory of the boundary of the Orleans Territory. By this 
Bill the River Perdido is fixed as the Eastern boundary. If I 
can get a spare copy, I will enclose one — the fact is the 



1803-1812] of James McHenry 561 

President's Proclamation on this subject must be borne out, & 
in this way the high Responsibility of the Executive, even if 
his conduct should lead to a Declaration of war, must be as- 
sumed by Congress. In the same way, I presume, we shall 
be called on to legislate respecting the Proclamation applying 
the non Intercourse to England. 

' ' I thank you for your Intimations respecting the State of 

our country. They will not be overlooked nor forgotten. If 

I can possibly get a spare copy of the Documents, as well as 

of Mr Gallatin's Report, they shall be enclosed. I am truly & 

"very affectionately yours 

' ' Benjn. Tallmadge. ' ' 



Early in 1811, McHenry wrote Pickering, asking when 
Short was sent to Russia and regretting the excessive patience 
and resignation of Federalists, when courage and energy are 
most needed. "In our government the multitude are every- 
thing." Pickering answered at once. 

"Washington Jany. 5. 1811. 
"Dear Sir, 

"I reed, your letter of the 3d. yesterday, as I was on my 
way to the palace, to dine with 'Little Jimmy,' as the stage 
driver called him, on my last journey from Baltimore to this 
place. That I might not forget, and so 'neglect' the object of 
your request, I give you here the words of 'Long Tom' (Wil- 
kinson's appellation of 'the moon-shine philosopher of Mon- 
ticello,' as a gentleman of distinguished science and literature 
called him in a letter to me) — 'I accordingly commissioned, 
in the month of August last, William Short ' — &c. His mes- 
sage bore date Feby. 24. 1809. 

"From my childhood I was used to hear my father (a 
plain farmer but a man of sense) repeat to different people, 
(& particularly to clergymen who called at his house, and few 
if any of whom, he thought sufficiently explicit in showing the 
people their sins — ) these words of the Wise Man — ' The 
fear of man bringeth a snare.' This fear is the source of the 
evil you lament : the dread of slander from the vile ; or of lov- 
ing popularity, power, place, or interest. 

' ' Sincerely adieu. 
"T. Pickering." 



562 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xviii 

A fortnight later, Tallmadge wrote: 

"Washington Jany. 16th. 1811. 
"Dear Sir 

"I have reed. & perused your Letter of the 14th instant 
with pleasure. The Man who could devise a remedy, practic- 
able in its operation, for the political Evils which now hang 
over us, & threaten to ingulph Us in ruin, would merit much 
from this degraded Country. Notwithstanding all the Infor- 
mation from Genl. Armstrong, & the Declaration of our Secy, 
of State that the repeal of the French Decrees is merely nom- 
inal, & of Course never have justified the President in issuing 
his proclamation, yet the non Intercourse is to be enforced 
towards G. B. with peculiar vigor. If our Democrats in Con- 
gress as well as in the Country will not believe their own 
senses, & when such indubitable proofs are before them, will 
not be convinced that the measures of the Administration are 
not correct, how can you approach their understanding with 
any hope of Success? 

"On the subject of admiting the Terry, of New Orleans 
into the Union as one of the States, the unconstitutionality of 
the measure was urged with such force that it seemed as if a 
Barber's block could not have misapprehended it & yet the 
party to the tune of 77 in the House remained unmoved. Mr. 
Quincy exhibited the Consequences of this measure in strong 
Colours, for which they were angry enough to have turned 
him out of the House. Will this do any good, here or else- 
where ? 

"This day on a call for Information from the Secy of the 
Treasury, your quondam Govr. Wright was very noisy & 
very abusive towards the Directors. In my reply to his Ex- 
cellency, among other things I remarked that I had hopes this 
great Question renewing the Charter of the Bank of the U. 
S. would have been discussed with Calmness, & free of all 
'party Distinction &c &c. Mr. Eppes replied, & remarked that 
this Bank originated in party, that it had been supported by a 
party, & that it would undoubtedly be a party Question on its 
present Discussion. Now this being the Case, what hope is 
there of a renewal of this Charter ; & in fact what Question can 
come forward in which the power of party will not be brought 
to bear upon it : I am almost induced to believe that it would be 
well for the Country, if the federal Gentlemen would let the 



1803-1812] of James Mc Henry 563 

majority pursue their own Course, & only vote on the final 
passage of a bill. 

"We have no news from Florida of a late Date. 
"In the papers of this Day you will see the new non 
Intercourse Bill. One blessing to result from it will be an 
Increase of our Duties on Imports. A bill to this Effect will 
be imported shortly. 

"With Sentiments of respect 

"& Esteem, I am affectionately yours 

' ' BEN JN. TxVLLMADGE. ' ' 

About this time, Pickering received the censure of the 
federal senate x for reading in public session a letter of Tal- 
leyrand written in 1804, confidentially communicated to the 
senate and from which the seal of secrecy was not removed. 
McHenry wrote Pickering, on January 26, commending his 
conduct, as there was no obligation to further concealment 
and each senator is the judge, when the obligation ceases. "I 
dislike confidential communications. They are great evils in a 
government such as ours and may be made instruments to its 
ruin. If affairs are wisely administered, there will be no need 
for such communications." 

Pickering answered this letter as follows: 

"City of Washington Jany. 28. 1811. 
"Dear Sir, 

' ' I have been favoured with your letter of the 26th : and 
altho' Mens conscia recti is impenetrable to the shafts of 
malice, and heeds not the reproaches of slanderers; yet it 
must be always sensible to the approbation of estimable and 
upright friends. I thank you sincerely for the strong expres- 
sion of your opinion condemning the proceedings of the Sen- 
ate in their vote of censure, in my case ; seeing no offence had 
really been committed : for the object of the rule, its very es- 
sence, is to prevent the disclosure of State Secrets, and it was 
acknowledged that I had divulged none. But the letter of 
the rule was violated : and half the Senate, every day violated 
another rule — which forbids the reading of any printed pa- 
per or doing some other things incompatible with the proper 
attention of members, while the journal is reading and busi- 
ness transacting. And this inattention retards business, & 



l Pickering, iv, 184. 



564< Life and Correspondence [Chap, xviii 

occasions errors which might otherwise be prevented. If one 
day had intervened, I have some reason to think that Clay 
would not have offered his resolution, or that, finally, he would 
have withdrawn it, but for the opposition of some of his party, 
especially of Saml. Smith ; who from the first to this last ses- 
sion of my having a seat in the Senate, has manifested an 
asperity & ill-will towards me for which, tho' perfectly indif- 
ferent, it did not occur to me how to account ; nor indeed did 
I ever waste a single thought upon it. But I presume you 
know that he was principal in the intrigue with President 
Adams to effect my removal from office. Now I have more 
than once met with the remark of some profound observers, 
'That One man had injured another too much to forgive him.' 
This seems a little paradoxical ; yet is probably correct. In- 
deed it seems to have obtained the authority of a maxim. And 
why should the Aggressor be implacable? Because a volun- 
tary aggression originates in a bad heart : and Pride joins with 
malice and other base passions to urge the wrong-doer to per- 
sist in the error or injury once committed. 

' ' I have two pamphlets of yours — the 1st & 2d part of 
Thomas Jefferson's pretensions to the Presidency, printed in 
1796. I wanted to derive some information from them, & 
find what I expected : but the 2d part is imperfect, by the 
omission of a half sheet, in place of which a duplicate half sheet 
is inserted. Perhaps Judge Chase or other friend may have it 
entire : if you can get it, have the goodness to send it to me 
(taking care to have no more than 2 ounces in weight in one 
packet) & I will be careful to return it, together with your 
own, after the close of the session. Pray can you tell me who 
wrote those pamphlets ? The Author held a good pen. 1 

"I am dear Sir 
"very affectionately yours. 
"T. Pickering" 

Later in the session, on February 28, Tallmadge wrote 
McHenry of the progress of events. 

" Washington Thursday morning 
"Feby. 28th. 1811. 
"My Dr Sir 

"I am set down to acknowledge the Rect. of your Letter 



1 On January 2 9, McHenry told Pickering that W. L. Smith of South 
Carolina wrote the pamphlet for whose author he asked. 



1803-1812] of James McHenry 565 

of the 26th. inst., but I own to you the fatigue of the two last 
Days & nights has almost unfited me for mental or bodily 
Exercise. 

"After working at the non Intercourse Bill for several 
Days, & drawing out all the force of the friends to the Bill, 
we began to attack them at close Quarters, & to press the 
Action very close indeed. The objects of the Bill were dis- 
tinctly marked out, showing that hostility to G. B., & Union 
with France, were the prominent features of the Bill. Every 
Attempt to amend the Bill failed, & even on some very plain 
& necessary points, the Majority voted not to amend. The 
speaking was now confined almost exclusively to the federal 
side of the House, & we kept the side warm with our Artillery, 
I assure you. This was on Tuesday last, & we were told that 
they had determined to take the Question before they rose. 
By midnight it appeared, on several collateral Questions, that 
they had not a Quorum present, & by 2 o 'Clock in the morn- 
ing we found that without our aid, they could not make a 
House for business. We began occasionally to draw off into 
Committee rooms &c, when a Vote was taken to send for the 
absent Members. Not one obeyed the call (for having no 
Quorum, they could not form a Warrant to compel the Atten- 
tion of absent Members) & a little after three in the morning, 
the House adjourned to the great mortification of the Major- 
ity. Yesterday we resumed the same subject, & continued the 
Debate much in the same manner, until nearly 3 oclock this 
morning, when they determined to bring the business to a 
close, & put an End to further Debate. The previous Ques- 
tion was moved on every proposition, & at about Day dawn 
this morning the final Question was taken & carried, & that 
obnoxious Bill will go to the Senate this Day, precisely as it 
came to our House, with Eppes's printed amendments. It will 
undoubtedly pass in the Senate. 

"Early last Evening, it was discovered that the Bill had 
been engrossed for its final passage even while we were pre- 
paring numerous Amendments. Mr. Randolph made a ques- 
tion of it in the House. The Speaker plead Ignorance of the 
fact, & to save the Clerk, Mr Eppes confessed that he had 
requested the Clerk to have it done. This drew from R. some 
severe remarks, to which E. replied, & R. rejoined in such a 
manner as to wound E. severely. Our Duelists say they can- 
not avoid fighting. Indeed it is said that an exchange of 
Cards took place promptly. 



566 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xviii 

' ' I will forward such Documents as were preserved for me 
during my absence. 

"In this day of increasing trouble, let us not preserve 
each others Letters. I am yours truly 

"Benjn. Tallmadge" 

Pickering still retained his plan of answering Adams's 
letters and wrote McHenry as follows on February 8 : 

"Dear Sir, 

"Do you remember the tenor of the conversations at 
Trenton, in the autumn of 1799, when President Adams came 
thither from Quincy, relative to the mission to France? You 
will recollect that Judge Ellsworth came also, & Govr. Davie 
— & that Genl. Hamilton was there. Mr. Ellsworth, I recol- 
lect, was invited by us (heads of departmts.) in the hope that 
his opinion might have some weight with Mr. Adams to sus- 
pend the mission. But was not Hamilton's coming merely 
military? Mr. Adams (in his lucubration published in the 
Boston Patriot, letter VI.) expresses his astonishment at our 
' obstinacy ' on this subject, & mentions Who has a copy of this 
letter? the letter we all signed earnestly entreating him to 
suspend the mission. He says the reason we gave was — the 
operations of the Austrian & Russian armies under Prince 
Charles & Suwarrow, would speedily place Louis XVIII on 
the throne. He mentions Ellsworth & Hamilton as expressing 
the same opinion. He also intimates that two of the Heads 
of Depts. (meaning Stoddert, no doubt, & Mr. Lee) had always 
appeared moderate & candid. If you have not this (& the 
other letters which Mr. Adams has been publishing for near 
two years past) I believe Mr. Wagner can furnish you with 
them. Have the goodness to recollect and communicate to 
me what you can on this subject. All particulars of our con- 
versations with Mr. Adams at Trenton have escaped me. 

"You will recollect that, in Mr. Adams' message to Con- 
gress June 21. 1798, He said he would never send another 
minister to France, until he reed, assurances that he wd. be 
reed., respected & honoured as the representative of a great r 
free, powerful & independent nation. Genl. Hamilton in his 
letter of 1800, on the conduct and character of John Adams, 
President says that all his ministers were opposed to this 
declaration that he wd. send a minister to France : though Mr. 



1803-1812] of James McHenry 567 

Adams was advised to say he wd. receive one from France: 
Do you remember this ? I do not. 

"Some time or other, if God spares my life, I purpose 
animadverting on Mr. Adams' publications; and wish to 
obtain authentic information on every important point. If 
you can find all his letters published in the Boston Patriot & 
will send them, you would be enabled to give me useful infor- 
mation. Some time ago, I recollect to have heard that Mr. 
Stoddert asked with indignation — Whether all Mr. Adams' 
misrepresentations (I do not know but he said lies) were to 
pass unnoticed? In Boston, long ago, I heard it said, 'It 
wd. be best to let him go through' & then answer. But he 
has been at it near two years — with the vain details of his 
diplomacy and has only come down to the year 1781. 

"Very affectionately yours 
"T. Pickering 

"P. S. I once saw your details of Mr. Adams' insults to 
you prior to yr. going out of office. I shall wish to read again 
your statement on my way home. 

"You doubtless have Hamilton's letter of 1800, before 
mentioned : Will you read it & make remarks which may be 
useful to me — especially of facts stated by Mr Hamilton." < 

On the 10th, McHenry answered that he had written an 
article on Serrurier's mission which would appear tomorrow 
in Wagner's Journal. The next day Pickering replied. 

"Senate Chamber Feby. 11. 1811. 
"Dear Sir 

"I have before me yours of yesterday. I saw Mr. Stod- 
dert last week. A question I asked him, led him to say, that 
he had long since read Mr. Adams first eighteen letters pub- 
lished in the Boston Patriot — and in consequence had written 
to Mr. Adams a long letter, stating his errors or misrepresen- 
tations — that he had reed, a short, but polite answer — and 
that he would furnish me with copies of both. He said ex- 
plicitly that he had no knowledge of the cause of my dismis- 
sion. I informed him of the corrupt motive. He then men- 
tioned a fact, that at some time before, Genl. Smith & his 
brother-in-law Wilson Cary Nicholas spoke to him, by way of 
inquiry — Whether some means could not be adopted for a 
reconciliation, or union (or some such word which I do not 
precisely remember) of parties : but heard no more of it. 



568 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xviii 

"I have not seen the answer of either House of Masstts. 
Legislature to Gov. Gerry's speech. Otis is president of the 
Senate — but that body is equally divided — 20 — 20. 

"I have no information relative to Serrurier's mission. 
I cannot imagine that Mr. Dana can have taken offence — 
because I believe you incapable of intending one — and that 
he is too sensible & too candid to admit an interpretation of 
an ill aspect where he must believe that a candid & friendly 
face alone was intended to be presented. 

"If you have not read Mr. Adams' first 18 letters (I 
believe about 95 octavo pages) I pray you to read them. His 
virulence against Hamilton is unexampled: but the integrity 
& talents of Hamilton are above the reach of his veteran sfand- 
er. Yet he ought to be scourged with scorpions 

"Most truly yours 
"T. Pickering" 

Two days later Pickering wrote again : 

"Washington Feby. 13. 1811. 
"Dear Sir, 

"Yesterday I received from Mr. Stoddert the copies of 
the letters mentioned in my last — which have the goodness 
to return to me, when you have perused them. Perhaps they 
may remind you of some things which may be useful to me 
to know. I do not subscribe to all Mr. Stoddert 's opinions 
on the duty of Heads of Departments. Particularly that of 
implicit obedience, or resignation. On the contrary, I should 
think it their duty to prevent, as far as practicable, the mis- 
chievous measures of a wrong-headed president. The morn- 
ing on which Mr. Adams nominated Mr. Murray, you know 
that every body was astonished: and one of Mr. Adams's 
very special friends, a member of the House of Reps., stepped 
over to my office, and with an air of alarm asked me ' How this 
nomination had happened ? ' I answered, that I knew no more 
of it than he. 'Is the man mad?' Was his reply. 

"You will notice Mr. Stoddert 's remark in his letter to 
me, That while I am at liberty to make any use I please of 
his letter, Mr. Adams' might require more delicacy. 

"I am very sincerely yours 
"T. Pickering." 

On February 23, McHenry wrote a long answer to Pick- 



1803-1812] of James McHcnry 569 

ering 1 with reference to Adams's letters in the Boston Pa- 
triot, "From the cursory reading, I perceive he has fallen 
into many errors, some important forgetfulness and not a 
few striking misrepresentations, to say nothing of his coarse 
and unmanly abuse of a deceased statesman." 

' ' How many recollections have these puerile letters awak- 
ened. Still in his own opinion the greatest man of the age, 
I see he will carry with him to the grave, his vanity, his weak- 
nesses and follies, specimens of which we have so often wit- 
nessed, and always endeavored to veil from the public." 2 

Adams depreciated Hamilton. While not palliating his 
pleasures, McHenry hesitated not to compare his public life 
with Adams's and concluded: "As to their minds, abstractly 
considered, Hamilton's was profound, penetrating, and in- 
variably sound and his genius of that rare kind, which en- 
lightens the judgment without misleading it; the mind of 
Mr. Adams like the last glimmering of a lamp, feeble, waver- 
ing, and unsteady, with occasionally a strong flash of light, 
his genius little and that too insufficient to irradiate his judg- 
ment. ' ' 

Adams's and the secretaries' foreign system for some 
years was the same. "Ours was General Washington's. We 
held with him that we ought never to quit our own to stand 
upon foreign ground; under no pretext to weave our destiny 
with that of any European power ; that our true policy was to 
avoid permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign 
world ; to trust to temporary ones for extraordinary emergen- 
cies, and to suitable military establishments to enable us to act 
up to and avail ourselves of our maxims. Three of the gentle- 
men who were heads of departments with Mr. Adams were also 
heads of departments with General Washington. These gentle- 
men could never for a moment depart from his maxims, they 
were the soul of their system ; they could not tear them from 
their hearts and retain their honor and integrity; they held 
them to be the only sound ones for their country, the only ones 
proper for the guidance of our foreign affairs and, in no 
instance, did they ever advise or countenance departure from 
them." 

Letters now passed frequently between the two friends. 

Pickering wrote from Washington on the 26th of Febru^ 
ary, 1811 : 

1 Printed in Lodge's Cabot, 204 

2 Correspondence between Adams and Cunningham, 47. 



570 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xvni 

''Dear Sir, 

"To-day I reed, your letters of the 22d & 23d. with the 
mentioned inclosures. 

"I had never contemplated the publishing of Mr. Stod- 
dert's letter, or Mr. Adams' answer: I was glad to be pos- 
sessed of them — the former for the recital of what Mr. Stod-j 
dert knew, and the latter for the sentiments of the writer. 
Mr. Stoddert told me that I wrote the joint letter advising a| 
suspension of the mission to France : if so, I doubtless have ill 
at home. I have not looked over my papers (of which I have' 
no inconsiderable quantity) since I packed them up a dozen' 
years ago. 

"As to Gerry's nomination, I do not recollect what you 
said ; but I see the correctness of it, as you recite it. I well! 
remember Wolcott spoke against him, tho' with moderation, 
While I was absolutely silent. For I had heard nothing, 
scarcely of Gerry's weakness & perverseness in the House ofl[ 
Representatives ; and I had, during the war, when he was im 
Conoress, entertained a favourable opinion of him — not as al 
great, but a decent man, & perfectly honest. I remember Mr. 
Adams (in answer to some objections by Wolcott or you, ortj 
both) said that Mr. Gerry was an honest, firm man, on whom/ 
French arts would be tried in vain : or words to that effect. Ilj 
am sure of the idea. 

"I must suspend other observations until we meet. Ill 
will speak to Colo. Tallmadge for the documents. 

"Your affectionate friend 
"T. Pickering. 

"The President this day nominated Joel Barlow minister 
plenipotentiary to France !" 

A second letter from Pickering is dated Washington, 
February 27, 1811 : 

"Dear Sir, 

"I have before me your note of yesterday. Whatever i 
you recollect to have been omitted in your letters of 22d & 
23d, be pleased to write down, & retain until I call upon you ; j 
when, if more convenient, you can incorporate the same in 
your letters already written. I troubled you for information, 
to refresh my memory, which is not tenacious ; and it had that 
effect ; enabling me to note to you in my answer several things 
which otherwise I should not have recollected. I wish to pro- 









1803-1812] of James McHenry 571 

vide myself with every weapon for the combat which may 
ensue between the man at Qnincy & myself : for his atrocious 
conduct calls for a severe scourging which he shall receive. 
He little imagines that I know & have long been possessed 
of the secret of my dismission ; but which I should have per- 
mitted to have sunk into oblivion had he not become an open 
apostate, and a malignant slanderer of Hamilton. 

" If I get a passage from here to Baltimore next Monday, 
I shall pass Tuesday with you: if for want of a conveyance, 
I do not reach your city till tuesday evening, I must stay 
there on Wednesday — perhaps also on Wednesday — per- 
haps also on Thursday ; in order to take the stage to Lancaster. 

"Very truly yours 
"T. Pickering." 

Pickering wrote again from Philadelphia, March 12, 1811 : 

'Dear Sir, 

' ' I am again reading your long letter ; and it leads me to 
ask if you have recently read General Hamilton's printed let- 
ter on 'the public conduct & character of John Adams Esq. 
president of the United States.' If not, I wish you to do it, 
I think it probable that it may bring to your recollection some 
facts which may be useful in the laborious work in which I am 
engaged; and which, of course, you will have the goodness to 
communicate. 

"In relation to Genl. Hamilton's being at Trenton, Mr. 
Adams says he ought not to have been there without his per- 
mission; but should have remained with the troops, teaching 
them military tactics; which, however, he chose to leave with 
one who understood them better or could teach them better: 
Was not this the President's son-in-law, Colo. Smith? Pray 
let me know. 

"When Genl. Marshall was at Washington, I laid before 
him Mr. Adams' first 18 letters, which he had not seen. He 
carried them with him to Richmond, & returned them with a 
remark — That he had read them with avidity, & equal regret. 

"I am dear sir 
"very sincerely yours 
"T. Pickering. 

"P. S. I have just written to Mr. Wagner a paragraph 
to add to my last number — VI. Do inquire if he receives it. ' ' 



1 



572 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xviij i 

On March 14, McHenry wrote, referring to Adams 's ignoi 
anee of military matters, and said of Hamilton that he "haii'l 
studied military service, practically under General Washing, i 
ton and his advice in many instances (a fact known to myself 
had aided our chief in giving to the machine that perfection il 
to which it had arrived, previously to the close of the revoluiu 
tionary war. " During that year, McHenry joined with Rober! 
G. Harper, Charles Ridgely of Hampton, John Eager Howard 
James Howard, Walter Dorsey, and Samuel Sterrett in the call 
of a "conference" with reference to the approaching senator' 
ial election in Maryland for the state legislature. 

In that year also was published in Baltimore a work em 
titled "The Three Patriots, or the Cause and Cure ox Present]) 
Evils, Addressed to the Voters of Maryland." This work haaL 
been attributed to McHenry, though the identification of hinul I 
as the author is not quite clear. The work is very pessimistic 
and labors to show the causes by which the United States have] 
been depressed in ten years to a worse condition than that 
from which they had been raised and to show by what simple! 
means they may be restored to their once enviable situation.! 
The United States are called by the author "a federative re-!; 
public ' ' and said to correspond to no one of Aristotle 's forms- 
of government. Native Americans are then properly all Fed- 
eralists and all Republicans. The author discusses Freneau, 
Duane, Callender and Bache, Genet and Fauchet. "He prays- 
that the angel, which presides over the destinies of Maryland, 
may permit the voters to choose suitable electors for the State 's : j 
Senate" and urges all to vote. Even thus early the sale of: 
votes and repeating were practised at elections. Many "for 
a little self indulgence, to avoid a slight exertion, a walk or 
ride of a few miles, will put at risk the benefit of civil liberty 
and all the untold blessings that result from equal laws." 

As McHenry passed into the evening of his life, he still 
heard from Lafayette, who wrote him from La Grange on 
December 22, 1811 : 

"It is an Age, My Dear McHenry, Since I Had the pleas- 
ure to Hear from You, But Altho I Complain of Your Silence, 
I Am Sure of Your friendship. Vessels, public and private, 
Have Come from the Bay, Nay from Baltimore Without a Line 
to me, Which Has Been a great Disappointment, there Will 
Be, no Doubt, Dispatches Sent to f ranee in the Spring — I 
Beg You to improve the opportunity and to write me the par- 



ft 1803-1812] of James McHenry 573 

' ticulars Concerning Yourself and family which my Heart So 
I eagerly wishes to know. My situation is about the Same. I 
\ Live in Rural Retirement with fourteen Children and Grand 
Children around me. Mourning the Loss in Comparison to 
i which all other present misfortunes are Nothing to me, and 
i every Day more attached to My Solitary plan of Life. We 
Have Reasons to Hope from the Reception given to the Min- 
ister and the expectations He Has Been Authorized to form, 
that the Answer to his Note Will Be Better than Any that Has 
Been obtained for a long time — that You will more Certainly 
Know, when this Letter Reaches You — perhaps Shall I write 
r another Before the frigate Sails — in the Mean while Receive, 
My Dear McHenry, the Most Affectionate Wishes and Senti- 
I ments of Your old and Best friend 

1 ' Lafayette ' ' 



War was now imminent and throughout the winter, in 
which the question of declaring it was debated in congress, 
Tallmadge kept McHenry informed as to the course of events. 

Writing from Washington, January 16, 1812, he said : 

"My Dear Sir 

"I have reed your letter of the 12th. instant, & thank you 
for the Extract of a Letter inclosed therein. 

"The Great Question now before us is the War with G. 
Britain. If we could draw any safe conclusions from the 
noisy, blustering Speeches of our Kentucky & Tennessee 
Bretheren, who are all alive to the Distress & sufferings of 
our Seamen, & the violation of our commercial rights, we 
might well say that war must be the result. But the more 
sober, reflecting sort of folks, think that the war party must 
fail for want of two much essential Ingredients, (viz) Men 
& Money. A Gentleman was in our Galleries yesterday who 
had come quite from N. Hampshire & heard some of our war 
Gentry Declaim, & he was perfectly astonished — He said he 
heard nothing of war until he reached N. York ; at Philada. 
but little more & at Baltimore not much more, but when he 
heard such war Speeches, he knew not how to Credit his senses. 
The moral of it is this, that the Country does not partake of 
our warfire Yesterday your Representative Mr. Little, laid a 
resolution on the Table calling on the President for a List of 
all Vessels captured or detained by B. Cruisers since the year 



574 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xvnr 

r , 

1794 — It being objected to, as unnecessary, the reason he 
offered in favor of the measure was : 'to rouse up the dormant 
spirit of the People against that Nation.' 

"This Day the Prest. has sent us a message containing 
a late Correspondence between Messrs Foster & Munroe — It 
originated with Mr. Foster, explaining his Late Correspon- 
dence which he said had been misrepresented as it related 
to his Demand of a Repeal of our non Importation Law, & 
of his views of the repeal of the Berlin & Milan Decrees &c. 
The Pt. takes occasion to call on us for renewed Exertions 
&c &c — You will soon see the Letter published." 

He wrote again from Washington on February 29, 1812 : 

"My Dear Sir 

"I have reed in due Course, your obliging Letter of the 
22d. instant, & thank you very sincerely for your kind invi- 
tation to halt at your hospitable Mansion on my return home. 
Mrs. Tallmadge unites with me in cordial respects to Mrs 
McHenry, & beg you both to be assured that we shall feel 
very happy in calling on you when we pass on thro' Balti- 
more, if we can possibly spare the time. After our absence 
of six months (& I fear we shall continue our sessions for 
that period) we are all of us very glad to use all reasonable 
Dispatch in returning home. 

"You have undoubtedly noticed the System of revenue 
which has been reported by the Commtee of ways & means. 
We have taken up the items in Commtee of the whole House, 
where they passed with but little opposition. When the 
Question came before the House, they fared very differently. 
All that part of the Report which related to Import, Tonnage 
& Drawbacks was carried by heavy majorities — As soon as 
we came to the internal Taxes, Excise &c, it was manifest 
that the Patriotism which they (the Democrats) had boasted 
of so much, was increased very much by self Interest, popu- 
larity & Such sort of principles. The Debate being confined 
solely to the exclusive Republicans, they began to criminate 
one another with want of true patriotism, & strong Intima- 
tions were given that, so long as the burden could be laid on 
Commerce, they were willing to support the war with great 
Zeal ; but as soon as Salt was offered as a fit subject for Tax- 
ation, & other matters of domestic manufacture for Excise 



1803-1812] of James McHenry 575 

&c &c, the war fever subsided. Such remarks from their 
own friends were very grievous to be borne. 

"On the Salt Tax the Phalanx broke, & if we had not 
adjourned, I fully believe the Excise Duties would have 
shared the same fate — If you see the N. Intelligencer, you will 
find in this Days paper, the mournings, & Lamentations of 
the Editor. It is said motion will be made on Monday to re- 
consider the Vote on the Salt Tax, but even should they carry 
that Tax, I think they cannot go through with the remainder. 

"As for their making war, I have never believed they 
were sincere in their professions, altho there was Danger that 
they should so manage the business as to get our Country into 
a war. Their Chance now seems to rest upon some favorable 
arrangment to be made with France by Mr. Barlow, or by 
some favorable Change in the B. Council — The latter does 
not look very probable & the former Event would be greatly 
to be deprecated — I presume your London Correspondent 
has long before this Seen Causes of Irritation in abundance 
in the Presidents Message, & the proceedings of Congress to 
apprehend that the orders in Council will not be speedily 
removed. 

"It would seem as if the madness of modern Democracy 
could not wish to push this Country in a war with a Treasury 
so exhausted, & a Commerce so defenseless & so nearly ruined. 

"I have found it very difficult of late to get a Duplicate 
of almost any Report or Document laid on our Tables — When 
extra Numbers are printed I shall not forget You — At pres- 
ent I have none on hand — Please to accept of the enclosed 
Speech, & believe me Sincerely 

"& affectionately Yours 

"Benjn. Tallmadge." 



On March 9, Madison sent congress a message trans- 
mitting congress the papers which he had bought for $50,000 
from John Henry, showing that a short time previously he had 
been sent as an emissary of Great Britain to report on the 
possibility of detaching Massachusetts from the Union. Tall- 
madge wrote McHenry on the 13th, concerning "this most 
extraordinary communication" and McHenry at once replied 
in a letter which has not been found, giving Tallmadge some 
valuable information on the matter. When he received this 
letter, Tallmadge sent McHenry a copy of the draft on the 



576 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xviii 

treasury to pay for the papers which Madison bought, enclos- 
ing it in a letter dated Marc J h 16 : 

"Dear Sir 

' ' I thank you most sincerely for your Letter of the 14th. 
instant, with the Record Evidence which accompanied the 
same — It was seasonable & useful. The pitiful & mean at- 
tempt of the Pt. to accomplish the desirable Object of injur- 
ing the Characters of honorable Men ; of endeavouring to ex- 
cite a spirit of Indignation against G. B., & of promoting his 
own & Gerry's Elections, I hope & trust is seen thro', & will 
in a great measure fail — The monstrous Sum of money paid 
to this vile Swindler, Staggers & confounds many, & some 
who profess to have been the friends of the Administration 

— Since the Rect of your proof relative to the negociation. 

"Of the D'ft on the Mechanick's Bank three Members 
of our House from the three Great States (viz) Massachusetts, 
N. York, & Pennsylvania, Messrs Quincy, Emmot, & Milnor 
went over to the Treasury Office, determined to examine the 
Books, as to the origin of this business, I mean the payment 

— The result shall be annexed. 

"Perhaps it may be tho't best to give a summary of this 
business, as soon as the Materials are prepared. 
"I am my Dr. Sir 

' ' Affectionately Yours 

' ' Ben jn. Tallmadge ' ' 

Tallmadge wrote again from Washington on April 11, 
1812. 

"Dear Sir 

"I have reed, your Letter of the 5th inst. to which I re- 
ply, that if any thing could be relied on from the Speeches 
& solemn Declaration of those who advocated the Embargo, 
while we were in Conclave, it was to be viewed as the pre- 
cursor of War. I have been so long worried, & wounded 
with such gasconade & nonsense, that dreadful as I view the 
Scourge of War, I feel sometimes almost willing that it 
should take place. If a new order of things could be pro- 
duced by this dernier resort, Dear as the purchase would be, 
the Country might perhaps venture to pay it; but I am not 
so sanguine as many who fully believe that such an Event 
would change the whole political face of our Country. Altho' 



1803-1812] of James McHenry 577 

we are wholly unprepared to enter upon a war with G. Brit- 
ain, & altho' I have never believed that the Administration 
were seriously resolved upon war, yet I do believe if such a 
proposition was laid upon the Speaker's Table, it would be 
carried in the House of Rept. by a considerable Majority — 
Such seems to be the madness & folly of many of our Rulers. 

"Govn. Wright seems to be in a perfect phrensy because 
the Commissions are not yet given out to the Officers of the 
new Army, nor any recruiting orders furnished — As the 
King can do no wrong, The Sect, at War takes all the weight 
of the Governor's Artillery. 

"A proposition to repeal the non Importation Law has 
been before the House, but has been postponed to monday 
after next — It met with violent opposition from the war 
hawks, as base & contemptible, & calculated to abate the Zeal 
for war in the Country, as well as in the House — For my 
own part, I am not fully convinced that the measure is not 
very deceptive. If a temporary suspension of the non Im- 
portation law should be intended with a Clause preparing an 
Increase of Duties 100 pet., the people would thank them for 
the boon, while this would only serve as a temporary relief 
to the Treasury, & thereby the direct Tax, Excise &c &c, would 
be suspended. The fact is, we have so long & so often been 
deceived by these French politicians, that it is not amiss to 
suspect & watch them. 

"We have also before us a proposition for an adjourn- 
ment. A Commtee. of Conference has been appointed, but the 
issue is quite doubtful. 

"One precaution I think we shall do well to attend to, 
& which I request you will observe (viz) to burn each others 
Letters. 

"We have no positive Intelligence from the Hornet, 
altho' it is rumoured that She has passed up the Chesapeake. 
"I am affectionately 

"& sincerely yours 

' ' Benjn. Tallmadge. ' ' 

A week later Tallmadge wrote: 

"Washington Apl. 18th. 1812. 
"Dear Sir 

"I thank you for your Letter of the 15th. instant, the 



578 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xviii 

— — — — — , 

Sentiments contained in which very fully accord with my 
own. I confess to You that altho ' I have been repeatedly dis- 
appointed in my hopes & Expectations, I have neverless cher- 
ished the hope that when the measures of the J eff ersonians 
policy become pretty fully exposed, & their deliterious Ef- 
fects were felt & understood by our Countrymen, they would 1 
be induced to detect & change the advocates & Abettors of 
them. The pertinacious adherence of the party to that Sys- 
tem of measures which the past & present Administration 
have been pursuing with undeviating Steps, brings all my 
hopes to a stand, & I have only to look about me with an 
astonishment that I am unable to describe. I have this morn- 
ing been conversing with some of our Eastern Democrats, 
particularly from Massachusetts, on the Question of war, & 
my Soul Sickens at the prospect that these men should per- 
sist in the Declaration that they will vote for a Declaration 
of War, altho' they are well convinced that it must bring 
ruin upon themselves & their Constituents. The truth is, in 
addition to the Evils which must necessarily result from the 
prevalence of party Spirit, the Demos appear to me now to 
be under the Influence of passion — The Defeat which their 
Cause has lately reed, in Massachusetts in the Election of 
Govr. Strong, & the failure of the Henry plot so far from 
disheartening them seems to whet their Appetites for revenge 
— You must not therefore be surprised, if a Declaration of 
War should actually be proposed in a few days. For the 
present, I shall omit to remark on the political Consequences 
which may possibly & not improbably result from such a 
measure. I hope as one of the worst that may be feared, You 
& I may not witness the awful Calamity of seeing our own 
Citizens engaged in destroying one another. 

"May we always rejoice that the Lord reigns & that altho' 
Clouds & darkness, as to Us, may seem to be round about 
him, yet Justice & Judgment will be the habitation of his 
throne forever. 

"I am affectionately 
"& sincerely Yours 

"Benjn. Tallmadge. " 



At the end of the session, this letter came from Wash- 
ington, June 17, 1812: 



1803-1812] 



of James McHenry 



579 



"Dear Sir 

"Having tided through a long session to very little pur- 
pose, in behalf of our half ruined Country, I have now de- 
termined to leave this place the ensuing week; believing that 
before this week shall close, the important stand will be taken 
by this Govt. — Heaven only knows what our Destiny is to 
be; but my fears forbode every Evil — As the Cap to this 
Climax, I dread that above all, which shall link us to the 
fortunes & chain us to the Carr of the French Emperor. 

"My stay in Baltimore will probably be too short to 
allow me the pleasure of calling at your House — I shall do 
it if I can. 

"I shall enclose, by this days Mail, Copies of sundry 
Documents & am 

"Sincerely & 

"Affectionately yours 

"Benjn. Tallmadge." 



CHAPTER XIX 

mchenry's last days 
1812-1816 

IN 1812 a mob destroyed the printing office of the Federal 
Republican, a bitter anti-administration paper edited in 
Baltimore by Alexander Contee Hanson, killed General 
Lingan, and severely injured several other men. The city 
was in a turmoil for some time and just after the excitement 
McHenry wrote thus to his friend, Robert Oliver, on the 
eve of leaving the city for a sojourn in Allegany county : 

"Near Baltimore 24 June 1812. 
"Dear Oliver 

"You acted nobly at the meeting at the Mayor's office, 
and all day yesterday. Instruct our friends; inforce it upon 
them, that all they hold valuable on earth depends upon a 
union of force, to discountenance and put down every at- 
tempt against the laws and the public peace. Let them do 
as you have done, face the evil, as soon as it appears. If 
they shrink from it, they will quickly be made sensible, that 
they walk the streets at the mercy of the secret instigaters of 
misrule; that the air of Baltimore is the air of a prison; 
that houses are no places of safety; that there is a mine 
under them ready to explode, the moment, they shall either 
by word or by look, give offence to their masters. I lament 
that I am obliged to leave the City. I rejoice, however, that 
the train in which things now appear, leaves me little or no 
room to fear for those friends I leave behind me." 

The presidential election was at hand and the Federalists 
combined with the dissatisfied Republicans in the support of 
DeWitt Clinton against Madison, who was a candidate for re- 
election. Of the Federalist position and of the nomination 
of Clinton, we learn much from a letter sent McHenry by 
Stoddert : 




DR. JAMES McHENRY 

Much reduced from painting owned by the heirs of Dr. James McHenry 
(Copyright, 1907, The Burrows Brothers Company) 



1812-1816] of James McHenry 581 

"Blad[ensburg] 15 July 1812. 
"My Dear Sir 

"You will probably think, & justly that my own embar- 
rassed affairs were sufficient to occupy my whole mind. But 
I cannot help thinking also for my Country. 

"Success in this War, would most probably be the worst 
kind of ruin — But we are, I believe, in no danger of being 
ruined by success — For where can we hope for success ? 
not surely on the Ocean. As to Canada, the taking of it 
would be injury to ourselves, and would be of trifling im- 
portance to our Enemy — it would bring us no nearer to 
Peace. 

"Two years duration of this war, will produce one or 
two events — Division or Alliance with France — which is 
but another name for French Rule over us — another name 
would be destruction to civil liberty in this hitherto Free & 
happy land. 

' ' There is but one way to save our Country. I am thor- 
oughly convinced and that is to change the administration — 
and I am not less convinced that this can be affected by bring- 
ing forward another Virgn. as the competitor of Madison. 

' ' D. Clinton can have no chance — The Democrats in 
every State where they are the ruling party, will support 
Madison in preference. In New York, where they have nom- 
inated him, they can not secure to him a vote. He has no 
chance of a vote South or West of Maryland, & no chance of 
general support in the East. It would be easier for the Fedts. 
to elect an Eastern or Northern Fedt., but this they can not 
accomplish. 

"Under this impression, I have sent to the Spirit of 
1776, under the signature of a Maryland Farmer, an address 
to the people of the U. S. but meant more particularly for 
Virga. — recommending John Marshall for Presdt. D. Clinton 
or R. King as New York should decide, for Vice Presdt. — 
no doubt King would be the choice — and this I have done, 
because — every body else — seems to be seized with apathy, 
the most unpardonable in the dangerous crisis of our affairs, 
and because I felt it sacred duty & not because — I think my 
talents fit me for a writer to the Public. 

"There is a real change in Virga. — and it will be greater 
in the Farming Country, as the Wheat is preparing for Mar- 
ket — and in the Farming Country there are most votes — 



582 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xix 

They vote for electors in Virga. by a general ticket, and I 
am thoroughly persuaded that if the men in that State, who 
prefer Marshall to Madison, can be animated into Exertion, 
he will get the votes of that State. 

"What little I can do by private letters to affect this 
will be done I have already reed, a letter from Jo Davies to 
whom, being here 10 days, I mentioned the subject, & who 
then thought success impossible — but who now writes me, 
he has entirely changed his opinion — and that if the Virgns. 
have nerve to believe it will be agreeable to the Northern & 
E. States, he is sure Marshall will get the Virga. votes. 

' ' Should he fail there, the effort in Virga. will secure him 
votes in North Carolina, & perhaps further South & in the 
West — and but a few will be wanting in these quarters, if 
the Fedts. every where else unite for him. 

"Pinkney nor no other man out of Virga. could have a 
chance of a vote in Virga. where there is more State pride 
than in all the Union besides. 

"It is not because I prefer Marshall to several other 
men, that I speak of him — but because I am well convinced 
it is vain to talk of any other man. and Marshall is a Man 
in whom Fedts. may confide — Perhaps indeed he is the man 
for the crisis, which demands great good sense, a great firm- 
ness under the garb of great moderation 

"I suppose the Spirit of 1776 is taken at your Coffee 
house. Pray read (perhaps it will be in Friday's paper, I 
know not that it is in the paper of yesterday) the Maryland 
Farmer — and if you approve it — and Hewes is not under 
too much control of the Mob. let him insert it. but you must 
not stop here — but by your pen support a cause, on which 
all that is dear to you depends, You can not believe that the 
men who have plunged us, so headlong into this War, will 
make peace. War is what every act of Madison, every word, 
& every thought, has long pointed at — but on what Ameri- 
can ground, God alone can tell Jefferson too has been most 
busy in urging the members with whom he could correspond — 
this one of his correspondts. told me who voted for war di- 
rectly in the teeth of his own conviction of right. Our Union 
is worth saving, so is civil liberty — so is the prosperity of 
those who possess it. All will be swept away, if the course 
of Madison & the Arch Juggler behind the curtain is not im- 
mediately arrested, this is not the time to object to a man,. 



1812-1816] of James McHenry 58$ 

because he is a Virgn., in ordinary times a sufficient objec- 
tion — the only consideration now should be, who of good 
men can turn out Madison? 

"Why, for the honor of Balto, is there not an associa- 
tion of all men of property, & all men of principle, whether 
they have property or not — of the respectable Democrats 
& the Fedts. to support the laws in Balto — in proportion as 
this "War is unpopular with thinking men, will be the efforts 
of those who rule, to stifle free inquiry — the mob is the 
most powerful auxiliary of the Executive, & this is known 
at headquarters But the Union I speak of would overcome 
the mob of Balto. — and essentially preserve the Peace, & 
retrieve the Character of the City. Do not flatter yourselves 
you have not lost reputation by suffering the last disgraceful 
transaction. Shall the House of such a man as R. Oliver be 
pulled down — & the press be muzzled & the character of 
Balto sustain no injury? I do not think so poorly of the 
feelings & intellect of other places. 

"An association (it ought to be written & signed) by the 
Fedt. alone, might lead to civil war — every good would 
result from one begun by Jas Buchanan & such men — and 
including the Fedts. — and I would make even all the poorer 
classes sign it, then would surely J B with the least encour- 
agement, would take an active lead in this. I am half de- 
termined to go to Balto to endeavour to effect it — and should 
have done it, had the expense been a very easy thing with me. 
"I am Dear Sir truly yrs 
"Ben Stoddert." 

Harper wrote Colonel Lynn, of Allegany county, from 
Baltimore, September 25, 1812, on the same subject: 

"My Dear Sir 

"at the request of some of our friends in this State, I 
lately attended a meeting of federal Gentlemen at New York 
assembled from all the States north and East of Virginia, 
to deliberate on the conduct which may be proper for the fed- 
eral party to pursue, in the approaching election of Presi- 
dent. The meeting was very full and respectable. It was 
attended by Delegates from all the States north of the Po- 
tomac, and from South Carolina. 

"After a very full and free communication of Sentiment 
and information, we found no hope nor chance of electing a 



584 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xix 

federal President. Vermont is lost to us. It is quite certain 
that we could not get the votes of Maryland. Those of New 
York are very doubtful, and Pennsylvania desperate. We 
might hope for five or Six votes in Maryland, but cannot rely 
on more than those. As to North Carolina, though we learn 
that very considerable changes have taken place, yet there 
does not appear, from any facts known to me, any reason to 
expect, that the votes of that State could be obtained for 
a federal Candidate. 

"The choice of a president of our own, being thus des- 
perate, nothing remains for us but to acquiesce in the reelec- 
tion of Mr. Madison, or take the chance of getting rid of him 
and his political System ; the worst part of it at least, by giv- 
ing our aid to Clinton. 

"In favour of this policy the meeting was almost unani- 
mous. It consisted of more than Sixty persons, of whom Mr. 
King and Mr. Eadcliffe of New York, and Mr. Sitgreaves of 
Pennsylvania were the only dissentients. Mr. Sitgreaves ra- 
ther disapproved the policy than opposed it. His opinion 
was, that it would be better to take all the hazards of Mr. 
Madison's reelection, including that of separation and french 
alliance, than to endanger, as he thought, our own honour, 
union and existence as a party, by giving our aid to Mr. Clin- 
ton. This opinion he expressed in conversation, but took no 
part in the debate. Mr. King warmly and very eloquently 
supported it in debate. With these three exceptions, the 
meeting was, I believe, unanimously of opinion that we ought 
to support Clinton in preference and opposition to Madison, 
as the only means now in our power of averting the evils 
which have assailed and still threaten us. 

' ' The expectation that Mr. Clinton, if elected, will change 
the present course of measures, in all essential points, rests 
much more on his position, Geographical and political, than 
on his professions and assurances. But they have been ample 
and positive. They were made without reserve. And re- 
peated while I was in New York. In Substance, they amount 
to this; that Mr Clinton looks with abhorrence on a french 
alliance, in any form or under any circumstances; that he 
holds Buonaparte and his views and System in Such detesta- 
tion as to be willing to bear a great deal from England, rather 
than throw the least weight, into the french scale; that he 
thinks a peace with England, upon honourable terms, is 



1812-1816] of James McHenry 585 

easily attainable, and ought to be made as Soon as possible, 
that he is opposed to the whole restrictive System, and thinks 
that commerce ought to be fostered and protected, to which 
end a navy, fully commensurable with the resources of the 
nation, ought to be immediately provided and constantly 
maintained; and that, while the present war continues, the 
honour of the nation ought to be supported, by a vigourous and 
manly exertion of its force. 

"If Mr Clinton relied on federalists alone for success, 
these sentiments ought to be and no doubt would be, pub- 
lished. But he cannot be elected without the aid of a large 
portion of the Democratic party which the avowal of such 
opinions, or the Knowledge that any explanation had been 
"made by him to the federal party, would certainly, in a great 
measure, and perhaps entirely, alienate from his cause. We 
must, therefore, consider the communications as strictly con- 
fidential, and take every precaution to prevent them from 
becoming public. His sentiments are no doubt known to his 
confidential friends. But we have seen the grounds on which 
they have thought it best to rest his pretentions. The gen- 
eral probability, arising from his character Situation and 
connections that he will pursue a more correct course than 
Mr. Madison, is a sufficient justification to us in giving him 
the preference. 

' ' The hope of electing Mr. Clinton rests on this. We can 
certainly give him New York, New Hampshire, Rhode Island, 
Connecticut, Delaware and part of Maryland. There is a 
great probability that we may, in conjunction with his Sup- 
porters among the Democrats, give him Massachusetts Jer- 
sey, Pennsylvania, and the greater part if not the whole of 
Maryland. We entertain the same expectation of North Caro- 
lina; and his friends expect to carry Vermont and part of 
Ohio. 

"The meeting did not resolve to recommend the support 
of Mr. Clinton. It was thought best to take a course some- 
what different, they resolved that it appeared impracticable 
to elect and was, therefore, inexpedient to propose, a federal 
Candidate ; and that it should be recommended to the feder- 
alists throughout the United States, to exert themselves in the 
approaching Election of Electors, to procure the choice of 
such persons, as will be most likely to effect by their votes 
a change in the present course of public Measures, They then 



586 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xix 

appointed a Committee, to collect and disseminate informa- 
tion on the Subject. The Committee sits in Philadelphia. 
Three of its members, Mr. Hopkinson Mr. Binney and Mr. 
Meredith, reside there. The other two are Mr. Sitgreaves and 
Mr. Duncan of Pennsylvania. 

' ' The plan of operations which appeared best to the meet- 
ing-, and which they resolved to recommend to their friends 
generally is to let the Clintonian Democrats take the lead, 
in all the Democratic States and Districts, and to Support 
them Silently with our votes ; while we every where exert our- 
selves to the utmost, to place federalists in the House of Rep- 
resentatives and the State Legislatures. That seemed to be 
the best mode of keeping Clinton right, if he should be elected, 
and of restraining Madison in his mischievous course, should 
we be forced to bear him four years longer. 

"The plan adopted at New York leaves us at large, to 
profit by favourable events. With as many Clintonian Elec- 
tors as we can carry where there are no hopes, or but very 
faint ones, of carrying federalists, and with all the Federal 
Electors that we can get, we may hold the fate of the Can- 
didates in our own hands, and at the decisive moment, take 
the course which we may deem best for the public safety. We 
do not stand committed to Mr. Clinton. He and his friends 
must, therefore, do all in their power to convince us, that he 
deserves the preference, in other words, that we may expect 
from him a different course of measures, or else we may 
drop them and try the effect of submitting four years longer 
to Madison, in hopes of a complete cure in that time. We 
may even bring forward a federal Candidate, should any 
thing occur to warrant the attempt. 

"I am my Dear Sir, with very great regard yours most 
truly 

"Rob: G. Harper. 
"P. S. 

"If you and our friend Thomas approve the policy it 
is not yet too late to make a change in your arrangements, I 
submit it to your consideration whether it would not be best 
for you both to decline, in favour of such Clintonian demo- 
cratic Candidates as may be offered in your united district. 
The mere circumstance of being elected is, of course, no ob- 
ject with either of you. Should your election as federalists 
be doubtful, of which you are the best judges, the course 



1812-1816] of James McHenry 587 

which I suggest would give some additional chance for suc- 
cess. Let me know whether you approve it, and I will en- 
deavour to get Clintonian Candidates brought forward by 
the chiefs of that party here, whom I know, though I have 
had no sort of communication with them. Perhaps you and 
Thomas can manage that point better. Tell me what you 
think on that head. 

"Your's most truly 

"Rob: G. Harper." 

An unsigned letter written from Baltimore on September 
24, 1812, gives additional information: 

"My dear friend 

"I returned a few days ago and found the town very 
quiet, but no dependance can be placed on the civil authori- 
ties. The privateers & army, have carried off a large gang 
of Ruffians, but we have still a sufficient number left to do 
mischief, in case any exciting cause should occur. 

"You acted wisely in leaving the town, and I advise you 
to remain where you are until our elections are over. 

"The meeting at N. York consisting of 64 members, de- 
cided almost unanimously to support C. — but for obvious 
reasons their arrangement is to be kept out of view as long 
as possible. He has given the necessary assurances and I 
look forward with confidence to a happy change, in case C. 
is elected I think Mr. Thomas, & Col. Linn, should give way 
to C.'s friends, unless they are certain of success. 

"It is impossible to form any correct opinion of the 
issue of the Presidential election. 

"If Madison is elected, & we have not a sufficient majority 
in the state Govt, to secure the Gov. & Council, our situation 
will be deplorable. You will see by the Newspapers that 
every thing goes on well in Europe. I hope Bonaparte will 
meet the fate of Charles the 12 of Sweden." 

McHenry accompanied his son Daniel, after the latter 's 
marriage, to his home in Allegany county at Cherry Tree 
Meadows, expecting to return in the autumn. Mrs. McHenry 
wrote several years later that "while there, my dear husband 
was taken with an infirmity in his legs, which, notwithstand- 
ing every means was used for his relief, gradually encreased 
till he was entirely deprived of the use of them, the winter 



588 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xix 

then coming on, we were obliged to remain there till the fol- 
lowing summer, when with great difficulty he was got home. 
From the commencement of the disease he did not expect to 
recover & tried to prepare his family to part with him — he 
was so patient & cheerful during his illness that many who 
saw him could not realize the idea that he could expect to 
die with such composure ; but Blessed be God his long & pain- 
ful confinement was made a time of great profit to him, he 
was enabled to support & improve it & to say at all times, 
even in his most painful moments, when praying for relief, 
or patience to endure to the end, not my will, Lord, but thine 
be done." Tallmadge continued to keep him informed of the 
course of events and the letters which passed between them 
and which follow are important as showing the Federalists' 
position. 

"Washington Novr. 29th. 1812. 
"Dear Sir 

"I have before me your Letter of the 22d. instant. 
Really you have retired pretty much from the bustle of the 
world, & I think your retreat very judicious at this ominous 
period of the police of your quondam City. Indeed it has 
seemed as if Baltimore was almost ruined, as a place suitable 
for Gentlemen who loved Washington & imbibed his Senti- 
ments. 

"Our Sessions hitherto, have been rather barren of inci- 
dent than otherwise. Govr. Wright has had another retal- 
Hating Bill before the House which went thro' the Comtee. 
of the whole, & was engrossed for its third reading — The 
Govr. felt very confident of Success, & in fact his Bill had 
reed, no opposition, until it was on its very last Stage, when 
a few of us gave it Battle & it was negatived by a Majority 
of ten. 

"The House passed a Bill raising the wages of Privates 
in the Army to Eight Dollars, & the non commissioned Offi- 
cers accordingly. It also authorises the Enlistment of Minors 
above 18 Years old, & secures from Arrest Debtors of any 
magnitude or Amot. who will fly to the American Standard, 
as anciently Criminals were protected by the horns of the 
altar. The Senate have made some material Alterations, in 
this Bill, where we could effect nothing. 

"I intended to forward the Presidents Message & Docu- 
ments accompanying the same — Also J. Russell's Correspon- 



1812-1816] of James McHenry 589 

clence, & last Statement, which is supposed to have been writ- 
ten in the Latitude & Longitude of Washington, for import- 
ant State purposes. 

"Our Northern & Western Armies seem to be doomed to 
misfortune and Disgrace — One large Item in the latter ac- 
count is the wonderful propensity which some of our Com- 
manders have to write proclamations — Alexr. Smyth has 
lately issued one more replete with absurdity than any that 
have preceeded it. 

"Perhaps I may occasionally enclose an Eastern News- 
paper. 

"I am affectionately Yours 
"Benjn. Tallmadge. 
" (Forget not to burn) " 

"Washington Deer. 5th. 1812. 
"Dr Sir 

"The Secy, at War (Dr Eustis) has resigned & it is whis- 
pered that Genl. Armstrong is to succeed him — Other chang- 
es are said to be in Contemplation for our Cabinet. 
' ' Yours in Haste. 

' ' Benjn. Tallmadge. ' ' 

"Washington Deer. 28th. 1812. 
"Dear Sir 

"Your Letter of the 19th. instant is before me — I take 
it for granted that you have not given up your habitation 
at Baltimore, but for a short time. Perhaps your Residence 
on the Allegany hills, may serve to endear B. to you the more ; 
provided nevertheless, the Mob of that City should not take 
the police of it into their own hands. In such Event, the 
frozen Coasts of Greenland would be prefered to it. 

"We have passed the Bill from the Senate authorising 
the Pt. to build 4 Ships of 74 Guns, & 4 Frigates of 44 Guns 
Each. Ays 70 — Noes 56. 

"Also the Bill to relieve the Merchants from the pay- 
ment of their penal bonds — Ays 64 Noes 61. 

"Our Military Commtee. yesterday reported a Bill to 
augment the Army 20 Regiments, making an addition of as 
many thousand Men — The Mortality in the northern Army 
is wonderful, & almost incredible — I should suppose, the 
war party would have quite as much as they could do, to fill 
up the old Establishments of 35,000 men. One thing, I be- 



590 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xix 

lieve I may assure you, those who were the most ardent for 
war, at the last Session, have become greatly cooled in their 
zeal. 

"I am affectionately Yours 
"Benjn. Tallmadge. 

"P. S. As I pick up & enclose almost any papers that 
remain, after the Gentlemen of our Mess house selected such 
as they need, you may very probably have some in Duplicate, 
& others of very little consequence. If you need the Presi- 
dent's Message at the Commencment of the Session, with 
the Documents accompanying the same, together with Rus- 
sel's last Communication, they can be forwarded 

"I do not remember whether I have sent them or not." 

"Washington Deer. 31st. 1812. 
"Dear Sir 

"I have just returned from the funeral of John Smilie 
Esq; long a Representative from Pennsylvania. He died 
yesterday at 2 oclock P. M. 

"Mr. Hamilton, the Secy of the Navy, has resigned the 
Seals of his Office; so that the War & Navy Departments 
are now without official heads as they are said, by some, to 
have been without brains. 

"We are progressing with an Increase of the Army, 
by adding 1 Major to each Regt. 1 third Lieut. & 1 Sergeant 
to each Company, & 20 new Regts — 20,000 Men for one 
Year — We have also a Bill before us for creating a long 
List of General Officers — We do intend to contest the Ground 
on these Bills but they will all pass. 

"Was there ever such a Disgraceful Scene transacted 
by any body of military men, as our Armies of the North 
have exhibited — It affords serious Contemplation to our war 
hawks, & they are excessively tender on that Subject. 

"I am sincerely yours 
"Benjn. Tallmadge" 

Very few of McHenry's replies to Tallmadge have been 
found. A long and interesting epistle was written by Mc- 
Henry from Cherry Tree Meadows, January 15, 1813 : 

"Dear Sir, 

"According to geometricians, called surveyors, this place 
I now inhabit is elevated above Washington, at least three 



1812-1816] of James Mc Henry 591 

thousand feet, and, yet, notwithstanding the advantage of 
commanding ground, it is very certain I can see nothing of 
what is going forward in this City. Thus situated, and hav- 
ing been for a fortnight past shut out from all intercourse 
with friends (the severity of the weather preventing me from 
sending to the post office) it entered into my mind to try 
whether or not, some news could be obtained, through the 
channel of dreams, to which you know wise men in all ages 
of the world, as well christian as heathen, have resorted, 
without scruples and often with success. Encouraged by 
such I have had a dream which, with your good leave, I shall 
now relate — I fancied myself in the palace at Washington, 
where my attendance had been requested by Mr. Madison. 
Information, it seems, was wanted, which it was supposed I 
could give, respecting certain military officers of the revolu- 
tion, for whom stations were contemplated in the army. This 
business being disposed of, Mr. Madison asked me, what I 
thought of the times? Perceiving that his table was covered 
with federal news-papers from all parts of the union, here, 
Sir, said I are intelligencers, better able to satisfy you than 
I am — I acknowledged the merit of the information, he re- 
plied, but I cannot always rely on their reasoning or trust 
to their facts. They announce that, as President, I have lost 
the confidence of a vast portion of the people, of the Eastern 
and middle States, and in other sections of the union, that 
doubts and surmises are eating my popularity, and under- 
mining its very foundation. Believe them, also and the war 
must soon die a natural death, from this diminution in pub- 
lic confidence, the impossibility of raising men and an ab- 
solute want of money to carry it on. In all this, I can see 
the wishes of federalists, but not the truth. You are of 
opinion then, said I, that the public confidence has under- 
gone no change, and the result of late elections, in various 
districts of Country is no evidence of the fact? If I thought 
otherwise, he replied, I should think very erroniously. What 
experienced mariner is alarmed by the variations of the nee- 
dle? It would be strange, indeed, was the art that has fixed 
for so many years the character of the times, all at once to 
loose its virtue. But I find, you, as well as some of my weaker 
friends have mistaken the mere semblance of a change, for a 
real change; not considering that this semblance being pro- 
duced by transient causes, like those false suns sometimes seen 



592 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xix 

in the heavens, must soon disappear. As to the war, Eng- 
land is too seriously occupied in Europe, to occasion us much 
trouble in America. I fear nothing from want of men or 
money. All this case requires, is to give to the war sufficient 
duration, which without victories, many men, or much money 
must secure its object. It was the voice of Mr Madison I 
heard, but on looking at him he had the very form of Mr. 
Jefferson. Suddenly loosing sight of the spectre, the palace, 
and "Washington, I imagined my self seated on the banks of 
the Duero. The English army appeared at some distance, 
its tryumphant ensigns waving in the wind. Alas, said I, 
your victories, though splendid, have not been conclusive, and 
the means of your nation for continuing this war, tho ' great, 
are opposed by means, perhaps greater. A train of painful 
reflections now took possession of my mind, from which I 
was roused by a noise on my left, that seemed to partake of 
flight and dismay. On turning round, I saw Bonaparte pur- 
sued by a Russian bear, his guards scattered, and, the animal 
gaining fast upon him. He cannot escape, I exclaimed, when, 
the next instant, I saw him in Paris, with Barlow on his 
knees, in the act of presenting a letter from the President of 
the United States, which read one way, congratulated him 
on his successes in the North, and near approach of the free- 
dom of the sea, read another seemed to call for justice and 
the fulfilment of a promise. Blockheads, said Bonaparte, 
crushing the paper in his hand and turned from the prostrate 
minister, without inviting him to rise. 

"I again fancied myself in Washington, that the 13 
Congress had met, and that I saw the new and old federal 
members convened and deliberating together on the properest 
course for them to pursue. It was under discussion, whether 
or not, as a means to bring about peace (to effect which it was 
observed most of them were elected) they ought to oppose 
all grants of money for military purposes. The speaker 
seemed to think, that appropriations for maintaining the war 
should be resisted, excepting such as were required for the 
protection of the frontiers and extension of the navy. This 
procedure, it was argued, if it did not force the President 
into a peace, would at least change the war from offensive to 
defensive, and thereby, in all probability, abridge its evils. 
The debate intermitted. Mr. Randolph now rose. I could 
perceive, that several members seemed surprised how this 



1812-1816] of James Mc Henry 593 

gentleman got amongst them. Without, however, noticing 
their surprise, he said, he would take the liberty, in addi- 
tion to the proposition under debate, to offer a few reflec- 
tions for consideration to be cast, if they should be approved 
of, into a proper form, and submitted to the President of 
the United States. 

"I lay it down, he said, as a great political, nay moral 
maxim, that if it be in our power, it becomes our duty, to put 
an end to this war. To affect this, let us, in the first place, 
bring together into one account the vast sums of money al- 
ready expended on a war yet hardly commenced. Let us 
next show, that this war, if prosecuted according to the sys- 
tem avowed by the late President, in one of his messages to 
Congress, and practiced upon by the present President, viz, 
of fighting with militia, till such time as a regular army can 
be raised and disciplined for actual service, it must occasion 
a most dreadful and unprofitable sacrifice of useful lives, 
render, from the expensive nature of the system, the public 
expenditures unsupportable, and induce, from mere deficiency 
of means, a resort to foreign subsidies, and foreign troops. 
Let us then state that the view of our unsettled differences 
with great Britain, derived from public documents, happily 
presents no obstacle to their adjustment, so obstinate, as can- 
not be removed; that, on the contrary, it encourages a rea- 
sonable expectation, that a fair trial to adjust them cannot 
fail of success. Here let a mission be recommended, to con- 
sist of men perfectly cognizant with the commercial and other 
great interests of the union, to proceed immediately to Lon- 
don, with authority to conclude a treaty of peace, compris- 
ing an arrangement of all our differences with the United 
Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. And if it so pleases 
you, but this proposition perhaps you may not choose, con- 
sidering the crafty character of our Cabinet, let the repre- 
sentatives, ever true to the interest and dignity of the nation, 
pledge their honour that should a negociation thus begun, 
fail in attaining a settlement of differences on fair and equit- 
able terms, to call into action all their capacities and ener- 
gies, in the prosecution of a vigorous war by land and sea. 

"I may gentlemen be mistaken, for who is he who may 
not; but I cannot help entertaining belief, if this measure 
shall be adopted without delay, and these ideas expressed, in 
plain and respectful language, it cannot fail to make a strong 



594 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xix 

and salutary impression, as well on the public as on the Presi- 
dent. Yes, I say adopted without delay. Moments in the 
present situation of things are precious. Depend upon it, 
if there be a manouvre in the tactics of the palace, by which 
the President can prolong* the war, and yet appear to the 
public most anxious to bring it to a close, it will be practiced. 
Would not a proposition for an armistice be of this nature, 
accompanied with an offer, if accorded to, of sending a Min- 
ister forthwith to London, to arrange and settle terms of a 
treaty. The people would not see, that the proposition was 
deceptions ; they could not be made to comprehend why, in 
this stage of the business, the preliminaries or basis of a 
treaty must be adjusted, between the two nations previous to 
a suspension of hostilities. May not also the same purpose 
be affected by a law, rendering it penal to employ on board 
our ships of war or merchantmen British subjects, to take 
affect whenever Great Britain should do certain things in- 
admissible in fact or in form. 

"There is another consideration not less cogent for our 
doing whatever is proper for us to do without loss of time. 
The present is, perhaps, the only one that is allowed us, in 
which to rescue our Country from the calamities of war, nay 
from calamities still greater. Should the effort to obtain 
the proposed mission be delayed, till after Great Britain shall 
have settled her plan for the war, and entered upon its exe- 
cution, who can expect from it success? For myself, I do 
not. A new obstacle will have then interposed, too obstinate 
I fear, to be removed. While fiddling about Canada, and 
playing the rogue, at Augustine, New Orleans will pass into 
the hands of Great Britain, and be rendered impregnable 
against our arms. What think you, Gentlemen ! Will not 
this event stamp a new character on the war? Will not ten 
thousand considerations, political and commercial, make the 
English nation see in the permanent possession of this place, 
complete remuneration for years of war and millions of 
money. Who among us will undertake to say, when, or how, 
a war is likely to terminate, between people, one of which, 
will feel the strongest interest to retain, that which the other 
has the most powerful motives to recover? This is no fancy, 
no child of fairy-land. I see the reality before me. It af- 
fects my senses, as forcibly as did the fatal writing on the 
wall, the mind of Belshazzar. Do not deceive yourselves. 



1812-1816] of James McHenry 595 

New Orleans once occupied by Great Britain, the war becomes 
interminable, or the United States, are no more. No matter 
then who reigns as President, or what party preponderates, 
that circumstance will work no change in our destiny. The 
thought sickens me almost to fainting. But, he continued, 
lifting up his eyes to heaven and looking beyond means and 
instruments, I know there is a power which baffles devices the 
most cunningly formed, against whom, no wisdom or under- 
standing can prevail ! 

"Randolph sat down, a deep & solemn pause of some 
minutes ensued. Mr. Pitkin now rose. At this instant, I 
was summoned to my lodgings, and before I got back, the 
meeting had adjourned. 

"Perceiving Mr. Dana coming out of the house, well, 
said I, taking him by the arm. What is done ? Great things, 
he replied, We have caught the fox, and only wait for the 
arrival of your friend, Mr. Pickering, to kill him. 

"I now imagined myself advanced several centuries into 
futurity. The occupations and pursuits of men did not ap- 
pear to have undergone any change, their dress only had al- 
tered. Curious to learn what was said by its writers of the 
transactions of the present period, I examined the most 
esteemed history, and found them compressed into a very few 
pages. I searched in vain for the names of the generals, 
popular orators and statesmen who had occupied so great a 
space in our newspapers and public dispatches, but their 
names were not recorded. I observe also, that even the char- 
acters of our Presidents were given in a few short sentences. 
The first it was remarked possesed no splendid talents, but 
shone the real 'patriot King.' The second had acted the 
sage and the fool, by fits. The third, excelled in hypocrisy, 
and governed by deception. The fourth had virtues, but sunk 
them in the vices of his predecessor. What ! I exclaimed, 
not allow one genuine ray of candor and upright dealing in 
the Presidential lives of two such popular statesmen! In 
saying this, the book fell from my hands, and I awoke. 

"And now feeling myself no longer under the influence 
of fancy, I beg you to believe, that I am not dreaming, when 
I assure you, that I am very sincerely your friend & hble 
serv. ' ' 

Tallmadge sent a brief note from Washington on Jan- 
uary 16, 1813. 



596 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xix 

"Dear Sir 

' ' The Senate have ratified the Nomination of Genl. Arm- 
strong, Secy at War, & Wm. Jones, Seey. of the Navy. The 
former rubed hard in the Senate, & it finally passed 18 to 15. 

' ' The Bill to raise 20.000 additional Troops will probably 
finally pass, altho' it had a hard time in our House. The 
Debate has embraced the whole range of our foreign Rela- 
tions. 

"I am affectionately yours 
"Benjn. Tallmadge." 

A second letter from McHenry dated Cherry Tree Mea- 
dows, Saturday, January 23, 1813, accompanied the longer 
one written earlier in the month. 



"Dear Sir 

"The snow, and distance of the post office, (16 miles) 
from this place, shut me out from all news for a fortnight. 
Last Saturday however, my messenger surmounted all diffi- 
culties, and brought me next day, the accumulation of weeks. 
What I did during this time you will be told by and by. 
lstly. I have to acknowledge your letters under date of the 
19, 28, 30, & 31st ulto. and two of the 5th. and 9th. 2dly. 
To beg you to thank Mr. Davenport for the aid he has so 
kindly lent to furnish amusement to a man confined to his 
room, by gout, or something very like it, and unable to walk 
across it without assistance. 3dly. To request you to send 
me half a dozen copies of Mr. Quincy's speech on the army 
bill, should it appear in a pamphlet form. The short sketch 
I have seen of it in the Baltimore Federal Gazette, and your 
account of its pungency & brilliancy, makes me anxious to 
see it entire, and to give it circulation. Mr. Quincy adds the 
graces of the elegant scholar to the talents of the statesman. 
4thly. You have furnished me one copy of the President's 
message &c. and Mr. Russel's Supplementary evidence, an- 
other will oblige me, that I may have one set to leave with 
my son, and a second to take home. I shall also be grate- 
ful, if you can spare me copies of the printed reports made by 
the heads of Departments in the course of the session. These 
furnish facts, the knowledge of which is necessary to a cor- 
rect understanding of our public affairs and the manner 
in which they are conducted. And now you shall know how 



1812-1816] of James McHenry 597 

the interval I have spoken of has been employed. Vouch- 
safe to accept of the enclosed dream, not by way of a return 
for your many favours, for it is no equivalent, but because I 
have nothing better to send, and because I thought it, the 
result of a few idle hours, was better to send than nothing 
at all at all & having thus committed myself, let me entreat 
you, as the dream is intended to be perused by you and your 
friends only, who, occasionally, confer together how best to 
promote the public good, that it may not pass this limit. 
There it will be understood, elsewhere it might not" 

During the year 1813, a number of additional letters from 
Tallmadge have been preserved in which he speaks freely of 
events at the capital. Thus from Washington, on February 
8, 1813, he wrote: 

' 'Dear Sir 

"I thank you for your obliging Letter of the 23d. with 
its accompanying Document. Although it comes under the 
figure of a Dream, I would give more for it, as a State paper, 
than any or all the Documents, relative to our foreign Rela- 
tions, that have been laid before us during the present reign. 
In fact, it has one prominent superiority over the latter, in- 
asmuch as it exhibits the truth, altho' in a figure. I wish I 
could with propriety say as much of the others. Be assured 
that no improper use shall, on any Account, be made of it. 
It has passed under the eye of some of our friends among 
whom is Majr Davenport. In no case (I repeat it) shall it 
be used to the Injury of the Dreamer. 

"The Documents communicated at the commencment of 
the Session shall be inclosed; but there are many which are 
printed during the Session of which only a single Copy can 
be obtained. 

"We have been almost over whelmed with News from 
Russia, & the last Arrivals from Europe bro't Intelligence of 
the Death of Bounaparte, which gained great Credit. We 
have a Rumour this day, however, that he has reached Poland. 
Expectation is all alive for further Intelligence: & while 
some look forward to the Death of that military Despot, as 
an Event most auspicious to the peace of Europe ; others view 
it with foreboding apprehension. For my own part, I can 
say with great truth, that if, in the Course of divine Provi- 



598 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xix 

- — 

dence, he should be taken away, I shall most heartily acquiesce 
in the Dispensation. At all Events, I believe it may be re- 
lied on, that the loss of the F. Army in the Horses, Artillery, 
Baggage, & even Men, must be immense. 

"We have, for some time, been discussing the Bill, ac- 
companied by a Report of our Commtee on foreign Relations, 
relative to Seamen — It is well understood that both of those 
papers came from the Cabinet, thro the aforesaid Commit- 
tee, to Congress, without the alteration or addition of a single 
word. Whether the Object in view is to enable the Admin- 
istration to open a Negociation for a peace, on liberal terms, 
with frankness & sincerity; or whether this Bill is intended 
to deceive the people, by apparently removing the Cause in 
Dispute between the two Countries, & then throwing all the 
blame of continuing the war on G. B. is not well settled. I 
confess I have never doubted for a moment that the Intention 
of the Admn. was to continue the war, if by any means they 
could make it so popular as to engage the people on their 
side. Unless the Bill should be considerably amended in 
some of its propositions, it will get the support of the peace 
party in Congress. Without their aid, it seems as if it would 
not pass. The ardent warmen do not like it, lest it should 
produce peace. I am Dr Sir, 

"Sincerely & affectionately Yours 
"B. Tallmadge." 

"Washington May 30th. 1813. 
"Dear Sir 

"'We have yet done nothing worthy of notice, nor shall 
we l">ef ore the Committee shall report. 

' ' Our Intelligence from Europe is highly important. We 
may now calculate on Russia, Prussia, Sweden & Austria 
having united to limit the power of Bounaparte ■ — May 
Heaven grant that they may succeed, & that our own Country 
may not be found ultimately, a solitary friend of this great 
Robber of Nations. 

"I am affectionately yours 
' ' Ben jn. Tallmadge. ' ' 

"Washington June 10th. 1813. 
"My Dear Sir 

"I have been made very happy by the Rect. of your Let- 



1812-1816] of James McHcnry 599 

ter dated the 4th. instant, & hope you may continue to amend 
in health — Happy is that man, who from the furnace of 
affliction can look up to his merciful Protector & say 'not 
my will but thine be done. ' At this trying hour the peculiar 
Excellency of Religion is made manifest, & then the Be- 
liever is enabled to exhibit the peculiar worth of his faith, 
inasmuch as it serves to support him even in the near pros- 
pect of Dissolution, when to the Infidel every thing must be 
shrouded in Gloom & darkness & despair. 

"The Mission to Russia has not yet reed, the advice & 
Consent of the Senate; not so much as to its Object, as the 
means employed. In fact, it has become very questionable 
whether Mr. Gallatin can execute the Office of Embassador & 
still retain his hold, over the Treasury De Partment. 

"The P. has also nominated Mr. Russel a Minister to 
Sweden. This will not probably pass the Senate, as the Ex- 
pediency of such a Mission seems to be questioned, & of Course, 
there being no vacancy, the Pt. had no Vacancy to fill in the 
recess of the Senate. 

' ' This day the Commtee of Ways & Means reported their 
System for Taxes, consisting of twelve bills, all of which are 
made the order of the Day for monday next, By some, it 
seems to be doubted whether these bills can be carried ; &, by 
others, whether the friends to the War will not move a post- 
ponement of them to the next Session — at any rate, they will 
come up to the business with some reluctance. 

"That the Aclmn. have no serious & cordial wish to have 
a peace, I have long believed; & hence the Mission to Russia 
has no very prominent features indicative of peace. Never- 
theless, in the present State of the European world, Peace 
may come to us. 

"The loss of the Frigate Chesapeake, is a most mortify- 
ing occurence. We have no particulars of the action, only 
from those who were at some Distance, & beheld the short Con- 
flict. I expect shortly to get the Intelligence from Hallifax. 

"New London is at this time full of apprehension, oc- 
easiond. by the arrival of three of our public Ships, having 
been pursued in by a superior B. Fleet. I understand there 
are 4 Ships of 74 Guns lying off New London Harbour, & it 
would not be very wonderful if they should enter in, & try 
which can do the other the most harm. In such an Event, the 
City of N. London must suffer greatly. 



600 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xix 

"Your particular friends here are well. Col Pickering 
has written to You since I reed, your last. Wishing you all 
possible happiness. 

"I am sincerely 
"& affectionately yours 
"Benjn. Tallmadge" 

"Washington H. of Reps. June 16th. 1813 
"Dear Sir 

"In one of the enclosed papers, you will find an able re- 
port from a Comtee, made to the Genl. Assembly of Massa- 
chusetts. One of a similar Nature has been made to the 
Legislature of Maryland. A petition has this day been pre- 
sented to Congress, by the Corporation of the City of N. York, 
praying for assistance from the Genl. Govt, to defend that 
City. I think the Admn. will have as much as they can attend 
to, if the Militia are harrassed & called out by the Govt of the 
States, to repel Invasions &c, from the multiplied Calls that 
will be made upon the Genl. Govt, for payment & support. 
This war, my friend, is a very troublesome thing & the sooner 
we can be relieved from it the better. 

"We have this morning reed, unpleasant Intelligence 
from our Northern Army. It is said that Genl. Chandler & 
Winder, with about 170 Men, were surprised & Captured. 

"We seem to be doomed to suffer disgrace from that Qr. 

"The Taxes remain untouched as reported. 
' ' I am sincerely 
"& truly yours 
"Benjn. Tallmadge" 

"Washington June 24th. 1813 
"Dear Sir 

"I thank You for your Letter of the 18th. instant, & 
altho' I am always rejoiced to hear from You, & especially to 
get a letter written by yourself ; yet I must say to You that I 
will forego that pleasure at any time, rather than have you 
fatigue & injure yourself 

"We are now working on the Taxes, & really they seem 
to drag heavily on. The Advocates for the war, who have 
indeed made it necessary for us to lay these burdens upon 
the people, cannot agree on the principles to govern in the 
direct Tax. If I could judge from what has already taken 



1812-1816] of James McHenry 601 

place, I should believe the Taxes would not be laid during this 
Session. 

' ' The enclosed paper will give you the acet. of the Capture 
of the Chesapeake, with all the particulars that have come to 
hand relative to that important Affair. That single Conflict 
is enough to make a Christian mourn over this calamitous War. 

"Adieu. I am affectionately 

"Benjn. Tallmadge 

"P. S. The Pt. continues quite unwell — it is said the 
B. fleet below Menace even an approach to this place, if not 
by their Ships, by their Men from on board'' 1 



"Washington Julv 9th. 1813. 
"My Dr. Sir 

"With much pleasure I acknowledge the Rect. of your 
Letter dated the 22d ulto. & hope this may find You in toler- 
able health, & above all that you may grow in Grace, & be 
ripening for a better world. 

"We have now got through with the heaviest part of the 
Taxes. The Land Tax & the whiskey Tax constitute more 
than half the labour of the whole System. Great difficulties 
have presented themselves as we progressed in the business, & 
great Inequalities & Injustice have been done in Apportioning 
the Land Tax. For Instance, in the State of Ohio, the Sum 
apportioned to that State was laid solely on its — population 
to the amot. of $104,000. Then to make the thing go down 
with the people, they laid only 42.000 on the Resident & 
$62,000 on the non Resident Population. This was so enorm- 
ously oppressive, that it went down hard, even in our House. 

"The Pt. has got so much better that he begins again to 
attend to public business. He has replied to the Senate re- 
specting Mr. Gallatin's Nomination on the Mission to St. 
Petersburg, & pleads both precedent & the Constitution to 
justify him. Whether the Senate or the Pt. will recede cannot 
yet be determined. If the Senate regard their own Character 
for Consistency, I think they will not easily be driven from 
their Ground. 

' ' Our War seems to go with marvelous Effect. We loose 
Army after Army, & Detachment after Detachment, until I 
should suppose our force must be considerably reduced. One 
General passes away after another, until finally Genl. Wilkin- 
son is called to the North. Genl. Williams, (of Artillery mem- 



602 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xix 

onj) is now here. I have just been giving him a Caution not 
to venture too rashly across the Niagara frontier. 

"So far as I can judge, there is no disposition to relax * 
on the War Establishmt. They must have more money, & 
their means of obtaining it are limited. But so long as they 
will borrow on unlimited premiums, or rates of Interest, they 
will probably get money. 

"As I purpose to leave this place for Connecticut in a 
day or two, I can only wish you the best of Heavens blessings 
& am 

"sincerely & 
' ' Affectionately yours 
"Benjn. Tallmadge. 
"P. S. It is intimated by those who peep behind the Cur- 
tains that Genl. Armstrong is to command the Army. Some 
difficulties have arisen as to Munroe's Claims, this being a 
Stepping Stone to the next Presidency." 

Davenport who has been referred to by Tallmadge wrote 
from Washington July 28th, 1813: 

"Dear Sir 

"Your favor of the 23rd. of the present month was re- 
ceived yesterday. I can assure you it affords me great satis- 
faction that I have contributed in any degree to your grati- 
fieation and amusement — your confinement and seclusion 
from the busy world, calls loudly upon your friends to afford 
you such relief as in their power and they certainly cannot be 
averse to gratifying your wishes by producing to your view 
the passing eventful scenes with which the world now groans 
the wormwood and the gall seem to be our portion, and the vile 
passions of mankind are sublimating the dose to the ruin of all 
around them. 

"I fear Bonaparte is again successful and that he has 
made the Russians & Prussians drink abundantly of the bitter 
cup, of which he has no small share himself. That he con- 
sents to #n armistice does not prove that his victory has been 
complete. Our French friends rejoice above measure and con- 
sider the day as theirs, and speak of a festival on the event. 
In my opinion, our disasters at home call for sorrow and 
mourning, rather than rejoicing at foreign success. I fear 
the day of peace is far off. It must be our consolation in the 



1 1 8 1 2- 1 8 1 6] of Jam cs McHenry 603 

J day of calamity and distress that the Lord reigns, that He will 
achieve good from evil, and that the rage of man shall praise 
Him, and that 'the remainder of wrath he will restrain.' 

"My ardent wish and prayer is that you may speedily 
have restoration of your limbs to their former activity and 
that your health may be again established 

"I remain dear Sir very affectionately 
"your obedt. servt. 

"Jn. Davenport Jr." 

Pickering had neglected writing to McHenry for some 
time, but did so on June 9, as follows : 

"City of "Washington June 9. 1813. 
"Dear Sir, 

' ' Colo. Tallmadge yesterday showed me your letter to him 
in which you remember 'your old friend.' It was a remem- 
brance which I take pleasure in acknowledging; and joined 
to the sentiments expressed in regard to your own situation, 
afflicted with bodily infirmities, could not fail to excite reflec- 
tions of the most serious kind. I am some years older than 
you ; but my constitution & health are unimpaired : yet not one 
day passes in which I fail to think on the frailty of every 
human frame ; and that, when I close my eyes to sleep, I may 
not see the light of another day. If I am not depressed, it is 
because my best hopes & expectations lie beyond the grave. 
Early instructed in the duties of virtue & religion, & with 
pure examples, in my parents, daily before me, I have always 
endeavoured to 'keep myself unspotted from the world'; yet 
with a consciousness of deficiencies to humble me before the 
searcher of hearts, when repeating 'forgive me my trespasses, 
as I forgive those who trespass against me.' 

"Such is the nature of my consolations amid the calami- 
ties of life & in the prospect of a future existence : and such 
also must be yours. This I say, because in my whole inter- 
course with you, I have seen nothing but undeviating rectitude 
of conduct, exemplary manners, & the serious deportment of a 
christian. I have not forgotten — I shall never forget — your 
parting words at our last interview. ' If we do not meet again 
in this world, I hope we shall in a better.' To which my 
heart & mouth responded assent. In a volume of dissertations 
by Dr. Price, there is one on the happiness of those who were 



604 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xix 

- _ ■ 

friends in this world, meeting together in another. It is a 
most pleasing, cheering & animating discourse. In a note, he 
quotes a passage from Cicero's works, by which it appears 
that that celebrated orator & moralist, in the most feeling man- 
ner, anticipated the same happiness. I wish I could recollect 
the whole sentence. 'O proclarum ilium diem' (he begins) 
when he should go to the assembly of departed worthies, 'et 
ad Catonem meum, quo nemo vir ullus melior natus est, nemo 
pietate praestantior. ' 

' ' The day before yesterday I met Bishop Carroll, with the 
fine, calm, composed, but cheerful countenance which distin- 
guishes that good man. He mentioned with tender affection 
& regret the situation of 'my friend McHenry. ' There is a 
charm in the manners, & especially in the face, of Bishop Car- 
roll, of which I have rarely, if ever, seen the equal. 

"Present my kind regards to Mrs. McHenry and believe 
me ever most truly yours. 

"Timothy Pickering. 

"P. S. If you favour me with an answer, note the year 
& day of your birth. My own are July 17. 1745." 

On June 13, McHenry answered, speaking of Bishop Car- 
roll as a "truly good man, I can safely say, from a long and 
social intercourse with him, that the benignity which you 
describe as appearing so strikingly in his countenance is not 
greater than the real benignity of his heart." He speaks of 
his own health which is now better, and of Pickering 's, and of 
reunion in a future state. The universality of the opinion 
that such reunion will occur is not only an expression of a 
thing wished for, but also evidence of its reality. 

On July 24, McHenry wrote Pickering again, "When we 
labored together in the same cabinet for the public welfare, I 
conceived for you a real esteem and sincere friendship. I 
could not mistake your character and valued it according to its 
worth. It wanted the courtly charm of pliancy but possessed, 
what is better, the roughness of inflexible integrity and a 
candor that defied concealment. The calumnies that have 
since assailed you (in which I have also partook), as I knew 
them to be unmerited and unfounded, could in no ways lessen 
this esteem." These calumnies were exposed by McHenry 's 
letter to the Speaker of the House of Representatives, which 
McHenry had printed, but "distributed only a few of them, 
with an injunction not to publish their contents. This is the 



,1812-1816] of James McHenry 605 

[only trouble these calumnies gave me, and the only notice I 
lever took of them, public or private, Religion, I thank God, 
: enabled me to forgive their inventors, as for those, who, too 
ignorant to discern the motives in which they originated and 
the purposes for which they were propagated, and who yet 
entertain them, they never stood in need of my forgiveness. 
I pitied them as mistaken and deceived enthusiasts. With 
respect to a different description of men, who knew their 
falsity, but not, withstanding, will seize occasions, in cold 
blood, to keep them alive among the populace, I forgive them 
and I pray that they may be forgiven by God." 

He has gained a little strength and wishes to try by short 
stages to return to Baltimore, where his children anxiously 
await him. "The physicians, too, urge exercise, as essential 
to recovery. I have determined, therefore, to make the experi- 
ment and leave the issue to that Being whose providence is 
like extended to individuals and nations, without whose priv- 
ity a sparrow does not fall to the ground." 

This letter Pickering answered at once: 

"City of Washington July 27. 1813. 
"My dear Sir, 

"To-day I received your favour of the 24th. I hope it 
will not be the last to me: I hope you may recover strength 
'to regain your old home,' and have the happiness to see the 
faces of your children : you now enjoy the greatest consolation 
on this side Heaven — pious resignation to the will of the 
author of our being. 

' ' You refer to your vindicatory pamphlet : I may have it 
at home ; yet I should wish to have another copy set apart for 
me, to be received if I should live to return hither, next 
autumn, through Baltimore. 

"I have had occasion, many times, to recite to different 
friends, the base attempt of president Adams to degrade Ham- 
ilton from the rank of first to that of third major general, in 
1798 : that after you had made out the commissions for 

' ' Hamilton 

"Pinckney 

"Knox 
' ' you sent them to Quincy for the President 's signature : that 
he did not sign them, but directed you to express his opinion 



606 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xix 

to Genl. Washington, that these gentlemen ought to rank thus' 
"Knox 
' ' Pinckney 
"Hamilton: 
"and if the General should be of the same opinion, then that' 
their commissions should be arranged accordingly: but that 
before you had time to consult General Washington & to re- 
ceive his answer you received from Mr. Adams a peremptory 
order to make the commissions in that order: that you of 
course obeyed: but that General Washington demanded, in 
strong terms — terms which Mr. Adams could not disregard — 
that the commissions should conform to his original arrange- 
ment : — and that Mr. Adams was constrained to yield, & did 
yield ; and I believe altered the commissions you had a second 
time sent him, with his own hand. 

"If you find yourself strong enough to favour me with 
an answer — correcting errors, if there be any, and adding 
facts and circumstances which it may be useful for me to 
know (especially in unmasking baseness and hypocrisy) I 
shall be much gratified. If your prayer for the prolonging 
of my life should be answered, I mean to resume my original 
design of tracing the calamities of our country to their true 
source — Thomas Jefferson — exposing him & his second, Mad- 
ison, in all their frauds and baseness to the view of the world 
— as the necessary means of undeceiving the People deluded, 
by their deceitful practices, to pursue the paths which have 
led to their ruin. This I shall not attempt in a weekly news- 
paper — but in a book deliberately reviewed and methodized. 

"I believe that no one who has read my letters of 1811 
can doubt that the outrages practised by Mr. Adams, towards 
the close of his administration in respect to individuals among 
federalists and against the federal cause, & positively my own 
removal from office, were the fruit of his intrigues with the 
democrats, to secure his re-election to the presidency. I have 
reason to believe that Samuel Smith and Wilson Cary Nich- 
olas were prime agents in this intrigue, in which the old man 
was their dupe. But it did not occur to me, till a year after I 
wrote those letters, that the unlooked for nomination of Mur- 
ray to negociate a treaty with France, might probably be 
ascribed to the same cause. I think it not unlikely that 
Jefferson, who knew the superlative vanity of Mr. Adams, 
touched that very sensitive chord ; flattering the old man with 



1812-1816] of James Mc Henry 607 

visions of everlasting fame, added to the immediate plaudits 
of the people of the U. States, hailing him the Deliverer of his 
country from the calamities of war ; thus laying a sure founda- 
tion (as Mr. Adams would infer) for his reelection. 

"I remain, my dear sir, 
"ever most truly yours. 
' ' Timothy Pickering. ' ' 

On McHenry's return to Baltimore he was somewhat re- 
stored to health and took his last public position, that of pres- 
ident of the newly organized Bible Society of Baltimore, whose 
address to the public he prepared, showing a pure and elevated 
Christian faith. 1 

Apparently Pickering did not receive the pamphlet he 
asked for until the next winter, when he wrote in acknowledg- 
ment : 

"City of Washington Febv. 12. 1814. 
"Dear Sir, 

"Mr. Boyd sent me the printed copy of your letter to the 
House of Representatives, and a pamphlet having the title of 
the ' Three Patriots, ' committed by you to his care, for which I 
pray you to accept my thanks. The pamphlet was printed 
'for the author' I have read it with interest, and wish to 
know who wrote it. 

' ' Colo. Tallmadge & I came on together from New York, 
& arriving at Baltimore to dine, intended to have called to see 
you at the edge of the evening : but company detained us until 
we were apprehensive it might be too late, in your particular 
situation. Tho' enfeebled in body by the malady which has 
so long afflicted you, I am happy to find you consoled by the 
mental enjoyments which are the companions of virtue & 
piety. These consolations will never desert you. Accept the 
assurances of affection & esteem. 

"Timothy Pickering" 

From Pittsburg on the 30th of September 1813, Mc- 
Henry 's old friend James Ross wrote him : 

"Dear Sir 

' ' During the summer I have been long absent from Pitts- 
burg and did not receive your letter written on your departure 
from the Glades Until a few days before your other of the 20th 
instant reached me by last mail. 

1 This address was reprinted in the 70th report of the Maryland 
Bible Society in 1903. 



608 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xix 

"It gives me great pain to learn the infirm state of your 
health, and the more so as your journey into the Mountains, & 
the exercise necessarily attending it, might have reasonably 
been expected to rouse and renovate the system: Still how- 
ever, the good effects of moderate exertion may be hoped for, 
and may display themselves after you are settled at home: 
And still you possess the Undiminished faculties of a Mind 
stored with science, fortifyed by sound philosophy, and tran- 
quillized by all the consolation of a well spent honourable life : 
A life that I ardently pray may be prolonged for the happi- 
ness of yourself your family & friends: 

' ' I have not been forgetful of the Kenhawa lands : The 
sale for U. S. direct Taxes was made to a company, that has 
not chosen to disclose the persons who composed it and from 
all that I have been able to learn ; one of the Company (Mr. 
Jackson) now in Congress was the real purchaser who has 
since disposed of these among other lands : It is in my opin- 
ion very certain that the sale is a Nullity, as the assessment, 
entries on the Books, sales, deeds, every thing, is in a wrong 
name viz. James Mitterny, instead of James McHenry : — of 
this opinion also are all the council with whom I have con- 
versed ; — and some of them speak of the whole transaction at 
the Sale as being defective, and clearly against the provision 
of the Acts of Congress : — on that head there is nothing to 
fear — 

"As to the State taxes, I sent by a friend of Mine the 
Abstracts of your patents, and the Surveys to enable him to 
pay in Wood County where the lands lie. But no charge was 
found on the Books there against you ; Altho, they had also a 
charge against a certain Mitterny : At the time my friend 
was making these enquiries, Mr. Caldwell Sent there also, to 
pay all arrearages and was satisfied that Nothing could be 
legally demanded, Until a new assessment, after which, if they 
be back-Taxes reported, I shall take care that the taxes are 
paid for you, should Mr. Caldwell neglect it : In future, he 
will probably be More Attentive, as he has sold his Mills, & 
returned to the practice of the law, which will carry him twice 
a year into that County : 

"Should he fail however in Attention, My friend Mr. 
Robinson who lives in this place, goes once a year into Wood 
County where your lands lie, & he will not forget to do all 
that is requisite, and it will give him no trouble, as he has a 



1812-1816] of James McHenry 609 

large estate there himself, and has, hertofore, very obligingly 
done for you all that I requested. 

"Mr. Caldwell is now in New Jersey, and I expect to see 
him here on his return, when I will press upon him a division 
of the land, and a final Settlement of the whole business: 
Lest he should pass by another road to "Wheeling, I will write 
to him again respecting these lands, and press him to visit 
them, and take from all the occupants Written lease: this he 
long since engaged to do, but I fear it is yet to do : 

"Should any thing else occur to me which would be Use- 
ful, I will have it done without waiting for your directions, & 
I cannot but think that all is yet Safe. 

"You will have heard that Commodore Perry has achiev- 
ed a most signal victory over the British on Lake Erie, and 
captured their whole fleet on the upper lake: This in its 
consequences to our frontier is little short of Genl Waynes 
Victory over the Indians in 1794. The Indians must retire 
and Separate before Winter, & will no more reassemble. Up- 
per Canada will devolve to the U. S. without any effort by 
Genl. Harrison, who has always threatened Much but has done 
Nothing, Unless you call an expense of five Million, Nothing: 

"It is singular, that the heroes who have excelled our 
National flag triumphantly over the Enemy on the Ocean & 
on the Lake, should be all federalists: Perry is so decidedly 
a federalist, that his friends thought his politicks bordered 
upon intolerance of his opponents. 

"I observe that you expect a peace, but to me it appears 
improbable that we can reckon iipon a solid durable peace 
being made by those who have made war merely to please 
France; Unless there be general European peace: Should 
Mr. Madison break off from the Confederacy, he might expect 
denunciation, & exposure of all that has ever been written or 
proposed between Bonaparte & Mr. Jefferson on the present 
Administration, and I vehemently suspect, that rather than 
see such an exposure the war would be continued by our pres- 
ent Rulers. 

"Present me very Respectfully to Mrs. McHenry, to Mr. 
& Mrs. Boyd and believe me to remain with most affectionate 
regard "Dear Sir 

"Your faithful friend & 
"Most obedt. Servt. 
"James Ross." 



610 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xix 

McHenry wrote Pickering on March 10, stating that the 
history of the past 12 years should be written by the federalist 
minority and mentioning that he hears members of congress 
suggest Dexter for presidential nominee in 1816. Though 
he was but little over sixty years of age, McHenry 's health, 
which had never been robust, was entirely shattered by his 
attack of paralysis and from the beginning of 1814 he was 
almost a helpless invalid. Mrs. McHenry later wrote : 



"While he was thus suffering, our excellent son Daniel 
brought his wife to her mother's to be confined, after which 
owing to his reluctance to leave his Father, we cou'd not get 
him to fix a day for setting out for his home. At length, my 
beloved husband mentioned one, & insisted on their starting — 
but oh! my dear madam, how shall I tell you, that he left us 
in health in the morning, & before night was brought home a 
corpse. I leave you to judge what our situation was, for I 
cannot describe it, but I recollect all consideration for myself 
was lost in apprehendsion of the effects of the shock, on the 
dear affectionate parent then laying on a bed in extreme pain 
from which he was never to rise ; for my poor Anna who was 
advanced in pregnancy & my widowed daughter-in-law — 
surely we should have been overwhelmed had we not been up- 
held by an Almighty arm — our God and Saviour sustained us 
by the precious promises of the gospel & enabled us to derive 
comfort from the recollection of the good and virtuous life 
he had led; which gave the sweet consolation of faith, that 
altho' he was suddenly & awfully taken from us, he was not 
surprised & that the Redeemer, whom he trusted, would merci- 
fully supply whatever was wanting in his preparation for 
death — He rode, unknown to us, a vicious horse who had the 
habit of throwing his rider — he threw our beloved. We had 
scarcely got over our first poignant distress after this sad 
event, when we were thrown into great alarm by the British 
Fleet & Army threatening an attack on Baltimore. Our ter- 
ror was inexpressible, my husband could not be moved, my 
daughter would not seek safety by leaving us, my only son 
thought it his duty to leave his Father, tho' his attentions 
were so needful to him, to go out in our defence, he was 
foremost in battle at North Point, we thought we should 
never see him alive again, when we parted with him & great 
indeed must have been our desolation & suffering & that of 



1812-1816] of James Mc Henry 611 

thousands had not an Almighty & ever merciful God inter- 
posed in our behalf — may we ever gratefully remember this 
great deliverance — my son was restored to us alive, but being 
previously much weakened by his long confinement with & 
watchful care over his Father, the fatigues of marching & his 
laying on the ground one night in a heavy rain brought on a 
billious cholic, from which he suffered much by repeated at- 
tacks — for many months the same fall, my daughter was 
seized with billious fever during which, she gave birth to a 
very delicate infant &, in two months, she was called upon 
to resign it. Her health was much injured by the many se- 
vere trials she had experienced in body & mind. I thought 
I knew all, but part was concealed from me, Mr. Boyd in 
the fall was troubled with an intermittant which shook his 
frame a good deal, after he got rid of the chills, he became 
nervous & took a religious turn, but owing to the scene of 
peculiar distress in which I was constantly engaged, I was 
not aware of his real situation, indeed we were all strangely 
blind to it for a long time, & my dear husband & myself 
often talked of, & felt thankful for the change that had taken 
place in him, seeing him more attentive to his religious duties, 
and accounting for his depression by his participation in our 
affliction." 



It was soon found, however, that Mr. Boyd, the husband 
of McHenry's daughter Anna, was of disordered mind and 
this affliction increased the family's sorrow. 

On October 10, 1814, Hugh Williamson l wrote, sending 
his regards and regrets on account of McHenry's paralysis. 

"We find but one more letter from Tallmadge, dated Wash- 
ington, March 24, 1814: 

"My Dear Sir 

"I am happy in receiving a letter from You dated the 
11th. instant, & rejoice to find that your present State of 
Health permits you to use your pen. 

"The Subject most immediately in view in your Letter, 
I have submitted to some of our friends, as requested. No 



1 A Presbyterian clergyman and physician, in 1772, he visited Europe 
to collect funds for Newark Academy. He lived in North Carolina whose 
history he wrote, removed to New York in 1793 and was in congress 
from 1791 to 1793. 



612 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xix 

difference of opinion exists as to the importance of preserv- 
ing & condensing certain public Documents for the last 12 
years, so that the world, & particularly those who may suc- 
ceed us, might examine the measures we have been pursuing, 
& if possible, profit by our Example. I fully believe many 
things, literally true, will by posterity be treated as fabu- 
lous Such a Collection of facts, or history of the times, will 
undoubtedly be furnished — It will be no easy matter to en- 
gage different Gentlemen to contribute their Exertions in 
such a Work. A person by the name of Palmer, has already 
commenced a work in the form of a history intending to em- 
brace the great Events which have occurred for a few years 
past — My fear is that he does not commence his work far 
enough back ; but as I have not seen his labours, I can only 
report from others — I learn that he has compleated two 
Vols. & intends to progress. 

"We have some reason to believe that the late friends 
of the Embargo begin to doubt its Efficacy in subduing or 
starving the Enemy. A proposition is before the Senate, to 
be called up on Friday next, to repeal the Embargo. If 
the Eastern Members should advocate the Continuance of 
this System (& some begin to believe that it is doing good to 
our Country) or if they should withhold their opposition to 
the passage of such a law, most probably it would pass. 

"We are debating the Yazoo Bill, & rather believe it will 
finally pass. If this Bill could be disposed of, it seems very 
probable that we might adjourn by the 11th proxo. as pro- 
posed. 

"I am, Dr Sir, very affectionately 
"& sincerely your friend &c 
"Benjn. Tallmadge" 

From Georgetown, District of Columbia, Archibald Lee 
wrote on December 20, 1814, and gave a gloomy view of the 
prospects for peace: 

"My Dear Sir. 

"I wish I could give you satisfactory intelligence upon 
our foreign & Democratic relations — indeed I am sick at 
heart there. I found awaiting my return a long letter from 
Mr. Bayard 19th Au. He predicts a long war and assures me 
'it will neither be the fault of the Administration nor the 



1811-1816] of James McHenry 613 

Commissioner 's should the negotiation fail ' — we have heard 
a great deal of stuff about the polite attentions of Alexander, 
He says. 'In Russia we had generally to wait two months 
for an answer to a note — here we were all here more than a 
month before the B. Commrs. made their appearance, and 
this was nearly four months after Ghent was appointed or 
fixed, by the B. Govt. So that in fact we have had our 
ministers dancing attendance for 18 months on a fool's er- 
rand — a pretty Republican negotiation and a dignified pro- 
cedure for the only free people on Earth such we would be 
though what course the Hartford convention may deem justi- 
fied by the state of the country I am unwilling to anticipate. 
The characters selected to deliberate are grave and valuable 
members of society, they are reflecting and prudent men, and 
such are unlikely to put to risk important objects — we are 
certain such men will not act upon a bare majority, and no 
rash measure can probably obtain the support of a large ma- 
jority — there are certainly many weighty subjects deserving 
consideration and there are some changes in the present tat- 
tered constitution certainly called for — I believe nothing 
short of certain correctives will satisfy the Eastern people — 
and, certainly, no measure out of God knows how many silly 
projects will bring home with more force the necessity of a 
change — than the power given to the President to call upon 
Inferior Officers of the militia to order out the Drafts in the 
event of the Governors of State refusing to obey his orders — 
a pretext of law that never can be sanctioned by the States 
and certainly calling for decided notice — whatever power 
may be extracted from the ragged remnant of a once valuable 
Constitution to countenance conscription — I should have sup- 
posed this creation in states of an imperium in imperio would 
have been shunned' — Mr. Bayard closes his letter by observ- 
ing that 'after being amused as long as their purposes may 
require, we shall be civilly dismissed ' — no doubt this will be 
the issue." 



J. Foncier, the builder of Fort McHenry, wrote McHenry 
on September 13, 1814, when on the eve of returning to France, 
expressing his gratitude for favors and asking for a letter 
of recommendation, and another French friend, Paquiet, 
a former professor at St. Mary's College, wrote on September 
1, 1815, from Annapolis, stating that he regrets "parting with 



614 Life and Correspondence [Chap, xix 

you and your respectable family, whose kind regard to me has 
been, for a number of years, the only enjoyment which allevi- 
ated my labors. Accept, together with them, my hearty 
thanks for all that benevolence, with which you have hon- 
oured me ; and believe that, to whatever distance I may be re- 
moved, I shall ever preserve the remembrance of it, as one of 
the most flattering, the most relished favours I ever received 
in my life." 

During 1815, McHenry continued in about the same con- 
dition, as is shown by letters from him and his wife on August 
7 to his son John, who was summering at York Springs, 
Adams county, Pennsylvania: 

"My dear son 

"Robinson will perhaps find a conveyance for these few 
lines tomorrow, intended to express our wishes that you 
should give the waters a fair chance to operate effectually on 
your system, by not leaving them just when they seem to be 
having the desired effect. Your Father is laid down for the 
night (after having been propt on his side to take tea & for 
some time after) or he would have written himself; but he 
desires me to assure you that we are doing very well, he con- 
tinues easy, his wounds are almost healed, & he entreats you 
to set your mind at rest about him, that you may receive full 
benefit from your present advantages. 

"Your ever affectionate 
"Mother 
"M. McHenry" 

"Tuesday morning — 
"My dear son 

"By no means leave the springs before you have reaped 
the benefit now promised by the use of the waters. Break- 
fast is on the table, and I must send this to Mr. Robinson who 
goes early to town in search of a conveyance. I confirm all 
your mother has written respecting me. 

"Your affectionate father 
"James McHenry" 

The love for the old friends continued to the last, and 
on December 17, 1815, he invited Pickering to come over and 
dine with him on Christmas day. 

On March 28, 1816, Pickering sent the following letter 
of introduction of two of his children to McHenry : 



1812-1816] of James Mc Henry 615 

"My Dear Sir, 

"This will be presented to you by my youngest son, 
Octavius, who is on his return, with his sister, to Massachu- 
setts. My daughter has seen Mrs. Boyd; and I have a de- 
sire that she and her brother may be made acquainted with 
the other members of your family. 

"Having heard nothing to the contrary, I presume you 
are as comfortable as when I had the pleasure of seeing you. 
You will believe that I sincerely wish you all the enjoyment 
compatible with your situation. The greatest possible hap- 
piness consists in the composure of mind & pious resignation 
belonging to the character of a christian. 

"Adieu! 

"T. Pickering." 

The letter was never presented. John McHenry wrote 
Pickering on the next day that his father was ill with an 
"obstinate fever." 

McHenry lingered for a month longer and died on May 3. 
His wife wrote of the event : 

"In May 1816, my dearest and best earthly friend was 
taken from me, & altho' I had been long, in a great measure, 
prepared for this event, yet, when it came to the point of 
separation, the loss of such a husband could not be borne 
without much affliction ; but, I thank God, I had not to mourn 
as one without hope. I believed he was going to the enjoyment 
of that felicity we had long so fondly anticipated; Oh! how 
soothing is such a hope to the mourner's heart. I sought to 
rejoice that he was not only relieved from great misery here, 
but received to that world of inconceivable bliss to which he 
had long aspired." 

Here we «ome to the end of the life of a courteous, high- 
minded, keen-spirited, Christian gentleman. He was not a 
great man, but he participated in great events and great men 
loved him, while all men appreciated his goodness and the 
purity of his soul. His highest titles to remembrance are that 
he was faithful to every duty and that he was the intimate 
and trusted friend of Lafayette, of Hamilton, and of Wash- 
ington. 



APPENDICES 



APPENDIX I 

McHenry's interests in trade and commerce and his offi- 
cial position as member of the congress of the confederation 
led him, in March, 1784, to write a series of three articles en- 
titled, "Observations relative to a commercial treaty with 
Great Britain." 1 In these articles, McHenry forcefully ar- 
gued that "Peace is the moment when past injuries ought to 
be forgotten * * * America experiences by the peace a new 
situation ; a momentous arrangement demands her attention ; 
a commercial treaty with Great Britain that may ascertain the 
interests of the two nations so as to obviate future dissen- 
tions. " His purpose in writing was "that our ardor for ob- 
taining an honorable treaty of commerce may not be checked, 
or false resentments encouraged" and, after showing that 
there was no opportunity for the peace commissioners to make 
such a treaty, he stated that the British ministry ' ' build their 
expectations of leading us to their own terms * * * by a pre- 
sumed want of unity in our councils, a factitious display of the 
superior credit of their manufactures and the perfect reliance 
of this country upon these; artfully concealing the absolute 
dependence of England upon the United States for the con- 
sumption of her manufactures and prosperity of her West 
India Islands." He then claimed "that America is in a situ- 
ation to enforce a liberal treaty." The West Indies are so 
dependent upon the United States that Maryland, in 1773, 
exported thither 84,500 barrels of flour; 10,333 barrels of 
bread; 4,500 bushels of rye; 266,000 bushels of wheat; and 
233,000 bushels of Indian corn. The United States ' ' are alone 
able to supply" these islands with such products, "at a price 
necessary to their prosperity, regularly and efficaciously." 
"The supplies of the British West Indies were derived, dur- 
ing the war, from the United States, by capture and through 
neutral islands. ' ' If Great Britain cut us off from these mar- 



1 Reprinted in Carey's American Museum, V, 317, 464-, 550. 



620 Appendix I 

kets, our surplus exports may easily be sent to the continent 
of Europe. There are also many articles which we can import 
cheaper from other countries than from Great Britain. ' ' We 
ought to confine our imports from Great Britain to such arti- 
cles only as she can sell cheaper than her neighbors or other 
nations, especially whilst our custom for other articles is to 
remain without an equivalent. We have obtained a range of 
markets as wide as our wishes and the cheapest must soon 
be universally known. ' ' The British ' ' grasp at the exclusive 
trade of America, even without a treaty," and "do not per- 
ceive that their proceedings are operating as a stamp act and 
bringing the United States to act as a nation. ' ' 

A long list is given of articles which can be imported from 
the several European nations cheaper than from England and 
of the usual exports to those nations. "Charged with these 
facts, our commissioners may hold a candid but decisive 
language with the British administration." The taste of 
America has been in favor of British manufactures in the past, 
but agents from the continental nations will soon learn how to 
meet this point. "But what is more than all to be heeded by 
Great Britain is the establishment of manufactures in Amer- 
ica, for which she is so happily gifted ; and which must grad- 
ually take place and succeed, till at length she will find little 
occasion for the manufactures of Europe. Nothing but a 
commercial treaty, on the most liberal principles, can check 
the progress of things in America, which is approximating 
to this independent, desirable, and respectable situation." 
The plausible argument that we import more from Great Brit- 
ain than we export to her and, therefore, are forced to con- 
tinue trade with her, McHenry answers by saying that, if the 
imports are greater, we pay the difference by bills of exchange 
drawn on countries to which our exports are greater and 
might well transfer trade to these lands. The future will en- 
crease our ability, by giving greater payments for greater 
commerce from a greater country, which country will be 
richer by the establishment of manufactures and will receive 
imports at a lower price, because of the world's competition. 
The states should not "leave the accomplishment of a com- 
mercial treaty entirely" to commissioners, but should pass 
needed laws. "Maryland is proceeding in this great business 
with caution ; she has laid some light duties upon goods import- 
ed in British bottoms, but I presume she expects the other 
states will follow her example; as remaining singular would 



Appendix I 621 

not answer the intention of these duties. She has also, in the 
same act laying the duties, proposed a new article for the 
confederation; but this cannot be operative till every state 
agrees to one substantially the same. The power it contains 
is pointed at no kingdom, and, in its fullest extent, must in- 
crease our navigation; and we may reasonably expect that, 
under this power, Congress would devise a navigation act 
suited to the circumstances of this country." 



APPENDIX II 

In addition to the letters published or referred to in this work, 
the following letters from Dr. James McHenry's correspondence 
have been printed: 

1. In a pamphlet entitled "Autograph Letters, etc.," containing 
the text of a number of letters given by James Howard McHenry 
to be sold for the benefit of the Maryland School for the Blind 
in 1859 are found the following letters to McHenry from Wash- 
ington, June 26, 1799; Pickering, January 28, 1800; Charles Lee, 
November 25, 1799; Lafayette, March 7, 1800; Wolcott, Decem- 
ber 12, 1800; William Pinkney, March 20, 1800; Lafayette. 
August 6, 1805; Tallmadge, March 10, 1812; Rush, February 3, 
1780; Jefferson, November 25, 1792; Washington, December 10, 
1783; Chase, September 24, 1796; Wayne, February '24, 1796; 
Charles Carroll of Carrollton, December 2, 1796; Pickering, 
August 3, 1796; Hamilton, January 19, 1797; W. H. Harrison, 
May 12, 1797; Rufus King, August 4, 1797; C. C. Pinckney, 
September 19, 1797; T. Pinckney, December 11, 1797; Stoddert, 
May 28, 1798'; Hamilton, September 9, 1798; Washington, July 
30, 1798; John Adams, September 21, 1798, and July 27, 1799; 
Washington, August 2, 1798; R. G. Harper, August 16, 1799; 
and from Thomas Paine to Washington, June 5, 1778. These 
letters were all reprinted in Dawson's Historical Magazine, 2nd 
series, ii, 363 and ff. 

2. In Johns Hopkins Newsletter for March 10, 1904, vol. 8, no. 3, 
Address to Citizens of Baltimore City in behalf of Baltimore 
College (1804) by McHenry and his letter to his son John writ- 
ten about 1806. 

8. In Green Bag, xvi, (March, 1904), 172, "An Interesting Criminal 
Case" containing a letter from Pickering and McHenry's answer 
of December 3, 1807. 

4. In 70th Annual Report of Maryland Bible Society, 1903, Address 
of the Bible Society of Baltimore to the Citizens of the State 
of Maryland written by McHenry, 1813. 

5. In Army and Navy Journal, xlii, (October 22, 1904), 195, "The 
Case of Gen. Anthony Wayne," contains letters from Hamilton 
to McHenry, July 15, 1796; from Chase, July 22, 1796; from 
Charles Lee, November 20, 1796; and from William Vans 
Murray, August 8, 1796. 

6. In William and Mary College Quarterly, xiii, (October, 1904), 
102, letters are printed from John Steele to McHenry, March 27, 
1796; from Josiah Reddick to Zach. Copeland, January 25, 1799; 
and from J. Parker to McHenry, April 29, 1799. 



Appendix II 623 



In Virginia Magazine, xii, (January, 1905), 257, are printed 
letters from Jefferson to John Wise, February 12, 1798; from 
Thomas Dillon to McHenry, May, 1796; from Charles Lee, Feb- 
ruary 2, 1797; from Pickering, April 23, 1796; from Joseph 
Anderson, 1797 (?); from Benjamin Hawkins, May 23, 1799. 
In Virginia Magazine, xii, (April, 1905), 406, are found letters 
from Charles Carter, Jr., to Washington, July 25, 1798; from 

Wolcott to McHenry, May 28', ; from Hamilton, May 15, 

1799; from R. G. Harper, July 29, 1799; and from Harper to 
C. C. Pinckney, July 26, 1799; from C. C. Pinckney to 'McHenry, 
March 20, 1800. 

In Pennsylvania Magazine, xxix, (January, 1905), 53, are found 
letters from Rush, May 17, 1778; from John Beatty, October 
15, *1778, and October 26, 1778; from Lord Stirling to General 
Phillips, January 3, 1779; from John Cochran to McHenry, 
January 29, 1779; from Rush, June 2, 1779; from a French offi- 
cer, November 7 and 14, 1779; from Robert Troup, November 
10, 1779; from Rush, January 19, 1780. 

In Pennsylvania Magazine, xxix, (July, 1905), 326, are found 
letters from Richard Howell, December 6, 1798; William Hind- 
man, April 14 and December 17, 1794; and from John McHenry 
to his sister Anna M. Boyd, August 1, 1809. 
In Southern History Association Publications, ix, (March, 1905), 
99, are found letters from W. B. Grove, August 20, 1798; from 
Robert Adam to Grove, August 16, 1798; from Hugh Williamson, 
April 29, 1800, and November 29, 1800; from D. Harris, March 
3, 1796; from Mrs. A. Boyd to John McHenry, July 14 and July 
15, 1809; and from Mrs. James McHenry to John McHenry, 
August 13, 1817. 

In Southern History Association Publications, ix, (September, 
1905), 311, are found letters from Charles Carroll of Carrollton, 
March 13, 1785; from A. Boyd to John McHenry, September 2, 
18*09; from R. H. Goldsborough, etc., June 1, 1811; from J. R. 
Plater, etc., June 3, 1811; from Nicholas M. Bosley, July 23, 
1811; from Rev. Mr. Paquiet, September 1, 1815; and a broad- 
side attacking the supporters of McHenry and Coulter in the 
Baltimore town election of 1788. 

In Sewanee Review, xiv, (January, 1906), 76, the correspondence 
of William Smith, of South Carolina, with McHenry while the 
former was minister to Portugal. 

In Southern History Association Publications, ix, (November, 
1905), 374, are found letters from James Winchester, April 22, 
May 1, and November 16, 1796; William Vans Murray, June 24, 
September 24, October 9 and 28, November 2, 15, 20, and 23, 
1796; Philip Key, 1796; Charles Carroll of Carrollton, Novem- 
ber 28, 1796; and Samuel Chase, December 4, 1796. 

In Southern History Association Publications, x, (January, 
1906), 31, letters from William Hemsley, November 13, 1797; 
Uriah Forrest, December 6 and 8, 1797; David McMechen, De- 
cember 7, 1797; Samuel Chase, December 10, 1797; and Charle3 
Carroll of Carrollton, December 8, 1797. 



624 Appendix II 



16. In Southern History Association Publications, x, (March, 1906), 
p. 101, letters from George Salmon, July 31, September 25, and 
October 7, 1798; William Hindman, September 8, 1798; and 
David Stewart, September 15, 1798. 

17. In Southern History Association Publications, x, (May, 1906), 
p. 150, letters from S. Chase, January 19, 1799; William Hind- 
man, June 1 and 7, November 29, and December 9, 1799; John 
Dennis, June 24, 1799. 

18. In Southern History Association Publications, (September, 
1906) p. 289, letters from John Adams, September 4, 5, 14, 17, 
October 4, 5, 1798, April 14, 1799; Alexander Hamilton, Decem- 
ber 17, 20. 1798, January 19, June 22, 1799, March 26, 1800; and 
William Vans Murray, August 20, 1798. 

19. In Pennsylvania Magazine, xxx, (January, 1906), 110, letters of 
Timothy Pickering to James and John McHenry, September 12, 
1797, December 13, 1804, February, 1807, January 6 and 19, 1816. 
In Pennsylvania Magazine, xxx, 118, Tench Coxe to the president 
of the United States, April 5, 1797. 

20. In Southern History Association Publications will shortly ap- 
pear letters from W. S. Smith, December 20, 1798; Lafayette, 
September 3 and December 3, 178-; Margaret C. McHenry, 18u- 
(2 letters); Anna M. Boyd, August 28, 1809; Uriah Tracy, 1800, 
(2 letters), and an anonymous letter from Cork, Ireland, in 
1797. 

21. In American Historical Review, xi, (April, 1906), 595, papers 
on the Federal Convention of 1787. 

22. In Granite Monthly, xxxviii, 123, letter from John T. Gilman, 
May 22, 1799. 

James McHenry's letters recorded in American Book Prices Current, 
1902, p. 613, as sold at auction, 10069, A. L. S., 1 page, 4to. 
Fayetteville near Baltimore. December 9, 1792, to Tench Cox«. 
Henkels', November 29, 1901. $4.00. 

1905. A. L. unsigned, 3 pp., 4to. Ambler's Plantation (opposite 
James Island) July 8, 1781, to Major General Greene. Henkels', 
January 27, 1905. $5.50 (printed in Magazine of American 
History, ii, (November, 1905). 

A. L. S., 3 pp., 4to. Head Quarter's near Soan's Bridge July 10, 
1781, to Governor Lee. Henkels', January 27, 1905. $5.50. 

A. L. S., 1 p., 4to. An address, Annapolis, October 16, 1786, to 
Daniel of St. Thomas Jenifer asking for relief for members of 
Annapolis Convention. Carson, Henkels', October 26, 1904. $3.50. 

A. L. S., 2 pp., with franked address, Philadelphia, April 12, 1796, 
to Peter Hoffman. Treaty with Great Britain. Carson, Hen- 
kels', October 26, 1904. $3.00. 

A. L. S., 2 pp., 4to. Holt's Forge, July 10, 1781, to Governor Lee. 
War letter of Greene's movements. Henkels', January 27, 1905. 
$5.50. 



INDEX 



Adams, Charles, 258. 

Adams, Charles Francis 453. 

Adams, John 53, 87, vice president 
117, 137, 188. 

Adams, John, chosen president 191, 
197, 198, 200, 202, 204, 205, 206, 
administration 1797-1798 208, 209, 
211, 213, French policy in 1797 
223 to 225, 234, 242, 258, 259, 266, 
268, 270, 271, 272, 283, ,286, 288, 
291, 295, 299, 302, 305, sends Mur- 
ray to Holland 226, 229, appoints 
Washington General and strife ov- 
er precedence 309 to 311, 313 to 
316, 320, 321, 323, 325 to 328, 335, 
337, 338, 340, 341, 344 to 351, 355, 
362, 368, 605, 606, 607, events af- 
ter sending embassy to France 
370 to 372, 378, 380 to 382, 384, 386 
to 389, 394, 395, 397, 399, 400, 
406 to 409, 413, 414, 417 to 424, 
430, 431, conduct in Fries's Rebel- 
lion and Western affairs 482, 435, 
437, 438, 440, 443, 446, dismisses 
McHenry 453, 454, 515, 547, 558, 
564, McHenry's opinion of him 
453, 463, 468, 477, 479, 553, 569, 
59 5, in presidential campaign of 
1800 452, 453, 455, 456, 458 to 461, 
463 to 466, 469, 473, 474, 476, 478, 
480 to 482, 492, his appointments 
to office 490, 491, 503, defends ca- 
reer in Boston Patriot 552, 557, 
566 to 570. 

Adams, Mrs. John 313, 327, 349, 
430. 

Adams, John Quincy 226 to 228, 
230 239 241 494. 

Adet. Pierre A. 160, 185, 186, 189 
to 193, 201 to 206, 248, 276. 

Adlum, Capt. 437. 

Albany, N. Y. 29, 485. 

Albemarle Co., Va. 317, 389. 

Alexander I, Czar of Russia 613. 

Alexandria, Va. 92, 94, 118, 311, 
312, 316, 355, 387, 506. 

Alexandria, Egypt 331. 

Algiers, Dey of, Frigate for 180, 
181, 251. 

Allegany County, Md. 75, 125, 397, 
553, 580, 583, 587, 589. 

Allen, John 393. 

Allentown, Pa. 436. 

Allison, Rev. Francis, incorporator 
of Newark Academy 2, preaches 
at Annapolis 81. 

Allison, Mrs. Grace, 62, 73, 75. 



Allison, Rev. Patrick, incorporator 

of Newark Academy 2. 
Allison, Capt. William 1, 2, 5, 6, 64, 

73, 75. 
Ambler's Plantation 38. 
Amboy, N. J. 29. 
American Museum 95, 127, 619. 
American Philosophical Society 92. 
Ames, Fisher 1S9, 421, 463, 464. 

Ames, 317. 

Amiens, Treaty of 524. 
Amsterdam, Holland 128, 208, 211, 

22<5, 2.26, 227, 235, 242, 275, 283. 
Anderson, Joseph (U. S. Senator) 

556. 
Angersteen, Mr. 486. 
Annapolis, Md. 36, 41, 54, 55, 59, 

61, 64 to 68, 71, 72, 78, 83, 85, 89, 

108, 110, 123, 124, 139, 143, 154, 

162, 179, 197, 202, 205 to 207, 305, 

306, 456, 465, 470, 473, 613. 
Anne Arundel County, Md. 2, 109, 

138 
Anthony, Mr. 372. 
Antil, Dr. 11, 13. 
Appointments to office 178, 288, 345, 

346, 384, 386, 411 to 413, 431, 490, 

491, 502, 503. 
Archer, Mr. 204. 
Arkansas 260. 
Armstrong, Genl. John 53, 540, 543, 

544, 547, 549, 562, 589, 596, 602. 

Army organization in 1796 182. 

Army organization in 1797 288, 293. 

'Army organization in 1798 303, 307. 

Army organization Provisional 309 

to 314, 316, 317 to 327, 336 to 341, 

344 to 369, 438. 
Army organization in 1799 375 to 

406, 409 to 418, 422 to 431. 
Army organization in 1807 538. 
Army organization in 1812 588 to 

590, 596. 
Ash, Jas. 333. 
Atley, Col. 9. 
Augusta Co., Va. 121. 
Aurora, The 185, 203, 461, 468, 476 

533, 534, 557. 
Austria, 344, 374, 375, 598. 
Auteuil, France 541. 



Bache 372, 572. 
Bahamas 143. 
Baker, Capt. 235. 
Ballymena, Ireland 1. 
Balston, N. Y. 554. 



626 



Index 



Baltimore, Md. 1, 32, 34, 35, 42 to 
44, 64 to 66, 71, 75, 76, 78, 79, 82 
to 85, 92 to 94, 100, 108, 114, 117 
to 119, 129, 133 to 136, 138, 139, 
142 to 145, 167, 168, 172, 191, 194, 
199, 202, 205, 207, 211, 251, 255, 
274, 284, 287, 305, 333, 397, 407, 
457, 458, 460, 461, 464, 476, 481, 
482, 483, 497, 49S, 500, 503, 514, 
526, 531, 534, 536, 548, 549, 561, 
571 to 574, 579, 583, 587, 588, 605, 
607. 
Baltimore fortifications 406, 407. 
Baltimore College 520. 
Baltimore, Lord. See Calvert. 
Baltimore Mob of IS 12 580, 5 S3, 

589. 
Baltimore aids continental army 35 

to 37. 
Baltimore incorporated 144, 153, 

154. 
Baltimore Theatre 43. 
Baltimore in 1S14 610. 
Baltimore Co., Md. 109. 
Banister, Mrs. 120. 
Bank in Baltimore 154, 162, 207. 
Bank of U. S. 562. 
Banneker, Benjamin, Negro math- 
ematician 12 7. 
Banning, Col., of Dorchester Co., 

Md. 142. 
Baraud, M. 93. 
Barbary Powers 511. 
Bard, Dr. 117. 

Barlow, Joel 470, 570, 575, 592. 
Barnard, Major Gen. John G. 76. 
Barros 2 79. 
Barthelemy 2 79. 
Bavard, Jas. A. 195, 370, 464, 488, 

493, 512, 513, 612, 613. 
Bayly, Wm. 137. 
Bear, Mr. 198. 
Beaumarchais 535, 551. 
Bedford Springs 553. 
Belgium 229, 232, 238, 373. 
Bellfield, Md. 199, 209, 249, 334. 
Bergamo, Italy 22 9. 
Berkeley Springs, Va. 159. 
Berlin, Germany 343, 494. 
Berlin Decree 574. 
Bernadotte, General 523. 
Best, Mr. 317. 
Bethlehem, Pa. 432, 434. 
Bible Society of Baltimore 687. 
Biddle, Col. 290, 389. 
Bielfeld, Baron de 2 41. 
Bingham, Mr. 372. 
Binney, Dr. 2 8. 
Binney, Mr. 586. 

Bladensburg, Md. 543, 544, 557, 5S1. 
Blair, Will, witnesses McHenry's 

will 5. 
Bland, Dr. 123. 
Blodget, 54 3. 
Blount, Gov. Wm. 175, 262, 26S, 

269, 448, 449. 
Boissv d'Anglois 275. 
Bolman 2SS, 332. 

Bonaparte, Napoleon 208, 232, 238, 
277, 285, 331, 430, 473, 487, 494, 
507, 533, 540, 541, 343, 579, 584, 
587, 592, 597, 598, 602, 609. 



Bond, Mr., British charge des af- 
faires to U. S. 161. 

Books bought by McHenry 229, 242, 
243, 246, 274. 

Boole L,t. 432. 

Boston 200, 236, 274, 367, 397, 407, 
413, 504, 505, 540, 551, 559, 567. 

Boston Patriot 552, 566, 567, 569. 

Botetourt, Va. 147. 

Boudinot, Elias 15, 16. 

Bourdeaux, France 235. 

Bourgoing, M. 430. 

Bowie, Walter 137. 

Boyd, James P. 76, 542, 554, 607, 
611. 

Boyd, Mary 76. 

Boyd, James McHenry 76. 

Boyd, Andrew 76. 

Boyd, John Pillar 76. 

Boyd, Anna, see McHenry. 

Boylton, Capt. 235. 

Bradford, Capt. 50. 

Brant, Joseph (Thayendanega) 169. 

Breck, Miss 372. 

Bremen, Germany 2 S3, 343. 

Bristol, Penn. 399. 

British hospitals at New York 10 
to 14. 

British prisoners at Frederick 43. 

Brooks, Gen. 319, 322. 

Brown, F. J., author of sketch of 
James McHenry 2 

Brownjohn, Dr. 13. 

Brownsville 270. 

Bruff, Capt. 171, 174. 

Buchanan, James 461, 583. 

Buchanan, J. A. 306. 

Bucks Co., Pa. 432, 437. 

Bullers, Dr. 540. 

Burke, Rev. Edmund 173. 

Burke, Edmund 209. 

Burr, Aaron 200, 204, 471, 472, 482, 
4S3, 4S4 to 490, 492, campaign for 
Governor and duel with Hamilton 
529, 530, conspiracy 533, 534, 548. 

Burrows, Major 354, 355. 

Burrows, 257. 

Bushtown, Md. 98. 

Butler, Col. 19, 26S, 447. 

Butler, Capt. 3S3. 



Cabarrus 243. 

Cabot, George 212, 213, 226, 463, 

464, 470. 
Cadwalader, Mr. 41. 
Caldwell, John 26, 75, 117, 260, 473, 

497. 
Caldwell, Margaret, see McHenry. 
Caldwell, Mrs. Margaret 75, 120. 
Caldwell, David 75. 

Caldwell, 60S, 609. 

Calhoun, James 211. 

Callender's "Prospect before Us 

547, 572. 
Calonne, M. de 87. 
Calvert, Frederick, Lord Baltimore 

67. 
Calvert, George, Lord Baltimore 



Campbell, Mr. 335, 482. 
Cambridge, Mass. 4, 6. 



Index 



627 



Cambridge, Md. 142, 189, 195, 19S, 
208, 511. 

Campion, M. 93, 94. 

Canada S6, McHenry plans trip 
thither S, fears England will cede 
to France 2 50, named 265, 515, 
581, 594, 609. 

Canning, George 543. 

Cape Francois 191, 192. 

Cape of Good Hope 247. 

Capua, Italy 373. 

Caracas, Venezuela 533. 

Carey, Jas. 261. 

Carleton, Sir Guy, Lord Dorchester, 
47, 49, 173. 

Carlisle, Pa. 4,10. 

Carlyle, Mr. 38. 

Carmichael, Mr. 108. 

Carnot, M. 276, 279. 

Caroline County, Md. 18 6, 199. 

Carondelet, Baron de 260, 261, 269. 

Carper, Mr. 147, 148. 

Carrington, Col. E. declines Sec. of 
War 163, accepts brig. gen. 314, 
388, on election of 1800 469. 

Carroll, Charles, of Carrollton, 97, 
108, 115, friendly to Jefferson 136, 
137, wrote Hamilton in 1792 139, 
resigns from U. S. .Senate 139, in 
Md. Senate 154, writes of French 
affairs 202, 204, 250, approves of 
Washington's address 206, writes 
305, named 306, 431, 461, 463, 46S 
to 470, 472, 476, 479, 500. 

Carroll, Bishop John, controls Ger- 
man Catholics 137, 138, writes on 
Indian missions 171, 173, Picker- 
ing's opinion of 604. 

Carroll, Daniel 59, 62, 87, 97, 100 
to 104, 106 to 10S. 

Carter, Mrs. Angelina (Schuyler) 
44, 45. 

Carter, Chas. Jr. 317, 31S. 

Carter, John 44, 45. 

Carter, Wm. Champe 317. 

Cary, Wilson Miles 2, 76. 

Cary, Sarah Nicholas 76. 

Casberry, Mr. 57. 

Caughnawaga, (Cohnawaga) 169, 
170. 

Cecil Furnace, Md. 181. 

Ceylon 247. 

Chamberlain, Mr. 140. 

Champagny, M. 539, 540, 543 to 
545. 

Championnet, M. 373. 

Champlin, Mr. 463. 

Chandler, Gen. 600. 

Chapin, Indian Superintendent. 169. 

Charles I, King of England 52 5. 

Charles II, King of England 525. 

Charles, Prince of Austria 566. 

Charles XII of Sweden 587. 

Charleston, S. C. 49, 56, 92, 93, 142, 
235. 

Charlotte, N. C. 266. 

Charlottesville, Va. 3S8. 

Chase, Samuel 41, 46, 59, 83, SS, 95, 
97, 108, 110, 113, 114, 137, 153, 
158, 160, 547, 552, 564, asked by 
Washington through McHenry to 
accept seat in Sup. Ct. 163, ac- 



cepts 164, 168, opinion as to 
Wayne 183, of France in 1796 203, 
205, invests in Western lands 27'3, 
opinion as to printer 431, regrets 
McHenry's resignation 456, in 
Presidential election of 1S00 463, 
465, 469, impeached 547. 

Chase, Jeremiah T. 7, 465, 469. 

Chastellux, M. de 31, 525, 526. 

Chastellux, Mme. 52 5. 

Chastellux, Alfred 52 5 to 527. 

Cherokee Indians 174, 175, 260 to 
262, 273, 445 to 449. 

Cherry Tree Meadows, Md. 587, 
590, 596. 

Chesapeake Bay 106, 536, 577. 

Chesapeake, U. S. S. 537, 538, 542, 
599, 601. 

Chester, Pa. 54, 318. 

Chestertown, Md. 138. 

Chippewa Indians 443. 

Chisholm, John D. 177. 

Choptank River 142. 

Christie, Gabriel 198, 199. 

Church, John Carter 44, 45. 

Church, Philip 319. 

Cincinnati, Ohio 261. 

Cincinnati Society 87. 

Claiborne, T. 389. 

Clapham, Mr. 67. 

Clark, Mr. 335. 

Clarkson, Genl. 532. 

Clay, Henry 564. 

Clinton, DeWitt 5S0, 5S1, 584, 585, 
5S7. 

Clive, Lieut. 26. 

Cobb, Genl. 319. 

Cobenzl, Count 343, 344. 

Cochran, Capt. 432, 437. 

Cochran, John 76. 

Cocke, Wm. 26S. 

Cole, Mr. 256. 

Commerce, Federal Regulation of 
90, 91. 

Conde, Prince de 23 7. 

Congress, Continental, passes reso- 
lutions commending McHenry 8, 
commissions McHenry as Major 
32, Gov. Lee writes it of Md. 38, 
McHenry dissuades Hamilton from 
membership in it 44, peace nego- 
tiations 47, McHenry enters it 53, 
his service in it 56, 57, 59, 62, 67, 
78, 82, 83, S7, SS, Md's. contribu- 
tions of money to S9, regulation of 
commerce by 90. 

Congressional election of 1792 136 
to 139. 

Congressional election of 1794 156. 

Congressional election of 1796 196 
to 199. 

Connecticut 106, 328, 351, 377, 378, 
392, 393, 39S, 399, 436, 462. 469, 
477. 4S1, 4S3, SOS, 51S, 585, 602. . 

Connecticut cider 470. 

Constable, Wm. 354. 

Constellation, Frigate 251 to 236, 
302. 

Constitution of U. S., Adoption of 
94. 95 to 113. 

Constitution. Amendments proposed 
to 132, 139, 144, 154. 



628 



Index 



Consuls 89. 

Contee, Mr. 108. 

Cook, Wm. 546. 

Cooke, Mr. 521. 

Cooper, John 435. 

Copenhagen, Denmark 430. 

Cornwallis, Lord 3S, 507, 508. 

Coulter, John 108, 114, 115. 

Coxe, Mr. 449. 

Coxe, Daniel 269, 270. 

Coxe, Tench 108, 140, 142, 420, 468. 

Coxe, Zachariah 266, 267, 269, 271, 

272, 440, 44S, 449. 
Crabb, Mr. 198. 
Craik, Dr. 118, 310. 
Craik, Mr. 1>32, 134, 223, 463. 
Creek Indians 174, 175, 261. 
Cromwell, Oliver 525. 
Crookshank's Tavern 118. 
Culpepper, Va. 317. 
Cumberland, Tenn. 171. 
Cumberland River 261, 272. 
Cumberland, Md. 554. 
Cunningham, Wm. 553. 
Cushing, Mr. 463. 
Custis, Eleanor P. 182, 355 to 359. 
Custis, Washington P. 318, 359, 396, 

411. 
Cutter, Mr. 512. 
Cutting, John B. 97, 113. 

Dale, Commodore 302, 511. 

Dallas, Mr. 201. 

Dalmatia 232. 

Dana, Mr. 234, 235, 481, 547, 568, 

595 
Dandridge, Mr. 183, 187, ,227, 341 to 

343, 371. 
Davenport, Anthony & Moses 236. 
Davenport, Major John, Jr. 596, 

597, 602. 
Davie, Genl. Wm. R. 266, 371, 411, 

416 to 418, 450, 566. 
Dayton, Gen. 319, 345. 
Deakins, Mr. 204. 
r Dearborn 550, 551. 
Debt of U. S. 109, 602. 
De Bute, Dr. Louis 11 to 13. 
De Costa, Capt. 191. 
Delacroix, M. 301. 
Delaware River & State 142, 195, 

198, 463, 464, 472, 483, 492, 504. 
Del Campo, Marquis 243. 
De Lesa, Manuel 263. 
Delft, Holland 249. 
Delozier, Daniel, suggested for of- 
fice 138. 
Dember's Artillery 264. 
Denmark 331. 
Dennis, John 199, 244, 301. 
Dent, Mr. 463. 
D'Entrigue, Comte 279. 
Deserters 381, 382. 
D'Estade, M. 229. 
Detroit, Mich. 173, 265, 441, 443. 
De Winter, Adml. 285. 
Dexter. Samuel 169, 458, 463, 465, 

482, 483, 610. 
Dickinson, Philemon 465, 468, 469, 

471, 472. 478, 482. 
Digby, Adml. 47. 
Dillon, Thomas 171. 



Dinsmoor, Silas 175, 261, 447. 

Diplomatic service 89. 

Done, Mr. 197. 

Dorchester, Lord, see Carleton. 

Dorchester Co., Md. 142, 198, 199, 

201. 
Dorsey's Ferry 2. 
Dorsey, Mr. 306. 
Dorsey, W. 198. 
Dorsey, Walter 572. 
Doughoregan Manor, Md. 2 50. 
Downingstown, Penn. 257. 
Drayton, Gen. 313. 
Drayton, Wm. 92. 
Duane, 572. 
Du Bourg, Wm. 143. 
Duck River, 261. 

Dulany, Mrs. Nancy 49. 

Dumas, M. 2 75. 

Dumfries 236. 
Dumfries, Va. ,93, 261. 

Du Mouriez, M. 430. 

Dunbar, Mrs. 120. 

Duncan, Adml. 238, 285. 

Duncan, Mr. 5S6. 

Dunkinson, Mr. 195. 

Dunlap, Jas., named in McHenry's 
will 5. 

Dunlop (printer) 100. 

Dupont, Victor & Co. 510. 

Duvall, Gabriel 204, 473. 

Duvall, 559. 

D'Yrujo, Spanish Minister 261, 266, 
269. 

East Chester, N. Y. 230, 258, 259. 

399 
Eastern Shore 132, 134, 136, 142. 

157. 
Easton, Pa. 336, 436, 437, 504. 
Eccleston 140, 141, 197, 201. 
Eden, Sir Robert 66. 
Education in Md. supported by Mc- 

Henry 144, 154, 155. 
Ehrenbreitsitein, Germany 375. 
Elbe River 238. 

Elk River, Head of 35, 54, 78. 
Ellicott, Mr. 178, 261, 263, 269, 270. 
Elliot, Capt. 373, 391, 402. 
Ellsworth, Oliver 371, 416, 417, 424, 

495, 496, 566. 
Embargo of 1807 539, 542, 544 to 

546, 550. 
Embargo of 1812 576. 
Emmot, Mt. 576. 
English Privateers 144. 
England, Bank of 89. 
Epes, Mr. 551, 557, 562, 565, 
Erie, Lake 609. 
Eustis, Dr., .Sec. of War, 589. 
Evans, Walter 271, 272. 

Falling Springs, Va. 121. 
Farris, Jas., Jr. 271, 272. 
Fauchet 159, 160, 572. 
Federal Gazette 596. 
Federal Republican, The 580. 
Federalist, The 110. 
KFenno's Gazette 230, 241, 246, 266, 
372, 3,94, 456. 
Fishkill, N. Y. 25. 
Fitzherbert, Mr. 50. 



Index 



629 



Fitzpatrick, Gen. 510. 

Fitzsimmons, Mr. 105. 

Fleury, Mme. de 429. 

Flint, Daniel 435. 

Flint Parker & Co. 110. 

Florida, Boundary of 178, 261, 295. 

Florida, 395, 438, 440, 524, 559, 560, 

562. 
Foncier, J. 613. 
Ford, Major 433. 
Foreign trade, McHenry's views as 

to 142, 619. 
Forrest, Uriah 77, 115, urges Mc- 

Henry for U. S. Senate 145, 161, 

on Md. politics 19S, writes 305. 
Fort Jay 43'2. 

Fort McHenry 144, 406, 613. 
Fort Massac 264, 272, 440 to 442. 
Fort Mifflin, Penn. 289, 377. 
Fort Ontario 174. 
Fort Washington 9, 2>61. 
Fort Wayne 2 65, 440. 
>/ Fortifications 256, 288, 367, 406, 

450. 
Foster, Mr. 542, 574. 
Fox, Mr. 510. 
Fox, Josiah ISO, 181. 
France, Revolution 178, 193, 224, 

237, 2S8, 247, 275 & ff. 329, 331. 
France, foreign policv in Europe 

228 ito 234, 236 to 238, 245 to 247, 

277, 341, 343, 372 to 375, 430, 506, 

507, 524, 598, 602, 609. 

France, relations with Indians 260. 

France, intrigues in West 264 to 
266, .272, 438, 439, 516. 

France, privateers 142, 143, 191 to 
193, 195, 235, 292, 302. 

France, relations with, in 1796 1S7 
■to 195, 201 to 20'6. 

France rejects Pinckney '208 to 222. 

France, relations with, in 1797 216 
to 225, 2,28 to 235, 240, 242 to 252, 
257, 276, 277, 288. 

France, captures of our vessels 2 35, 
236, 245, 276. 

France, government, X. Y. Z. mis- 
sion 274 ff., 284, 2S6, 2S9 to 301, 
304, 307. 

France, relations with, in 1798 302 
to 305, 315, 329, 331, 343, 370, 
440. 

France in West Indies 42. 43, 191, 
315. 

France. French Sailors recruited at 
Baltimore 143. 

France, relations with, after nom- 
ination of envoys 370, 393, 406 to 
409, 416 to 420, 429, 453. 454, 473 
to 475, 482. 487, 490, 493 ito 496, 

508, 557, -558, 566, 567, 570, 606. 
France, relations with, in .Revolu- 
tion 87, 94, 10.9, 508. 

France, relations with, in 1806 and 
following years 535, 536, 538, 540, 
542 to 545, 549, 551. 

France, relations with, under Mad- 
ison 559, 562, 565, 570, 573, 575, 
581. 

Francis, Tench 391, 396, 411. 

Franklin, Benjamin 52, 87, 89, 107. 



Frederick, Md. 146, 152, British 

prisoners at 43. 
French, Mrs. 515. 
Freneau, Philip 572. 
Frey, Capt. 402 to 404, 433. 
Fries's Rebellion 418. 431 to 437 
Fries, Mr. 436, 437 
Friuli, Italy 229. 232. 
Furguson, Henderson & Gilson, 236. 

Gale, Geo. 115, 141, 142 

Gallatin, Albert 272. 334. Mc- 
Henry's opinion of 500 to 502, 517 
554, 561, 599, 601. 

Ganevain, John 143. 

Gardoqui (Spanish minister) 89 
Gayoso. 261, 269, 440. 
Genet 173, 201, 203, 551, 572 
Genoa, Italy 229, 246, 276. 
Georgetown, D. C. 59, 195, 303, 453 
482, 511, 512, 534, 542, 543, 612! 
Georgia 272, 32S, 360, 363, 377, 44S 

459. 
Georgia relations with Indians 174 

1S6. 
German Empire 229, 232 238 °79 

331. 
Gerry, Elbridge. McHenry's exper- 
ience with, 224, 225. on embassy 
274, 275, 299, 300, 307, 373, 463, 

named 67, 104, 568, 570, 576. 
Ghent, Belgium 613. 
Gibbon, Edward 228. 
Gibbs, Major 26. 
Gibbs, Caleb 435. 
Gibson, Gen. 259. 
Giles, Wm. B. 534, 551, 560. 
Giles, Major Edward 41. 
Gilmor, 284, 531, 534. 
Gilpin 204. 

Godoy, Prince of the Peace 261. 
Goode, Mr. 3 89. 
Goodhue, Benjamin 199, 200, 458, 

463. 
Gordon, Dr. William, historian 37. 
Gorham, Mr. 105. 
Gouvion, Col. 87. 
Gracie, Mr. 532. 
Grant's Tavern 118, 126. 
Grave Creek 438. 
Graybil, Capt. 499. 
Great Britain, relations with U. S. 

before 1801 166, 195, 220, 231. 

232, 235, 250, 294, 295, 329, 408, 

416, 470, 508, 521. 
Great Britain, relations with 

France 228, 229, 231. 238. 243. 

247, 277, 280, 293, 298, 315, 330, 

343, 495, 506, 524. 
Great Britain, intrigues in West, 

261, 265, 266, 269. 284. 
Great Britain, relations with IT. S. 

after 1801 508, 521, 534, 536 to 

545, 549, 555. 
Great Britain, relations under Mad- 
ison, 560. 562, 565. 
Great Britain, War of 1812 with 

573 to 579, 581. 584, 588, 592, 593, 

595, 598 to 601, 609 to 613. 
Great Britain, peace with, in 17S3 

47, 48, 50, 51, 55, 71. 



630 



Index 



Great Britain, navigation laws 90, 
,91. 

Great Britain, trade with 129, 131, 
619. 

Greenbrook 410. 

Greene, Gen. Nathaniel, gives Mc- 
Henry oath of allegiance 17, wish- 
es McHenry as aid 31, writes La- 
fayette of war at South 35, writes 
McHenry from Guilford Court 
House 37, from high Hills of San- 
tee 38, referred to 39, writes Mc- 
Henry 17S3 56, Lafayette suggests 
statue of 89. 

Greenleaf, Mr. 200. 

Greville, Mr. 47, 49. 

Griswold, Roger 481, 512 to 514. 

Guilford Court House 37. 

Guion, Capt. 264, 265. 
r Gunn, Gen 360, 366, 367. 

Habersham, Mr. 174. 

Hacker, Capt. 289. 

Hague, The 125, 226, 22S, 229, 24S, 
2«1, 2S5, 299, 341, 343, 371, 429. 
453, 496, 558. 

Hague, The, Embassy at 23S, 239, 
299. 

Haiti, 4 70. 

Halifax, Nova Scotia 599. 

Hall, Col. J. C. 137. 

Hall, Annie Eliza 76. 

Hall, Martha 12 5. 

Hamburg, Germany 188, 210, 283, 
341, 372. 

Hamden, Lord 22 S. 
»/ Hamilton, Alexander, writes Mc- 
Henry 177S 15, is prescribed for 
by McHenry 17, in Washington's 
military family 19, McHenry de- 
fends his bravery 20, writes Mc- 
Henry 2S, 31, marries 29, 30, 
writes McHenry of breach with 
"Washington 3 4. McHenry writes 
him 41, 43, Washington writes 
him of McHenry 51, in Constitu- 
tional Convention 100, congratu- 
lated on Treasury Secretaryship 
by McHenry 123, McHenry ap- 
proves his plan for U. S. Bank 
129, corresponds with McHenry on 
appointments to office 129, 130, 
138, 141, 142, McHenry asks his 
advice as to accepting position 
in Md. Senate 131, correspondence 
on Congressional election of 1792 
136, 137. slandered by Mercer 137, 
instructions as to privateers 143, 
Monroe protests against sending 
him as minister to Great Britain 
144, resigns Secretaryship 155, 
156, 158, 159, suggests McHenry 
to Washington for Secretaryship 
of State 161, friendship for Mc- 
Henry 615, advises McHenry on 
various matters 166, 167, 180, 183, 
and advises sending McHenry to 
France 188, warns against French 
war 1S9, on Pinckney's rejection 
212, 213 to 223, influence on Mc- 
Henry 225. 291, 295, writes on 
Spanish relations 2 66, on N. Y. 



/i 



forts 288, 2S9, on French rela- 
tions Jan. 1798 291, 302, Harper 
complains of McHenry to him 301, 
named 304, 307, question of prece- 
dence as general 311 to 314, 321, 
322, 325 to 328. 338 to 341, 344 to 
346, 454, 605, 606, in provisional 
army 315, 316, 319 to 321, 324, 
325, 344, 347, 351 to 353, 360 to 
363, 365 to 367, complains of Mc- 
Henry to Washington 319, 347, 
general in army 1799 375 to 378, 
381, 3S2. 384 to 387, 390 to 392, 
394 to 400, 409 to 411, 413 to 415. 
417, 41S, suggested for president 
389, writes on dispute with Mc- 
Henry as to subordinate officers 
402 to 405, receives a game from 
McHenry 395, on Washington's 
death 421, commands in West 440 
to 444, 450, 451, in presidential 
campaign of 1800 452 to 454, 456 
to 45S, 461, 463, 466, 469, 478, 
479, attacks Adams 455, 461, 464, 
472, 475, 47'6, 480, 481, 567, op- 
poses Burr for President 484 to 
4S8, named 496, 505, 50>6, attacked 
by Adams 568, 569, 571, his mili- 
tary knowledge 572, in Army 368, 
422. 424 to 426, 428, 429, 566, in 
Fries's Insurrection 432 to 434, 
437, his death 529 to 532. 

Hamilton, Mrs. Alexander 29, 45, 
129. 55S. 

Hamilton, Philip 505. 

Hamilton, Major 2 63, 26 4. 

Hamilton, Sec. of Navy, 590. 

Hammersly, Mr. 140. 

Hammond, Abijah 354. 

Hammond, British minister to U. S. 
160, 161. 

Hammond, Mr. 133 to 135. 

Hampshire Co., Mass. 546. 

Hamtranck, Col. 441 to 444. 

Hancock, Md. 553. 

Hanover, 23.S. 

Hanson, Alexander Contee 10S, 124, 
580. 

Harford Co., Md. 109, 125. 

Harford, Henry 67. 

Harned, David 118. 

Harper, R. G. 285, 298, 301, 304, 
4»>7, 430, 434, 45S, 464, 521, 572, 
5S3. 

Harper's Ferry arsenal 182, 1S3, 
307. 391, 401, 402, 415. 

Harris, Dr. 336. 

Harrison, Col. 195. 

Harrison, R. H. 124. 

Harrison, William Henry 261, 263, 
•609. 

Hartford Convention 613. 

Harwich, England 343. 

Haverstraw, N. Y. 21, 23, 31. 

Havre, France 496. 

Hawkins, Dr. 12. 

Hawkins, Benjamin 175, 177, 407. 

Hav, Col. 23. 

Ha vs. Capt. 388. 

Heath, Col. 388. 

Helder, The 226, 227. 

Hemsley, Mr. 197. 



Index 



631 



Henly, Col., Indian agt. 171. 

Henley, Capt. Samuel 318. 

Henry, John 115, 139, 141, 156, 204, 
222, 223, 306, 307, 575. 

Henry, Patrick 371, 408, 416. 

Henry, Capt. 432, 437. 

Hewes, Mr. 582. 

Hierschell's Tavern IIS. 

Hill, Mr. 3 7 2. 

Hillhouse, Mr. 533, 548, 549, 551. 

Hillsboro, N. C. 445. 

Hindman, Wm., candidate for Con- 
gress 1792 136, in 1796 197 to 199, 
on Pinckney's rejection 208, writes 
McHenry 249, 271, 301, 303, 334 
to 336, on Jefferson's election 489. 

Hitchborn, Col. 373, 374. 

Hite, Mr. 365. 

Hoche, Lazare 23S. 

Hodge, Dr. Hugh 13. 

Hodgdon, Mr. 181. 

Hodgsdon. Mr. 386. 

Holland, 227 to 250, 274, 281, 283, 
285, 300, 301, 330, 331, 343, 465, 
495, debt to 109. 

Holland Co. 485. 

Hollingsworth, Mr. 133 to 136, 299, 
306. 

Holstein, Denmark 287, 328. 

Holston River, 171, 267. 

Holston Treaty 175. 

Hooper, Mr. 142. 

Hoops, Major 402, 404, 433. 

Hopkins, Major 138. 

Hopkinson. 586. 

Horner, Miss 60. 

Hornet, The 577. 

Horry 238. 

Howard, John Eager 39, 76, 115, 
143, declines Sec. of war 163, sug- 
gested for Congress 194, elected to 
TJ. S. Senate 202, 205, named 319, 
370, 396, 572. 

Howard, James 572. 

Howard. Juliana Elizabeth 76. 

Howe, Sir William 9, 10, 13, 14. 

Huger, Mr. 288, 332, 333. 

Hugues, Victor 192. 

Humphreys, David 86, 180. 

Humphreys, Capt. 537. 

Huntington, Gen. 363. 

Hutchinson, Dr. James, writes Mc- 
Henry 15. 

Hutton. Gaun M. 497. 

Hydestown, N. J. 13, 15. 

Illinois Indians 172. 
Illinois countrv 265, 273. 
Indian affairs in 1796 168 to 178. 
Indian affairs in 1797 259, 261, 262, 

266 to 269, 271 to '273, 438. 
Indian affiairs in 1799 407, 418, 441 

to 443, 445 to 451, 513, 515. 
Indian education 176, 177, 261. 
Indian missions 171 to 173, 176. 
Indians 86, 609. 

Indians killed near Pittsburg 129. 
Intendant of Md. 41. 
Ireland 525. 

Iroquois Indians 169, 170. 
Istria 232. 
Italy 229, 232, 494. 



Izard, Capt. 2S4. 

Jackson, Andrew 177. 

Jackson, 435, 466. 

Jackson, Jonathan 476. 

Jackson, British minister 554 to 
556, 560. 

Jamestown, Va. 38. 

James River 39. 

James Island 3S. 

Jannin, Rev. 271. 

Jay, John 87, 155, 198, 289, 311, 
456, 551, refuses Chief Justice- 
ship 4S9 to 491. 

Jay Treaty 170, 179, 194, 200, 284, 
296. 

Jefferson, Geo. 547. 
' Jefferson, Thos. 97, 108, 113, 121, 
158, corresponds with McHenry on 
business 128, on politics 136, rela- 
tions to U. S. Constitution 137, 
Chas. Carroll's opinion of 139, 
named 190, 191, defeated in 1796 
19S to 200, 203 to 205, 212, 213, 
229, 2S8. 306, 317, 334, 335, 389, 
in presidential campaign of 1800 
45.2, 455 to 457, 459 to 461, 463, 
465, 466, 473, 482 to 485, 488 to 
490, 492, 493, as president 500, 
502, 508, 512, 533, 534, 536 to 
542, 544 to 548, 550, 552, 556, 557, 
561, 564, on war of 1812 582, 592, 
593, 595, 606, 609. 

Jellico 261, 44S. 

Jenifer, Daniel, of St. Thomas, 42, 
89, 90, 97, 99 to 104, 106, 107, 132. 

Johnson, John 266, 267. 

Johnson, Judge 551. 

Johnson, Louisa 241. 

Johnson, Thomas 55, 97, 108, 112, 
113, 115, 124, 161. 

Jones, David 264. 

Jones. Wm 596. 

Jonesborough, Tenn. 266. 

Jourdan, Camille 279. 

Judiciary, Act of 1802 508. 

Juimpi, Lt. 287, 288. 

Kanawha Lands 608. 

Kentucky 111, 118, 261, 264, 271, 
272, 363, 377, 438, 516, 573. 

Kentucky Resolutions 436. 

Key, Philip 202, 204 to 206. 

Kilty, Wm. 143. 

King, Rufus, writes of Pinckney's 
rejection 20S. named 294, 298, 315, 
371, 392, 505, 508, 509, suggested 
as vice president 581. 584. 
•Knox, Henrv 108, 155, 156, 158, 
164, 254, 255, 312 to 314, 319 to 
323, 325 to 328, 337, 338. 340, 346 
to 350, 37S, 454, 605, 606. 

Knox, Col. 119. 

Knox, Mr. 261. 

Knoxville, Tenn. 171, 267, 447, 448. 

Kosciusko, Genl. 2S8. 

Kreyestein, Adml. 285. 

Labigar, Mr. 191. 

Lafayette, G. M. de 19, 51. 97, 131. 
McHenry on his staff 29, writes 
McHenry on French and English 



632 



Index 



liberty 32, takes command of 
forces in Va. 35, 38, stops at 
Baltimore 36, has McHenry with 
him in Virginia campaign 37, 
wishes McHenry as secretary 53, 
writes from Paris 87, 90, sends 
animals to Washington 92, men- 
tioned 12 8, project to buy house 
for in Washington 133, McHenry 
asks to be sent to secure his re- 
lease 144, 145, writes McHenry 
287, 328, 406, 429, 430, 487, 506, 
509, 611, 523, 526, 541, 572, 615. 

Lafayette, G. W. 184, 1S5, 332, 54i2. 

Lafayette, Mme. 287, 328, 510, 528, 
541. 

Lafayette, ivoailles 2S8. 

La Grange, France 42 9, 506, 509, 
5,24, 572. 

Lancaster, Pa. 436, 571. 

Larned, Mr. 169. 

Latour, Maubourg, 287. 

Laurens, Henry 20. 

Laurens, Col. John 20. 

L'Aussat, Prefect of New Orleans 
528. 

Lauzon, Gen. 49. 

Law, Thomas 32 4. 

Law, Mrs. 32 4. 
C Lear, Tobias 183, 354, 365, 376. 

Le Couteulx, Messrs. 129. 

Ledyard, John 484. 

Lee, Archibald 612. 

Lee, Charles, Atty. Gen. under 
Washington 166, 183, under 
Adams 208, 2:24, 258, 370, 382 to 
3S4, 401, 417. 419, 424, 438, 453, 
566, letter from 505. 

Lee, Gen. Charles 19. 20. 

Lee, Gen. Henry 165, 210, 314, 4S4. 

Lee, Gen. 38S, 425. 

Lee, J. 10>8. 

Lee, Gov. Thos. Sim 37, 38, 108, 
143. 

Le Freire, Chev. 161, 185, 186. 

Leopard, H. M. S. 537. 

Lepeaux, M. 279. 

Letomb, M. 436. 

Lewis, Capt. 185. 

Lewis, Major 173, 174. 

Lewis, Lawrence 31S, 359. 

Lewis, S. 513. 

Lewis, T. 272, 497. 

Leyden, Holland 242, 281. 

Liancourt 430. 

Liberty, French & English, com- 
pared by Lafayette 32. 

Lindsay, Mr. 43. 

Lingan, Gen. 580. 

Lisbon, Portugal 240, 282, 288, 372, 
456, 458, 505. 

Lisle, Belgium 238, 243, 280. 

Liston, British Minister 185, 186, 
461. 

Litchfield, Conn. 350, 392, 393, 416, 
436. 

Little, Mr. 573. 

Livingston, Mr. 234. 

Livingston, R. R. 51 to 53, 517. 

Lloyd, Col. 134. 

Lloyd, Edward 59. 

Lloyd, Jas. 55, 138, 305, 306, 396. 



Lodge, H. C. 226. 

Loftus Heights 450, 451. 

Lombardy, 246. 

London, England 52, 53, 195, 208, 

211, 296, 343, 423, 505, 538, 539, 

575 594. 
L'Or'ient, France 93, 235. 
Loring, Joseph, Commissary of 

Prisoners at N. Y. 10, 11, 14. 
Louis, Col. 170. 
Louis XVI of France '551. 
Louis XVIII of France 566. 
Louisiana 260, 263, 315, 395, 440, 

515 to 517, 522. 
Louisiana Treaty 520, 521, 524. 
Lynn, Mass. ;204. 

Lynn, Col. John 553, 554, 5S3, 587. 
Lyon, Matthew 493. 

Maas Sluys 241. 

Maas River 343. 

McAlpin, Mr. 369, 390. 

McCurdy, Mr. 498 to 500. 

McGaw, Col. Robt. 9, 12. 

Macharg, Mr. 317. 

McHenry, Agnes 1, 2. 

McHenry, Anna 1. 

McHenry, Anna [Mrs. Boyd] 73, 
482, 521, 554, 609 to 611, 615. 

McHenry, Charles Howard 76. 

McHenry, Daniel, settles in Balti- 
more as merchant 1, death 2, 
James McHenry names him in will 
4, receives letters from son 16, 
23, dies 50. 

McHenry, Daniel William 75, 118, 
119, 123, 482, 497, 521, 587, 610. 

McHenry, Grace 75, 77, 505. 
• McHenry, James, birth 1, 2, early 
education 1, emigration to Amer- 
ica 1, at Newark Academy 2, 
writes verses 2 to 4, 60, 77, 83, 
portraits 2, studies medicine 4, 
enters Continental army 4, will 4, 
surgeon at Cambridge, Mass. 6, 
receives resolution of commenda- 
tion from Congress 8, surgeon 
Fifth Pa. Bat. (McGaw's) at Fort 
Washington 9, prisoner at New 
York 9, writes of hospital life 
there 10, paroled 14, exchanged 
15, summoned to Washington's 
camp 16, appointed military secre- 
tary 16, 17, prescribes for Hamil- 
ton 17, at Monmouth 19, defends 
Hamilton 20, marches with Wash- 
ington to Haverstraw 22, 23, re- 
ceives no pay i28, 4S, 132, plans 
European trip 28, on Lafayette's 
staff 29, at Hamilton's wedding 
29, 30, seeks definite military 
rank 31, discovers Arnold's trea- 
son 31, wishes to join Greene 31, 
is commissioned as Major 32, re- 
turns to Baltimore 32, 35, entry 
into political life suggested by 
Lafayette 34, induces Baltimore 
merchants to aid Continental 
army and gives money to it him- 
self 35, goes to Annapolis 36, in 
Virginia campaign 37 to 39, elect- 
ed to Maryland Senate 41, writes 



Index 



633 



Hamilton of prospects in life 43, 
illness 36, 43, 45, 48, 117, 13S, 144, 
his father dies 50, tries to enter 
the diplomatic service 51, 123, 131, 
elected to Congress 55, speech on 
Pennsylvania mutineers 57, ser- 
vices in Maryland Senate 56, 5S, 
-59, 62, 70, 89, 92, services in Con- 
gress 56, 57, 59, 62, 7S, 82, 83, S7, 89, 
92, member constitutional conven- 
tion of 17S7 96 to 107, absence 
through brother's illness 100, 
member in Maryland ratifying 
convention 10'S to 1,13, loveletters 
59, 61 to 71, marriage 62, 64, 71, 
73, 75 to 77, children 75, letters 
while at Annapolis 7S & ff., letters 
to wife from Philadelphia 98, 104, 
106, from Sweet Springs, Virginia 
117, 179, arranges for Washing- 
ton's resignation 67, member 1st 
Presbyterian Church 75, salary 
as Congressman 89, as delegate to 
Constitutional Convention 9S, cor- 
responds with Washington on fed 
eral regulation of commerce 90, 
opposes instruction of representa- 
tives 95, member House of Dele- 
gates 114, 123, 124, 145 to 153, 
invites Washington to visit him 
116, 117, 133, 135, retires from 
public life because of brother's 
death 126, 129, 130, 159, writes 
Jefferson on mercantile business 
in Paris 12S, chosen again to 
State Senate 130, corresponds with 
Washington and Hamilton on ap- 
pointments to office 130, 132 to 
136, 138 to 142, second service in 
.Senate 131 to 133, 139, 144, 154, 

162, pushes project to buy Lafay- 
ette a house 133, supports Adams 
in 1792, 137, atacks Mercer 136 to 

138, suggested for U. S. Senate 

139, 145, solicits subscriptions for 
French refugees 142, asks Wash- 
ington to be sent to secure Lafay- 
ette's release 144, suggested by 
Hamilton as Secretary of State 
161, appointed Secretary of War 

163, accepts 164, enters on office 
168, attends to Indian affairs 169 
to 179, naval affairs ISO to 182, 
military affairs in 1796 182 to 
184, 186, regrets Washington's re- 
tirement 193, continues in cabinet 
under Adams 208, writes Wash- 
ington of illness in 1796 182, com- 
mends Banneker 127, Pinckney's 
rejection 209, enjoys work 211, 
consults with Hamilton as how to 
advise Adams on Pinckney's re- 
jection 210 to 223, his opinion of 
the triple embassy 224 to 226, 
Murray buvs him military books 
229, 24,2, i243, 246, attends to na- 
val affairs in 1797 251 to 256, rec- 
ommends fortifications 2 56, re- 
ceives wine cooler from Washing- 
ton 2,57, leaves Philadelphia on 
account of yellow fever 2 57, is ill 
25S, 290, 311, 321, 324, 327, con- 



ducts Western and Indian affairs 
260, 26S to 274, buys books from 
Pinckney 274, directs forts at N. 
Y. i28S, 289, asks Hamilton to help 
as to policy 291, dissatisfaction 
with 302, naval affairs 302, con- 
sults Hamilton May, 179S, 302 
relinquishes navy May, 179S, 303* 
policy towards France 302, writes 
Washington of Gerry 307, hopes 
for Washington's repose 308, calls 
Washington to lead army 309, vis- 
its Mt. Vernon 311, 312, prece- 
dence of generals 312 ta 348, con- 
sults Hamilton 315, writes Wash- 
ington 316, 317, on appointments 
319, consults with Hamilton 344, 
360, procures colors for Miss Cys- 
tis 355 to 359, his management of 
war affairs in 1799 375 to 406, 409 
to 416, Adams asks information 
for message 418, Wolcott's opin- 
ion of 422, ill 469, 556, supposed 
to write Three Patriots 572, dis- 
missed by Adams 453 to 45S, 465, 
46 7, 469, takes part in Maryland 
politics in 1811 -572, in presiden- 
tial campaign of 1800 459 to 497, 
complained of by Hamilton and 
Washington 319, 320, 322 to 324, 
corresponds with Washington 336, 
339, 340, cleared of intrigue 33S, 
339, takes house at Georgetown 
453, 513, 515, country place 397, 
defends administration of depart- 
ment 467, i511 to 519, 556, 604, 
compiles Baltimore Directory in 
1807 535, writes book which was 
lost 558, president Baltimore Bible 
Society 607, owns Kanawha lands 
608, is paralyzed 5S7, 607, 610, 
611, 614, spends time in Allegany 
County 586 to 607, dies 615, arti- 
cles on British trade in 1784 619, 
letters from, printed elsewhere 
622, autograph letters sold 62 4. 

McHenry, James, Jr. 76. 

Mc Henry, Jas. Howard 76. 55S. 

McHenry, John (brother of James) 
settles in Baltimore as merchant 
1, his mercantile career 2, James 
McHenry names him in will 4, 5, 
James McHenry in Jan. 1776 dis- 
suades him from enlistment or re- 
turn to Europe 6, writes James 
McHenry 24, partner with him 50, 
goes to his wedding 64, 71, illness 
97, 100, 117, 120, 121, 123, dies 
12 5, mentioned 132. 

McHenry, John, Jr. on uncle's ac- 
ceptance of secretaryship 163, men- 
tioned 229, 284, 285, goes to Hol- 
land 341 to 343, 371, 453. 495, 496, 
on uncle's character 29, 125, 497. 

McHenry, John (son of Jas.) 76, 
482, 520, '521, goes to Europe 541, 
farming &c. -554, 610, 61.1, 614, 613. 

McHenry, John (son of Jas. How- 
ard) 76. 

McHenry, Juliana 76 



634 



Index 



McHenrv, Margaret C. 1, 53, 163, 164, 
166, 183, 185, 227, 229, 241, 258, 
2S4, 299, 301, 343, 357, 359, 438, 
460, 461, 4S2, 484, 489, 505, 508, 

511, 517 to 519, 521, 523, '525, 528, 
529, 574, 587, 604, 609, birth 2, 
love of James McHenry 27, 59, 
61 to 71, marriage 72 to 75, child- 
ren 75, 76, letters from husband 
78, 98, 104, 106, 117, 146 to 153, 
writes of family afflictions, &c. 
610. 611, 614, 615. 

McHenry, Margaretta, 76, 482, 553, 

556. 
McHenry, Ramsay, 75, opinion of 

James McHenry 29. 
McHenry. Wilson Cary 76. 
Mack, Gen. 373. 
Mackay, Mr. 104. 
McKean, Thomas 420, 435. 
McKim, Isaac 191. 
Mackinac. Mich. 265, 443. 
McLaughlin, Mr. S9. 
McLure, Jas. 20. 
Macon's bill. 554, 556. 
McMechen, David, 10>8, 114, 202. 
McPherson, Gen. 389, 435, 436. 
Madagascar 275. 
Madison, Bishop Jas. 149. 
tf Madison. James 51, 104, 108, 112, 

161, 212, 213, 273, 335, 502, 511, 

512. 540. 342, 544. president Of the 
(J. & 565, 556, 559 to 562, 573 to 
579, his second election 580 to 587, 
591 to 593, 595, second administra- 
tion 001, 606, 609. 613. 

Magruder, Mr. 334. 

Malcolm, Mr. 259. 

Malbone, death of 552. 

Mallet, Dr., British surgeon gener- 
al at N. Y. 11 to 13. 

Malmesbury, Lord, 238, 280. 

Mfllta. 94, 331. 

Malvern Hill, Va., 38. 

Marbois, M. 161. 2 75. 

Marcou, Mrs. 301. 

Markworth. Wm. 257. 

Marshall. John 224, 274, 299, 300, 
454, 460, 48S, 490, 511, 512, '571, 
581, 582. 

Marshall. Gen. 388. 

Martin. Luther. 97, 100 to 102, 104, 
106 to 108, 113, 134, 160, 333. 

Martin, Mr. 529. 

Maryland General Assembly 41, 44, 
95. 

Maryland Delegates to Constitu- 
tional Convention 94, 100, 108. 

Maryland House of Delegates 114, 
123, 124. 

Maryland Patriotism in 1781 39, 42. 

Maryland finances 41, 42, 89. 

Maryland will not pay McHenry 
for Revolutionary services 49. 

Marvland Senate 41, 44, 55, 56, 5S, 
62. 70. S9, 92, 130 to 133, 139, 144, 
153, 162, 197, 202. 

Maryland accounts with U. S. 521. 

Maryland Provincial history of 52 5. 

Maryland Stock in Bank of Eng- 
land 89, 298. 



Maryland appropriates money for 
D. C. 305. 

Maryland, Washington on 324. ""*" 

Maryland in army 377, 387, 396, 399 

Maryland Politics 17S9 115. 

Maryland Politics 1796 197 to 204. 

Maryland Politics 1798 305, 333. 

Maryland Politics in 1800 458, 461 
to 464, 466, 469, 470, 472, 479 K 
482, 489, 492, 493. 

Maryland Politics in Jefferson's ad- 
ministration 519. 

Marvland Politics in 1809 554. 

Maryland Politics in 1811 572. 

Maryland Politics in 1812 581, 5S4,. 
585 587. 

Maryland Politics in 1813 '600. 

Maryland trade with Great Britain,. 
619. 

Mason, Dr. 558. 

Mason, George 106. 

Massachusetts 398, 399, 409, 435, 
456, 472, 476, 477, 483, 518, 537„ 
551, 556, 567, 575 to 57'S, 585, 600. 

Massena, Marshal 494. 

Massie, Major 122, 123. 

Matthews, Mr. 198, 199. 

Man berg, M. 430. 

Mazzei, 490, 54S. 

Meade, Mr. 397. 

Mentzcs, Dr. exchanged for Mc- 
Henrv 15. 

Mercer, John T. 97, 100 to 104, 107, 
108; 113. McHenry's opinion of 
134, candidate for Congress 136, 
137. 

Meredith, Mr. 5S6. 

Miami River 173. 

Middle States 377. 

Middlebrook, N. T. 25. 

Milan, Italy 494. 

Milan Decree 574. 

Miles, Col. 9, 12, 14. 

Miles River 136. 

Military academv 363, 392, 397, 
422. 423, 425, 427, 457. 

Militia of Marvland 144. 

Millerstown 118. 

Milnor, Mr. 576. 

Miranda 533. 

Mississippi River and Territory 89, 
263, 269, /295, 418, 43S to 441, 443„ 
449, 451, 516. 536, 551. 

Mitchell, W. 272. 

Monmouth, Battle of 19. 

Monmouth, Md. 7'5. 

Monroe. Jas., • recall from France 
188, 1S9, 193, 210, 298, 301, 389, 
named 517, 533, 538, 546, 574, 602. 

Montflorenee, M. 238, 371. 

Montgaillard, Comte 279. 

Montgomery County, Pa. 432. 

Monticello. Va. 317. 

Moore, Alfred 450. 

Moreau, Gen. 536. 

Morgan, Dr. 8. 

Morgan, Genl. 39, 318, 388. 

Morris, 121, 122, 16'9. 

■Morris, Gouverneur 105, 488, 532. 

Morris, Col. 37, 40. 

Morris, Robert 48, 87. 



Index 



635 



Mt. Vernon 174, ISO, 182, 185 to 
187, 209, 210, 224, 289, 290, 309, 
311, 314, 316, 317, 325, 338, 346, 
349, 356, 359, 364, 389, 396, 410, 
459, 461. 

Moylan, Col. 39. 

Mulin, M. 276. 

Murdock, Mr. 204. 

Murray, Wm. Vans, recommends to 
office 140, 141, writes on British 
prize 142, on politics in 1794 155, 
158, 174, on the Randolph dis- 
patches 159, 160, on visits to for- 
eign ministers 161, congratulates 
McHenry on appointment 164, 166, 
167, named 176, opinion as to 
Wayne 183, writes on French cri- 
sis IS 9, will retire from Congress 
195, 196, 199, writes of home af- 
fairs 195, writes on election of 
1798, 197, 198, 200, 201, on Pinek- 
ney's rejection 208, minister to 
Holland 226, letters on European 
affairs 227 to .250, 274 to 288, 299 
to 301, 317, 331, 341 to 345, 558, 
commissioner to France 370, 407, 
416, 419, 429, 4'60, 465, 557, 56S, 
606, writes McHenry from Paris 
493, writes on return 511, dies 
52S, 529. 

Murray, Mrs. Wm. Vans 157, 195, 
227, 229, 2S4, 299, 342, 343, 495, 
511. 

Muscle Shoals 271, 272. 

Mutineers, Pennsylvania 56, 57. 

Nantes, France 24 5. 

Nashville, Tenn. 171. 

Natchez, Miss. 261, 264, ,269, 274, 

440, 443, 446, 533. 
Natchitoches, La. 550. 
Naturalization 157. 
Navy, 180 to 182, 251 to 256, 302, f 

303, 372, 427, 512, 589. • 
Neapolitan Territory 373, 375. 
Nevill, 334. 
Newark, Del. 2, 3. 
Newark, N. J. 104. 
Newburgh, N. T. 46, 51 to 53. 
New Brunswick, N. J. 39S, 399, 

410. 432. 
Newburyport, Mass. 236, 372. 
New England 90, 377, 456, 460 to 

462, 466, 492, 546. 
New Hampshire 111, 386, 469, 472. 

483, 546, 556, 573, 5S5. 
New Haven, Conn. 86. 

New Jersev 261, 398. 435, 464, 466, 
471, 472, 483. 522, 585, 609. 

New London, Conn. 599. 

New Madrid, Mo. 260, 264, 271. 

New Orleans. La. i260, 263, 270, 

295, 315, 316, 439, 444, 516, 517, 
528, 536, 550, 594, 595. 

Newport, R. I. 415, 463. 

New "Windsor, N. Y. 35. 

New York 38, 47, 49, 69, 90, 108, 

109, 111, 137, 236, 256, 263, 288, 

289, 302, 320, 326, 328, 347, 360, 

363, 374, 386. 387, 397 to 399, 402, 

407, 410, 426, 428, 432, 457, 480, 

484, 4S9, 504, 305, 518, 521, 529, 



531, 556, 573, 576, 581, 584, .587, 

600, 607, British hospitals at 9, 10, 

election in 1800 452, 454, 456, 458, 

459, 461, 463, 466. 
New York State politics in 1804 

530. 
New York State politics in 1812 

585. 
Newell, Col. 533. 
Niagara 186, 444, 602. 
Nicholas, John 388. 
Nicholas, Wilson Cary 567, 606. 
Nicholson 200, 513, 554. 
Nicholson, Wm. 334. 
Noel, French Minister to Holland 

245, 248, 249, 281. 
Non Intercourse bill 563, 566. 
Non Importation bill 574, 577. 
Nootka Sound 542. 
Norfolk, Va. 39, 208, 256. 
North, Gen. 345. 
Northampton Co., Pa. 432, 437. 
Northampton, Mass. 546. 
North Carolina 111, .256, 268, 387, 

454, 456, 459, 464, 472, 553, 582, 

584, 585. 
North Point, Md. 610. 
North River 23. 

Ogden, Col. 397, 466. 

O'Hara, Mr. 533. 

Ohio Co. 109. 

Ohio "River 262, 264, 441. 

Ohio, State of 585, 601. 

Oliver, Dr. (refugee from Boston) 

11, 13. 
Oliver, Robert 211, 49S, 499, 544, 

580, 583. 
Olmutz, 331, 507. 
Oneida Indians 176. 
Orange, Prince of 249. 
Orange town 29. 
Orleans, Duke of 237. 
Orleans Territory 560, 562. 
Osborne, Dr. 433. 
Ostend, 23 5. 
Oswego, N. Y. 186. 
Otis, H. O. 435, 463, 568. 
Ottawa Indians 443. 
Otto, M. 507. 
Oxford, Md. 142. 

Paca, William 55, 61, 65, 66, 108, 
110, 113, 124, 134, 142. 

Palmer, Mr. 612. 

Papal States 229, 297, 373. 

Paquiet, Rev. M. 613. 

Paramus, N. J. 21, 22, 486. 

Paris, France 49. 52, 12S, 193, 208, 
211, 235, 236, 238, 247, 248, 274, 
275, 277, 27'9, 285, 290, 297, 299, 
300, 344, 371, 373, 375, 494, 495, 
507, 510, 523, 541, 542, 546, 551, 
592 

Parish, Mr. 188. 

Parker, John 290, 291. 

Passaic Falls described 21. 

Pastoret, M. 275. 

Patterson, Mr. 437, 491. 

Patterson, Wm. 36. 

Patton, M. C. from Del. 195. 

Patton, Col. 476. 



636 



Index 



Paulus Hook 2 7. 

Pechin, Mr. 333, 334. 

Pendleton, Mr. 531. 

Pennsylvania 90, 112, 383, 41S, 420, 
435 to 437, 463, 477, 576, 584, 585, 614. 

Pennsylvania Mutineers 56, 57. 

Perdido River 560. 

Perry, Wm., suggested for office 
121, 132, 136, 139 to 141, 158. 

Perry, Mrs. 120. 

Perry, Commodore O. H. 609. 

Perth Amboy, N. J. 432. 

Philadelphia 4, 5, 24, 25, 42, 48, 50, 
52, 53, 56, 58, 61, 65, 71, 72, 75, 
78, 82, 83, 96, 98 to 100, 108, 109, 
118, 12S, 131, 133, 140, 143, 164 to 
168, 175, 183, 185 to 187, 191, 193, 
199, 200, 230, 241, 243, 246, 254, 
256 to 259, 2S7, 290, 299, 303, 313, 
317, 319 to 321, 323, 324, 328, 341, 
347, 349 to 351, 353, 357, 364, 365, 
372, 378, 380, 381, 383, 389 to 391, 
394, 395, 401, 402, 417, 426, 439, 

458, 460, 463, 464, 482, 494, 504, 
513, 515, 557, 571, 573, 586, ex- 
travagance at 20. 

Pichegru, M. 275, 279. 

Pichon, M. 371, 430, 558. 

Pickering, Octavius 615. 
y Pickering, Timothy, a member of 
Washington's cabinet 158, Sec. of 
State 163, 165 to 167, 169 to 171, 175 
176, 180, 181, 188, 190, 192, 197, 
201, 205, member of Adams's cab- 
inet 208, 209, 224, 227, 529, 230, 
239 to 241, 250, 255, 257, 260, 266, 
269, 270, 272 to 274, 282, 283, 285, 
288, 289, 311 to 316, 320, 322, 325, 
338, 341, 345, 346, 348, 352, 370, 
374, 375, 394, 397, 400, 406, 413, 
417 to 421, 424, dismissed by 
Adams 456, in presidential cam- 
paign of 1800 452, 453, 456, 458, 

459, 461, 478, 479, 481, 488, in 
Congress 504, 505, 5,9'5, censured 
by Senate 563, sends portrait to 
McHenry 533, defends adminis- 
tration of department 511, 512, 604 
to 607, corresponds with McHenry 
on federal politics 533 to 541, 546, 
to 561, 566 to 571, 600, friendship 
in McHenry' 9 last days 614, 615, 
views on future life 602, on Mc- 
Henry's health 607. 

Pickering, Mrs. Timothy 505. 

Pierce, Mr. 97. 

Piedmont, Italy 373, 494. 

Pike, Mr. 264, ,272. 

Pinckney, C. C. declines Sec. of 
War 163, sent to France 1S9, re- 
fused acceptance 193, 205, 208 to 
213, 216, 217, 223, on new embas- 
sy 22'5, 230, 231, 234, 235, 238, 
241, 242, 274, 299. 300, 307, 371, 
precedence as General 311 to 313, 
321, 326, 327, 341, 605, 606, ser- 
vice as General 332, 336, named 
345, 348 to 352, 363, 377, 387, 389, 
415, 420, 421, 424, 428, 444, 517, 
candidate for vice president 452, 
453, 455, 456, 458 to 465, 466, 468 
to 471, 476 to 478, 492, 582. 



Pinckney, Mrs. C. C. 459 to 461. 

Pinckney, T., Vice Presidential can- 
didate 1796 202, 204, 206, make3 
treaty with Spain 2 60. 

Pinckney, Col. 560. 

Pinkney, Ninian 153. 

Pinkney, Wm. 132, 153, 162, 178, 
179, 296, 423, 543, 545, 554, 555. 

Piracy on the Chesapeake 535. 

Pitcairn 208. 

Pitkin, Mr. (Congressman) 595. 

Pittsburg, Pa. 129, 211, 259, 269, 
437, 440, 442, 533, 607. 

Plater 204. 

Plater, Mrs. 67. 

Plunkett, Mary 525, 526. 

Polanan, V. 241, 249. 

Poland, 597. 

Polk, Ezekiel 267. 

Polk, Wm. 266. 

Portalis, M. 275. 

Portsmouth, N. H, Navy yard 180. 

Portsmouth, Va. 39. 

Portugal 228, 237, 247, 285, 288, 
294, 29S. 

Post Office 185, 380, 517, 596. 
/Potomac River 207, 290, 352, 353, 

399 512. 
/ Potowmack Co. 162. 

Pottawatomie Indians 443. 

Potts, Richard 108, 133, 139, 145, 
resigns from U. S. Senate 202. 

Powell, Samuel 108. 

Presidential election of 1796 195 to 
204, 454. 

Presidential election of 1800 452 to 
496. 

Presidential election of 1812 580 to 
587. 

Price, Dr. 603. 

Prince, Mr. 2 74. 

Princeton College 520. 

Princeton, N. J. 56, 57, 59, 60, 82. 

Principio, Md. 1 SI. 

Prize vessels 142. 

Providence, R. I. 397. 

Provost, Mrs. 22, 23. 

Prussia 238, 331, 598, 602. 

Public Printer 431. 

"Publius" 41. 

Purslie, Mr. 270. 

Purviance, John, suggested for of- 
fice 138. 

Purviance, Robert, on Committee 
to raise funds for Lafayette 36. 

Quaker missionaries to Indians 

176. 
Quebec 173. 
Queen Anne's County, Md. 136, 197, 

19i9 336 
Quin'cv, Mass. 341. 350, 407, 435, 

558, 566, 571, 604. 
Quincy, Josiah 562, 576, 596. 

Radcliffe, Mr. 5S4. 
Ramsay, Nathaniel 55, 75, 76. 
Ramsay, Sophia Hall 75, 610. 
Ramsey, Capt. 393. 394. 
Randolph, Edmund 100, 155, 158 
to 161, 166. 



Index 



637 



Randolph, John, of Roanoke 514, 
533, 551, 565, 592, 59>5. 

Rawllins, Col. 14. 

Reading, Pa. 436, 437. 

Red Spring, Va. 150. 

Reed & Ford 210. 

Reed, Major 50. 

Reeder, Mr. 43 5. 

Regnier, M. 540. 

Rensselaer, Mr. 213. 

Repnin, Prince 343, 344. 

Representatives, Instruction of 95. 

Revolutionary Army want of sup- 
plies 20, 21, 35, 50. 

Revolutionary War, Events of 27, 
34 to 40, 4,2, 508. 

Rhine River 2 80, 494. 

Rhode Island 56, 89, 235, 399, 431, 
463, 471, 479, 483, 532, (5«8-5. 

Richardson, Mr., appointed to office 
140 to 142. 

Richmond, Va. 314, 457, 547, 571. 

Ridley, Matthew 36. 

Ridgely, Mr. 137, 138. 

Ridgely, Ohas., of Hampton 572. 

Rivardi, 265, 444. 

Rivet, Rev. Mr., Indian mission- 
ary 171, 172, 271. 

Robertson, Mr. 161. 

Robinson, Mr. 60S, 614. 

Rochefontaine, Col. 184. 

Rocky Mount 401. 

Rocky Hill, N. J. 57. 

Rodgers, Mrs. 179. 

Rome, Ancient 236, 279. 

Rose, British minister to U. ,S. 542, 
544. 

Ross, James 138, 211, 259, 269, 420, 
437, 463, 513, 533, 534, 607. 

Ross, 185, 243. 

Rotterdam, Holland 236, 249, ,274, 
281, 283, 286, 343. 

Ruessess Creek, Tenn. 271. 

Rumford, Count 392. 

Rush, Dr. Benjamin, preceptor of 
James McHenry 4, transmits vote 
of Congress 8, is written by Mc- 
Henry whale a prisoner 9, writes 
McHenry 16, 27, 464, 465. 

Ruspoli, Prince Bailli 505. 

Russell, J. 1588, 590, 596, 59,9. 

Russia 243, 331, 343, 344, 408, 561, 
597 to 599, 601, 602, 613. 

Rutledge, John 160. 

Rutledge family 225. 

Rutledge, Major John, Jr. 238, 242, 
345, 348, 463, 488. 

St. Augustine, Fla. 594. 

St. Clair, Gen. Arthur 362, 443, 483. 

,St. Genevieve 279. 

St. Hilaire 2 72, 556, 557. 

St. John's College 155. 

St. Louis, Mo. 271. 

St. Mary's River 445. 

St. Mary's College, Baltimore 520, 

613. 
St. Petersburg, Russia 344, 601. 
St. Thomas 372. 
Salem, Mass. 505. 
Salmon, Geo., suggested for office 

138. 



Salomons, M. 23'5. 

Sands, Mr. 208. 

Sandy Hook, N. J. 289. 

Santhonax, Commissary 191, 192. 

Santo Domingo, refugees from 142, 
143, trade with 191, named 406, 
420. 

Sardinia 229. 

Sargent, Gov. 440, 451. 

Savannah, Ga. 256. 

Schuyler, Angelina. See Carter 44. 

Schuyler, Gen. Philip 29, on Mc- 
Henry's application for a commis- 
sion 31, ill 213, named 484. 

,Schuyler, Peggy 44. 

Schuylkill River ,512. 

Scotch Plains 458. 

Scott, Mr. 206. 

Scott, Gustavus 124. 

Scott, Dr. J. G. 553. 

Scribner, Charles 558. 

Seaman Rutgers & Ogden 236. 

Sectionalism 522. 

Sedgwick, Theodore 199, 200, 301, 
324, 326, 368, 3,93, 454, 455, 458, 
463, 48S. 

Senator Ross, Galley 440 to 442. 

Seneca Indians 129. 

Seney, Mr. 335. 

Serrurier, M. 568. 

Sevier, John 261, 262, 267, 313, 
316, 448. 

Sewall, Samuel 397. 

Sheldon's horse 316. 

Shepherd, Gen. 318. 

Shepherdstown, W. Va. 424, 459. 

Shield, Mrs. 118. 

Shippen, Dr. 27. 

Short, Mr., U. S. representative at 
Paris, 1791 128. 

Short, Wm. 561. 

Sleyes, Abbe 430. 

Simmons 383, 513, 545. 

Sitgreaves, J. 234, 235, 336, 584, 
586. 

Skipwith, ,Mr. 120. 

Small, Mr. 290. 

Smilie, John 590. 

Smith, President's printer 549. 

Smith '& Buchanan 554. 

Smith, Mr. 67, 84. 

Smith, Dr. 274. 

Smith, John '59, -548. 

Smith, Robert 124, 133 to 135, 137, 
206, 498, 499, 554 to 556. 

Smith, Gen. Samuel, writes McHen- 
ry, 177S 20, position in 1792 137, 
elected to Congress 138, writes 
Hamilton as to offices 138, as to 
prizes 142, supports Washington 
as to Genet 143, denies expedi- 
tion against Bahamas is planned 
143, in Congress 167, 198, men- 
tioned 192, 193, opposed Jay 
Treaty 194, on Pinckney's rejec- 
tion 211, supports French 235, 370, 
named 301, 306, 336, 406, 407, 483, 
498, 564, 567, 606, in Congress in 
1807, 534, '539, 554. 

Smith, Wm. L., 130, 202, 282, 288, 
372, 456, 458, 505, 552, 564. 



638 



Index 



Smith, Wm. S. 53, 89, 313, 314, 316, 
321, 328, 346, 350, 354, 3'55, 363, 
400, 430, 443, 450. 

Smyth, Alexander 589. 

Snake Run, Va. 150. 

Somerset County, Md. 197. 

South America 395. 

South Carolina 111, 205, 256, 363, 

452, 456, 459, 464, 469, 472, 483, 
492, 583. 

Southern States 90, 91. 

Spaight, Col. 94. 

Spain 109, 235, 237, 243, 247, 250, 

260, 291, ,294, 298, 301, 315, 396, 

533, 545, 549, 55<9. 
Spain, western intrigues 262, 265 

to 267, 269 to 271, 291, 43S to 440, 

445. 
Sprigg, Richard 198, 205. 
/ Springfield, Mass. 401. 
Stark, Gen. 556. 
Staunton, Va. 118, 119, 121, 147. 

152. 
Steel, Mr. 447. 

Sterrett, Samuel 108, 123, 572. 
Stevens, Col. 327, 390, 391, 432. 
Stewart, Charles Morton, Jr. 76. 
Stewart. Priscilla 76. 
Stiles, Capt. 287. 
Stirling, Lord, invites McHenry to 

Christmas dinner 26. 
Stockbridge Indians 176. 
Stockton, Mr. 464. 
Stodder, David 2 53, 256. 
V Stoddert, Benjamin 303, 304, 338, 

346, 370, 395, 401, 402, 417, 419, 

453, 458, 460, 465, T&, 492, 566 
to 568, ! 570, letters in retirement 
511, 542 to 545, 557, 580, 583. 

Stoddert, Mrs. 4S2. 

Stone, Gov. John H. 139, 162, 202. 

Stone, Thomas 59, 83, 108. 

Strieker, Capt. 143. 

Stringer, Dr. 8. 

Strong, Col. 443. 

Strong, Caleb, Gov. of Mass. 578. 

Stuart. Mrs. 3 IS. 

Stull, Col. 130. 

Suffran, Adml. de 95. 

Sullivan, Mr. 57, 546, 54S. 

Susquehanna Ferry 179, 363. 

Susquehanna River 504. 

Suwarrow, Marshal 566. 

Swan, Mr. 192, 193, 306. 

Swan, Major 56. 

Swanwick, John 199, 200. 

Sweden, 2,28. 331, 59S, 599. 

Sweet Springs, Va. Ill, 118, 120, 

121, 145, 159, 497, 553. 
Switzerland 2 97. 
Swope, Col. 9. 
Symmes, Mr. 110. 

Talbot Co., Md. 136, 198, 199, 334. 

Talbot, Mrs. 526. 

Talleyrand 299, 307, 371, 407, 40S, 

416, 429, 558, 563. 
Talmadge, Benjamin 19, 316, 504, 

545. 546, 560, 56,2 to 566, 570, 573 

to 679, 588 to 590, 595 to 607, 611, 

612. 
Talmadge, Mrs. Benjamin 574. 



Taxes 509, 574, 575, 599, 600, 601. 

Taylor, John 411, 412. 

Tees River 343. 

Tennessee 174, 177, 261, 262, 266 
to 269, 271, 272, 314, 363, 377, 
387, 438, 444 to 449, 472, 516, 573. 

Texel, The 226, 229, 23S, 241, 243, 
,284, 2S5. 

Thomas, Mr. 586, 587. 

Thompson, Mrs. 26. 

Thompson 621. 

Thomson, Chas., Sec. of Congress, 
sends extract from its minutes 8, 
writes 1788 10S, escorts Washing- 
ton to inauguration 117. 

Thornton, British consul 143. 

"Three Patriots" 572, 607. 

Tilghman family 142. 

Tilghman, Edward 336. 

Tilghman, Richard 336. 

Tilghman, Tench, writes McHenry 
2 5. is with Washington but ill 35, 
mentioned 133, 134, 136, 140. 
♦-'Tousard, Major 367, 391, 479, 4S0. 
! Toussaint l'Ouverture 420. 

Tracy, Gen. (French) 510. 

Tracy, George 517. 

Tracy, Uriah 301, 328, 350, 377, 392, 
416, 436, 483, 484, 488, 4S9, 492, 
493, 504, 508, 509, 513 to 517, 521, 
522, death 523, 529, monument 545. 

Trenton, N. J. 82, 260, 269, 270, 
3,23, 347 to 349, 37S, 399, 411, 417 
to 419, 461, 471, 556, 566, 571. 

Trevor, Mr., British minister to 
Holland 228. 

Tripoli 470. 

Truxton, Thomas 251 to 256. 

Turin. Italv 373. 

Turkey, 408. 

Turnbull, Gov. Jonathan, Jr. 350. 

Turnbull, Secy. 46. 

Tuscany 373, 37'5. 

Upper Marlborough, Md. 137. 
Uxbridge, Mass. 399. 

Vacher, Mme. SS. 

Valence 430. 

Valley Forge, Pa. 15, 16. 

Vance, Capt. 382, 383. 

Van Staphorst 239. 

Venice. Italy 229, 232, 233, 242, 276. 

Vergennes, Count de 87. 

Vermont 472, 492, 493, 5S4, 585. 

V rplank's Point 49. 

Versailles, France 51, 87, 542. 

Vienna. Austria 331, 343, 344. 

Vincennes 261. 

Virginia 86, 110 to 112, 317, 323. 

332, 363, 377, 387, 388, 396, 399, 

508, 517, 581, 582, 583. 
Virginia Resolutions 436. 
Virginia Campaign of 1781 37 to 39. 
Vose, Col. 51. 
Voublanc 275, 331. 

W abash River 171, 2 73. 
fWadsworth, Capt. Decius 184. 
Wadsworth, Col. 3 50. 
Wagner, Jacob 546, 550, 557, 566, 
567, 571. 



Index 



G39 



Wallace, Mr. 266. 

Walton, Mr. 448. 

War Department, administration of 
163 to 431, 480. 

War Department, burning of 476, 
481. 

War Department, McHenry's ad- 
ministration of, defended 511 to 
519, 

Warm Springs, Va. 119. 

War of 1812 589, 590, 599 to 601, 
609 to 613. 

Washington, The 88. 

Washington, Bushrod 369, 507, 508, 
511. 

Washington, George 4, 97, 157, 
gives McHenry leave of absence 
8, McHenry writes him of British 
hospitals 10, of parole 15, sum- 
mons McHenry as military secre- 
tary 16, at Monmouth 19, march 
to Haverstraw described 21, life 
in his military family described 
23, arrangements of winter quar- 
ters 26, his plans of campaign 27, 
places McHenry on Lafayette's 
staff 2 9, at West Point, Arnold's 
treason 31, Hamilton writes Mc- 

. Henry of breach with him 35, 
hears from Lafayette of McHen- 
ry's activity 35, letter from Mc- 
Henry about Virginia campaign 
37, writes McHenry 41 to 43, 46 
to -51, at Princeton 56, resigns 
oommission at Annapolis 59, 67 to 
■69, miniature of S6, Lafayette rec- 
ommends statue of 89, corresponds 
with McHenry on national regula- 
tion of commerce 90, 91, on ani- 
mals sent by Lafayette 92, in 
Constitutional Convention 100, 
105, 108, watches Md. ratifying 
convention 110, writes of import- 
ance of electing Federalists to 
Congress 113, invited to visit Bal- 
timore 116, 117, 133, McHenry cor- 
responds with him on appoint- 
ments 123, 124, 133 to 136, denies 
he wishes Mercer's election 13 8, 
consents to reelection 139, 162, de- 
clines to send McHenry to secure 
Lafayette's release 145, thanked 
by Maryland legislature 162, ap- 
V points McHenry Sec. of War and 
consults him as to Chase in Su- 
preme Court 163, 168, cabinet 165, 
166, 167, discusses Indians 169, 
175, 177, Western forts 173, 174, 
consulted as to frigate 180, 181, 
affairs at Mt. Vernon 182, 210, en- 
tertains McHenry 184, mail to Mt. 
Vernon 185, visitors there 185, 
186, false rumor of inquiry 186, 
frames message 187, 188, recalls 
Monroe 188, declines 3d term 193, 
197, address to Congress 206, 207, 
esteem felt for him 210, asks for 
news 210, McHenry writes him 
of relation with Prance 223, 224, 
gives McHenry wine coalers 2 57, 
writes on Blount 261, named 2 84, 
287, 288, writes McHenry 288, 



writes as to Parker's book 290, 
on France 301, writes McHenry 
against Democrats 307, named 
308, called as head provisional 
army 309, his conditions of ac- 
ceptance 310, visited by McHenry 
311, 312, precedence of generals 
311 to 314, 321 to 322, 325 to 341, 
345, 347, 34S, 454, 606, asks Car- 
rington to be gen'l 314, named 
315, 317, 334, 335, 342, writes on 
army 316, 318 to 321, 323, 336, 
351, 353, 354, 367, 368, censures 
McHenry 322 to 324, 378 to 380, 
Lafayette's message to him 332, ill 
337, opinion of Democrats 340, 
McHenry summons to Trenton 
347 to 351, named by Miss Custis 
356, writes of her mariage 359, 
uniform 368, communication with 
McHenry on military affairs 385 
to 389, 395, 396, 411, 415, 420, 430, 
440, on European affairs 40S, 419, 
420, receives game from McHenry 
395, recommends Taylor 412, ap- 
pointments to office by 502, named 
467, 468, 475, 547, 569, 572, 588, 
615, dies 421, 429, 453, biography 
of 509, 511, his character 522, 595. 

Washington, Martha 116, 126, 1S2, 
31S, 461. 

"Washington, Gen. 460. 

Washington, Wm. 363. 

Washington City 133, 162, 206, 207, 
272, 305, 346, 460, 476, 483, 492, 
493, 504, '508, 515 to 517, 521, 534, 
536, 540, 545, 549, 551. 555, 
559, 561 to 563, 568 to 571, 573, 
574, 576 to 578, 5SS to 592, 595, 
597, 598, 600 to 604, 607, 611. 

Watkins, Mrs. 22. 

Wayne, Anthony, at Monmouth 19, 
in Virginia campaign 38, 39, sug- 
gested as Sec. of War 165, in 
Western service 171, 173, enters 
Detroit 174, charges laid against 
him 183, named 264, 609. 

Wellesley, Lord 5 55. 

Wenham, Mass. 5 58. 

Westcot, Miss. 372. 

Westcote, John 548, 549. 

Westcote, Major 551. 

West Indies 42, 43, 49, 232, 277, 
2S3, 315, 619. 

"West Point. N. T. 31, 432. 

Western Intrigues 262 to 274, 438 
to 451. 

"Western Lands 110. 

Western Posts transferred from 
Great Britain 86, 170, 171, 173, 
.174, >515. 

Western Posts transferred from 
Spain 260, 261, 269, 270, 274, 440, 
515. 

Wheeling, W. Va. 609. 

Whiskey insurrection 155, 320. 

White Sulphur Springs, W. Va. 160. 

Wilkins, Mr. 533. 

Wilkinson, Gen. James 174. charges 
Wavne 183, in Western army 2 59, 
269, 352, 363, 377, 396, 405, 417, 
43S to 441, 443, 450, 545, 550, 601. 



640 



Index 



Williams & Co. 137. 

Williams, Gen. 601. 

Williams, Otho H. 29, 39, asked to 
accept federal office 129, charac- 
terized 130, ill 138. 

Williams, Major 14. 

Williamson, Hugh, congratulates 
McHenry on apooin'-ment as Sec. 
of War II" 4 lo5 u-«s office 17*, 
writes on French Crisis 190, elec- 
tion of 1796 200, on election of 
1800 481, on Mctlmrv's health 611. 

Willing, Capt. 402. 

Willing Morris & Swanwick 89. 

Wilmer, Jonathan R. 461. 

Wilmington, Del. 54, 142. 

Wilson 413. 

Wilson, James 107. 
v Winchester, Va. 118, 147, .162. 

Winchester, James 194, 201, 305, 
334, 336. 

Witmold 328. 

Winder, Mr. 306. 

Winder, Gen. 600. 
* Wolcott, Oliver, in Washington's 
cabinet 166, 167, 177, 180, 185, 
188, 196, 197, 199, in Adams's 



cabinet 208, 224, 241, 257, 258, 
268, 301, 307, 314, 320, 32.1, 325, 
338, 339, 341, 345, 346, 348, 349, 
351, 352, 370, 381, 386, 394, 397, 
406, 419, 420, 421, 445, in presi- 
dential campaign of 1800 452, 
453, 455, 461 to 463, 4-65, to 
470, 477, 479, 481 to 483, 490, 496, 
letters from '518, 519, 521, 529 to 
532 556 570. 

Wolcott. Mrs. Oliver '519. 

Wood County 608. 

Woodward, Mr. 373. 

Worcester County Md. 197. 

Wright, Gov. 198, 199, 562, 577, 588. 

Wright, Edward 199. 

Wright, John 521. 

Wright, Thomas 55. 

Yellow fever in Philadelphia 257, 
2S7, 321, 323, 324, 336, 357, 378, 
417. 

Yazoo Bill 612. 

Yonge, Mr. 2 41. 

York Springs, Pa. 554, 614. 

Yorktown, Va. 38, 39. 

Youghiogheny Glades 497. 



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